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{{short description|Chinese pro-democracy movement and subsequent massacre}}

{{redirect|8964}}
{{redirect|4 June 1989|the event in Polish politics occuring on the same day|1989 Polish legislative election}}
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{{Redirect-distinguish-text|Tiananmen Square protests|[[1976 Tiananmen Incident|the 1976 Tiananmen Incident]] or [[May Fourth Movement|the Tiananmen protest of 4 May 1919]]. For other uses, see [[Tiananmen Square protests (disambiguation)]]}}
{{use British English|date=November 2021}}
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{{Infobox civil conflict
{{Infobox civil conflict
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}}onstrators and bystanders in the process. The military operations were under the overall command of General [[Yang Baibing]], half-brother of President Yang Shangkun.<ref>[https://www.nytimes.com/2013/01/18/world/asia/gen-yang-baibing-dies-at-93-led-tiananmen-crackdown.html Gen. Yang Baibing Dies at 93; Led Tiananmen Crackdown], ''[[The New York Times]]'', 17 January 2013</ref>
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{{Chinese democracy movement}}

The '''Tiananmen Square protests''', known in Chinese as the '''June Fourth Incident'''<ref name="Quartz Sonnad 20190603">{{cite news |last1=Sonnad |first1=Nikhil |title=261 ways to refer to the Tiananmen Square massacre in China |url=https://qz.com/698990/261-ways-to-refer-to-the-tiananmen-square-massacre-in-china/ |date=3 June 2019 |website=[[Quartz (publication)|Quartz]] |access-date=21 June 2022}}</ref><ref name="China Erase History – LA Times JUNE 24, 2021">{{cite web |last1=Su |first1=Alice |title=He tried to commemorate erased history. China detained him, then erased that too |url=https://www.latimes.com/world-nation/story/2021-06-24/china-world-history-erasure-youth-censorship |website=[[Los Angeles Times]] |date=24 June 2021 |access-date=10 May 2022}}</ref> ({{zh|s=六四事件|p=liùsì shìjiàn}}), were student-led [[Demonstration (people)|demonstrations]] held in [[Tiananmen Square]], [[Beijing]] during 1989. In what is known as the '''Tiananmen Square Massacre''', or in Chinese the '''June Fourth Clearing''' ({{zh|s=六四清场|p=Liùsì qīngchǎng}}) or '''June Fourth Massacre''' ({{zh|s=六四屠杀|p=liùsì túshā}}), [[People's Liberation Army at the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests|troops]] armed with [[assault rifle]]s and accompanied by [[tank]]s fired at the demonstrators and those trying to block the military's advance into Tiananmen Square. The protests started on 15 April and were forcibly suppressed on 4 June when the government declared [[martial law]] and sent the [[People's Liberation Army]] to occupy parts of central Beijing. Estimates of the death toll vary from several hundred to several thousand, with thousands more wounded.{{sfn|How Many Died|1990}}{{sfn|''Sino-American relations''|1991|p=445}}{{sfn|Brook|1998|p=154}}{{sfn|Kristof: Reassessing Casualties}}{{sfn|Richelson|Evans|1999}}{{sfn|Calls for Justice|2004}} The popular national movement inspired by the Beijing protests is sometimes called the''' '89 Democracy Movement''' ({{zh|s=八九民运|p=Bājiǔ mínyùn}}) or the '''Tiananmen Square Incident''' ({{zh|s=天安门事件|p=Tiān'ānmén shìjiàn}}).

The protests were precipitated by the death of pro-reform [[Chinese Communist Party]] (CCP) [[General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party|general secretary]] [[Hu Yaobang]] in April 1989 amid the backdrop of rapid economic development and social change in [[History of the People's Republic of China (1976–89)|post-Mao China]], reflecting anxieties among the people and political elite about the country's future. The [[Chinese economic reform|reforms of the 1980s]] had led to a nascent [[market economy]] that benefited some people but seriously disadvantaged others, and the one-party political system also faced a challenge to its legitimacy. Common grievances at the time included inflation, corruption, limited preparedness of graduates for the new economy,{{sfn|Brook|1998|p=216}} and restrictions on political participation. Although they were highly disorganized and their goals varied, the students called for greater accountability, constitutional due process, democracy, [[freedom of the press]], and [[freedom of speech]].{{sfn|Lim|2014a|pp=34–35}}{{sfn|Nathan|2001}} At the height of the protests, about one million people assembled in the Square.{{sfn|D. Zhao|2001|p=171}}

As the protests developed, the authorities responded with both conciliatory and hardline tactics, exposing deep divisions within the party leadership.{{sfn|Saich|1990|p=172}} By May, a student-led [[hunger strike]] galvanized support around the country for the demonstrators, and the protests spread to some 400 cities.{{sfn|Thomas|2006}} Among the CCP's top leadership, Premier [[Li Peng]] and Party Elders [[Li Xiannian]] and [[Wang Zhen (general)|Wang Zhen]] called for decisive action through violent suppression of the protesters, and ultimately managed to win over [[Paramount Leader]] [[Deng Xiaoping]] and President [[Yang Shangkun]] to their side.<ref>The Tiananmen Papers, edited by Andrew J. Nathan and Perry Link, compiled by Zhang Liang, pp. 468-477, Abacus, 2002</ref>{{sfn|Miles|2009}}{{sfn|Declassified British cable}} On 20 May, the [[State Council of the People's Republic of China|State Council]] declared [[martial law]]. It mobilized as many as ~300,000 troops to Beijing.{{sfn|Thomas|2006}} The troops advanced into central parts of Beijing on the city's major thoroughfares in the early morning hours of 4 June, killing both demonstrators and bystanders in the process. The military operations were under the overall command of General [[Yang Baibing]], half-brother of President Yang Shangkun.<ref>[https://www.nytimes.com/2013/01/18/world/asia/gen-yang-baibing-dies-at-93-led-tiananmen-crackdown.html Gen. Yang Baibing Dies at 93; Led Tiananmen Crackdown], ''[[The New York Times]]'', 17 January 2013</ref>


The international community, human rights organizations, and political analysts condemned the Chinese government for the massacre. Western countries imposed arms embargoes on China.{{sfn|Dube|2014}} The Chinese government made widespread arrests of protesters and their supporters, suppressed [[1989 Chinese protests by region|other protests around China]], expelled foreign journalists, strictly controlled coverage of the events in the domestic press, strengthened the police and internal security forces, and demoted or purged officials it deemed sympathetic to the protests.{{sfn|Miles|1997|p=28}} More broadly, the suppression ended the [[History of the People's Republic of China#Political reforms|political reforms begun in 1986]] and halted the policies of liberalization of the 1980s, which were only partly resumed after [[Deng Xiaoping's Southern Tour]] in 1992.<ref name=":3">{{Cite web|title=Deng Xiaoping's Southern Tour|url=http://chinaconnectu.com/wp-content/pdf/DengXiaopingsSouthernTour.pdf|date=2009|website=Berkshire Publishing Group LLC|url-status=live|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170517044420/http://chinaconnectu.com/wp-content/pdf/DengXiaopingsSouthernTour.pdf|archive-date=17 May 2017}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|title=After 20 Years of 'Peaceful Evolution,' China Faces Another Historic Moment|url=https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2012/01/after-20-years-of-peaceful-evolution-china-faces-another-historic-moment/251764/|last1=Ma|first1=Damien|date=23 January 2012|website=The Atlantic|language=en-US|access-date=1 May 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190816112722/https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2012/01/after-20-years-of-peaceful-evolution-china-faces-another-historic-moment/251764/|archive-date=16 August 2019|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|title=The inside story of the propaganda fightback for Deng's reforms|url=https://www.scmp.com/news/china/politics/article/2173020/inside-story-propaganda-fightback-deng-xiaopings-market-reforms|date=14 November 2018|website=South China Morning Post|language=en|access-date=1 May 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200226140740/https://www.scmp.com/news/china/politics/article/2173020/inside-story-propaganda-fightback-deng-xiaopings-market-reforms|archive-date=26 February 2020|url-status=live}}</ref> Considered a watershed event, reaction to the protests set limits on political expression in China that have lasted up to the present day.<ref>{{cite news |title=Prosperity, repression mark China 30 years after Tiananmen |url=https://www.apnews.com/f298a41082ec4928804f4891171cfb02 |access-date=3 June 2019 |website=AP News |date=3 June 2019 |url-status=live |first1=Christopher |last1=Bodeen |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190603082955/https://www.apnews.com/f298a41082ec4928804f4891171cfb02 |archive-date=3 June 2019 }}</ref> Remembering the protests is widely associated with questioning the legitimacy of the CCP and remains one of the most sensitive and most widely [[Censorship in China|censored topics in China]].{{sfn|Nathan|2009}}{{sfn|Goodman|1994|p=112}}
The international community, human rights organizations, and political analysts condemned the Chinese government for the massacre. Western countries imposed arms embargoes on China.{{sfn|Dube|2014}} The Chinese government made widespread arrests of protesters and their supporters, suppressed [[1989 Chinese protests by region|other protests around China]], expelled foreign journalists, strictly controlled coverage of the events in the domestic press, strengthened the police and internal security forces, and demoted or purged officials it deemed sympathetic to the protests.{{sfn|Miles|1997|p=28}} More broadly, the suppression ended the [[History of the People's Republic of China#Political reforms|political reforms begun in 1986]] and halted the policies of liberalization of the 1980s, which were only partly resumed after [[Deng Xiaoping's Southern Tour]] in 1992.<ref name=":3">{{Cite web|title=Deng Xiaoping's Southern Tour|url=http://chinaconnectu.com/wp-content/pdf/DengXiaopingsSouthernTour.pdf|date=2009|website=Berkshire Publishing Group LLC|url-status=live|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170517044420/http://chinaconnectu.com/wp-content/pdf/DengXiaopingsSouthernTour.pdf|archive-date=17 May 2017}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|title=After 20 Years of 'Peaceful Evolution,' China Faces Another Historic Moment|url=https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2012/01/after-20-years-of-peaceful-evolution-china-faces-another-historic-moment/251764/|last1=Ma|first1=Damien|date=23 January 2012|website=The Atlantic|language=en-US|access-date=1 May 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190816112722/https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2012/01/after-20-years-of-peaceful-evolution-china-faces-another-historic-moment/251764/|archive-date=16 August 2019|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|title=The inside story of the propaganda fightback for Deng's reforms|url=https://www.scmp.com/news/china/politics/article/2173020/inside-story-propaganda-fightback-deng-xiaopings-market-reforms|date=14 November 2018|website=South China Morning Post|language=en|access-date=1 May 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200226140740/https://www.scmp.com/news/china/politics/article/2173020/inside-story-propaganda-fightback-deng-xiaopings-market-reforms|archive-date=26 February 2020|url-status=live}}</ref> Considered a watershed event, reaction to the protests set limits on political expression in China that have lasted up to the present day.<ref>{{cite news |title=Prosperity, repression mark China 30 years after Tiananmen |url=https://www.apnews.com/f298a41082ec4928804f4891171cfb02 |access-date=3 June 2019 |website=AP News |date=3 June 2019 |url-status=live |first1=Christopher |last1=Bodeen |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190603082955/https://www.apnews.com/f298a41082ec4928804f4891171cfb02 |archive-date=3 June 2019 }}</ref> Remembering the protests is widely associated with questioning the legitimacy of the CCP and remains one of the most sensitive and most widely [[Censorship in China|censored topics in China]].{{sfn|Nathan|2009}}{{sfn|Goodman|1994|p=112}}
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Outside mainland China, and among circles critical of the crackdown within mainland China, the crackdown is commonly referred to in Chinese as "June Fourth Massacre" ({{zh|labels=no|t=六四屠殺 |p=liù-sì túshā}}) and "June Fourth Crackdown" ({{zh|labels=no|t=六四鎮壓 |p=liù-sì zhènyā}}). To bypass [[internet censorship in China]], which uniformly considers all the above-mentioned names too "sensitive" for search engines and public forums, alternative names have sprung up to describe the events on the Internet, such as May&nbsp;35th, VIIV ([[Roman numerals]] for 6 and 4), Eight Squared (i.e. 8<sup>2</sup>=64){{sfn|China tightens information}} and 8964 (i.e. yymd).<ref name="HKFP8964">[https://www.hongkongfp.com/2016/06/13/bus-displayed-8964-commemoration-tiananmen-massacre-sees-driver-suspended-3-months/ "Bus driver in '8964' massacre memento suspended for 3 months"] {{dead link|date=July 2021|bot=medic}}{{cbignore|bot=medic}}. [[Chantal Yuen]]/[[Hong Kong Free Press]]. 13 June 2016. Retrieved 13 June 2016.</ref>
Outside mainland China, and among circles critical of the crackdown within mainland China, the crackdown is commonly referred to in Chinese as "June Fourth Massacre" ({{zh|labels=no|t=六四屠殺 |p=liù-sì túshā}}) and "June Fourth Crackdown" ({{zh|labels=no|t=六四鎮壓 |p=liù-sì zhènyā}}). To bypass [[internet censorship in China]], which uniformly considers all the above-mentioned names too "sensitive" for search engines and public forums, alternative names have sprung up to describe the events on the Internet, such as May&nbsp;35th, VIIV ([[Roman numerals]] for 6 and 4), Eight Squared (i.e. 8<sup>2</sup>=64){{sfn|China tightens information}} and 8964 (i.e. yymd).<ref name="HKFP8964">[https://www.hongkongfp.com/2016/06/13/bus-displayed-8964-commemoration-tiananmen-massacre-sees-driver-suspended-3-months/ "Bus driver in '8964' massacre memento suspended for 3 months"] {{dead link|date=July 2021|bot=medic}}{{cbignore|bot=medic}}. [[Chantal Yuen]]/[[Hong Kong Free Press]]. 13 June 2016. Retrieved 13 June 2016.</ref>


In English, the terms "Tiananmen Square Massacre", "Tiananmen Square Protests", and "Tiananmen Square Crackdown" are often used to describe the series of events. However, much of the violence in Beijing did not actually happen in Tiananmen, but outside the square along a stretch of [[Chang'an Avenue]] only a few miles long, and especially near the [[Muxidi]] area.{{sfn|Baum|1996|p=283}} The term also gives a misleading impression that demonstrations only happened in Beijing, when in fact, they occurred in many cities throughout China.{{sfn|Miles|2009}}
In English, the terms "Tiananmen Square Massacre", "Tiananmen Square Protests", and "Tiananmen Square Crackdown" are often used to describe the series of events. However, much of the violence in Beijing did not actually happen in Tiananmen, but outside the square along a stretch of [[Chang'an Avenue]] only a few miles long, and especially near the [[Muxidi]] area.{{sfn|Baum|1996|p=283}} The term also gives a misleae country's focus on ideological purity was replaced by a concerted attempt to achieve material prosperity.

==Background==

=== ''Boluan Fanzheng'' and economic reforms ===
{{Main|Boluan Fanzheng|Chinese economic reform}}
{{History of the People's Republic of China}}
{{More citations needed section|date=October 2021}}

The [[Cultural Revolution]] ended with chairman [[Mao Zedong]]'s death in 1976 and the arrest of the [[Gang of Four]].<ref name=":1">{{Cite web |last1=Shen |first1=Baoxiang |date= |title=《亲历拨乱反正》:拨乱反正的日日夜夜 |url=http://www.hybsl.cn/huinianyaobang/huainianwenzhang/2017-10-24/66449.html |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210103093636/http://www.hybsl.cn/huinianyaobang/huainianwenzhang/2017-10-24/66449.html |archive-date=3 January 2021 |access-date=29 April 2020 |website=www.hybsl.cn |language=zh}}</ref><ref name=":02">{{Cite news |title=Huíshǒu 1978 – Lìshǐ zài zhèlǐ zhuǎnzhé |script-title=zh:回首1978 – 历史在这里转折 |language=zh |work=Rénmín Rìbào |publisher=Central Committee of the Communist Party of China |url=http://cpc.people.com.cn/GB/64162/82819/122016/index.html |url-status=dead |access-date=29 April 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080511170617/http://cpc.people.com.cn/GB/64162/82819/122016/index.html |archive-date=11 May 2008 |trans-work=[[People's Daily]] |script-work=zh:人民日报}}</ref> That movement, spearheaded by Mao, caused severe damage to the country's initially diverse economic and social fabric.<ref>{{cite web |last=Tom Phillips |date=11 May 2016 |title=The Cultural Revolution |url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/may/11/the-cultural-revolution-50-years-on-all-you-need-to-know-about-chinas-political-convulsion |access-date=5 November 2021 |work=[[The Guardian]]}}</ref> The country was mired in poverty as economic production slowed or came to a halt.{{sfn|Naughton|2007}} Political ideology was paramount in the lives of ordinary people as well as the inner workings of the party itself.<ref name="umd2">{{cite web |last1=Worden |first1=Robert |year=1987 |title=A Country Study: China |url=http://www-chaos.umd.edu/history/prc2.html |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120716180625/http://www-chaos.umd.edu/history/prc2.html |archive-date=16 July 2012 |publisher=Library of Congress}}</ref>

In September 1977, [[Deng Xiaoping]] proposed the idea of ''[[Boluan Fanzheng]]'' ("bringing order out of chaos") to correct the mistakes of the Cultural Revolution.<ref name=":02" /> At the [[Third Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee|Third Plenum of the 11th Central Committee]], in December 1978, Deng emerged as China's [[Paramount leader|''de facto'' leader]]. He launched a comprehensive [[Chinese economic reform|program to reform the Chinese economy]] ([[Reforms and Opening Up|Reforms and Opening-up]]). Within several years, the country's focus on ideological purity was replaced by a concerted attempt to achieve material prosperity.


To oversee his reform agenda, Deng promoted his allies to top government and party posts. [[Zhao Ziyang]] was named [[Premier of the People's Republic of China|Premier]], the head of government, in September 1980, and [[Hu Yaobang]] became [[General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party|CCP General Secretary]] in 1982.
To oversee his reform agenda, Deng promoted his allies to top government and party posts. [[Zhao Ziyang]] was named [[Premier of the People's Republic of China|Premier]], the head of government, in September 1980, and [[Hu Yaobang]] became [[General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party|CCP General Secretary]] in 1982.
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Inspired by the events in Beijing, protests and strikes began at universities in other cities, with many students traveling to Beijing to join the demonstration. Generally, the Tiananmen Square demonstration was well ordered, with daily marches of students from various Beijing-area colleges displaying their support of the classroom boycott and the protesters' demands. The students sang ''[[The Internationale]]'', the world socialist anthem, on their way to, and while at, the square.<ref>''[[Amnesty International]]'', 30 August 1989. ''Preliminary Findings on Killings of Unarmed Civilians, Arbitrary Arrests and Summary Executions Since 3 June 1989'', p. 19.</ref>
Inspired by the events in Beijing, protests and strikes began at universities in other cities, with many students traveling to Beijing to join the demonstration. Generally, the Tiananmen Square demonstration was well ordered, with daily marches of students from various Beijing-area colleges displaying their support of the classroom boycott and the protesters' demands. The students sang ''[[The Internationale]]'', the world socialist anthem, on their way to, and while at, the square.<ref>''[[Amnesty International]]'', 30 August 1989. ''Preliminary Findings on Killings of Unarmed Civilians, Arbitrary Arrests and Summary Executions Since 3 June 1989'', p. 19.</ref>


Afraid that the movement would spin out of control, Deng Xiaoping ordered the Square to be cleared for Gorbachev's visit. Executing Deng's request, Zhao again used a soft approach and directed his subordinates to coordinate negotiations with students immediately.{{sfn|E. Cheng|2009|pp=612–14}} Zhao believed he could appeal to the students' patriotism. The students understood that signs of internal turmoil during the Sino-Soviet summit would embarrass the nation and not just the government. On the morning of 13 May, [[Yan Mingfu]], head of the Communist Party's [[United Front (China)|United Front]], called an emergency meeting, gathering prominent student leaders and intellectuals, including [[Liu Xiaobo]], [[Chen Ziming]], and [[Wang Juntao]].{{sfn|D. Zhao|2001|p=164}} Yan said that the government was prepared to hold an immediate dialogue with student representatives. The Tiananmen welcoming ceremony for Gorbachev would be canceled whether or not the students withdrew—in effect removing the bargaining power the students thought they possessed. The announcement sent the student leadership into disarray.{{sfn|D. Zhao|2001|p=165}}
Afraid that the movement would spin out of control, Deng Xiaoping ordered the Square to be cleared for Gorbachev's visit. Executing Deng's request, Zhao again used a soft approach and directed his subordinates to coordinate negotiations with students immediately.{{sfn|E. Cheng|2009|pp=612–14}} Zhao believed he could appeal to the students' patriotism. The students understood that signs of internal turmoil during the Sino-Soviet summit would embarrass the nation and not just the government. On the morning of 13 May, [[Yan Mingfu]], head of the Communist Party's [[United Front (China)|United Front]], called an emergency meeting, gathering prominent student leaders and intellectuals, including [[Liu Xiaobo]], [[Chen Ziming]], and [[Wang Juntao]].{{sfn|D. Zhao|2001|p=164}} Yan said that the government was prepared to hold an immediate dialogue with student representatives. The Tiananmen welcoming ceremony for Gorbachev would be canceled whether or not the students withdrew—in effect removing the bargaining power thThe hunger strike galvanized support for the students and aroused sympathy across the country. Around a million Beijing residents from all walks of life demonstrated in solidarity from 17 to 18 May. These included PLA personnel, police officers, and lower party officials.{{sfn|D. Zhao|2001|p=171}} Many grassroots Party and [[Communist Youth League|Youth League]] organizations, as well as government-sponsored labor unions, encouraged their membership to demonstrate.{{sfn|D. Zhao|2001|p=171}} In addition, several of China's non-Communist parties sent a letter to Li Peng to support the students. The [[Red Cross Society of China|Chinese Red Cross]] issued a special notice and sent in many personnel to provide medical services to the hunger strikers on the Square. After the departure of [[Mikhail Gorbachev]], many foreign journalists remained in the Chinese capital to cover the protests, shining an international spotlight on the movement. Western governments urged Beijing to exercise restraint.{{citation needed|date=August 2021}}

===Mikhail Gorbachev's visit===
{{main|1989 Sino-Soviet Summit}}

Press restrictions were loosened significantly from early to mid-May. State media began broadcasting footage sympathetic to protesters and the movement, including the hunger strikers. On 14 May, intellectuals led by [[Dai Qing]] gained permission from [[Hu Qili]] to bypass government censorship and air the progressive views of the nation's intellectuals in the ''[[Guangming Daily (China)|Guangming Daily]]''. The intellectuals then issued an urgent appeal for the students to leave the Square in an attempt to deescalate the conflict.{{sfn|D. Zhao|2001|p=167}} However, many students believed that the intellectuals were speaking for the government and refused to move. That evening, formal negotiations took place between government representatives led by Yan Mingfu and student representatives led by [[Shen Tong]] and Xiang Xiaoji. Yan affirmed the student movement's patriotic nature and pleaded for the students to withdraw from the Square.{{sfn|D. Zhao|2001|p=165}} While Yan's apparent sincerity for compromise satisfied some students, the meeting grew increasingly chaotic as competing student factions relayed uncoordinated and incoherent demands to the leadership. Shortly after student leaders learned that the event had not been broadcast nationally, as initially promised by the government, the meeting fell apart.{{sfn|D. Zhao|2001|p=169}} Yan then personally went to the Square to appeal to the students, even offering himself to be held hostage.{{sfn|The Gate of Heavenly|1995}} Yan also took the student's pleas to Li Peng the next day, asking Li to consider formally retracting the 26 April Editorial and rebranding the movement as "patriotic and democratic"; Li refused.{{sfn|Li|2010|loc=15 May entry}}

The students remained in the Square during the Gorbachev visit; his welcoming ceremony was held at the airport. The Sino-Soviet summit, the first of its kind in [[Sino-Soviet split|some 30 years]], marked the normalization of Sino-Soviet relations and was seen as a breakthrough of tremendous historical significance for China's leaders. However, its smooth proceedings were derailed by the student movement; this created a major embarrassment ("loss of [[Face (sociological concept)|face]]"){{sfn|Roberts|2011|p=300}} for the leadership on the global stage, and drove many moderates in government onto a more hardline path.{{sfn|D. Zhao|2001|p=170}} The summit between Deng and Gorbachev took place at the [[Great Hall of the People]] amid the backdrop of commotion and protest in the Square.{{sfn|E. Cheng |2009|pp=612–14}} When Gorbachev met with Zhao on 16 May, Zhao told him, and by extension the international press, that Deng was still the "paramount authority" in China. Deng felt that this remark was Zhao's attempt to shift blame for mishandling the movement to him. Zhao's defense against this accusation was that privately informing world leaders that Deng was the true center of power was standard operating procedure; Li Peng had made nearly identical private statements to US president [[George H. W. Bush]] in February 1989.{{sfn|Sarotte|2012|p=165}} Nevertheless, the statement marked a decisive split between the country's two most senior leaders.{{sfn|E. Cheng|2009|pp=612–14}}

===Gathering momentum===
The hunger strike galvanized support for the students and aroused sympathy across the country. Around a million Beijing residents from all walks of life demonstrated in solidarity from 17 to 18 May. These included PLA personnel, police officers, and lower party officials.{{sfn|D. Zhao|2001|p=171}} Many grassroots Party and [[Communist Youth League|Youth League]] organizations, as well as government-sponsored labor unions, encouraged their membership to demonstrate.{{sfn|D. Zhao|2001|p=171}} In addition, several of China's non-Communist parties sent a letter to Li Peng to support the students. The [[Red Cross Society of China|Chinese Red Cross]] issued a special notice and sent in many personnel to provide medical services to the hunger strikers on the Square. After the departure of [[Mikhail Gorbachev]], many foreign journalists remained in the Chinese capital to cover the protests, shining an international spotlight on the movement. Western governments urged Beijing to exercise restraint.{{citation needed|date=August 2021}}


The movement, on the wane at the end of April, now regained momentum. By 17 May, as students from across the country poured into the capital to join the movement, protests of various sizes occurred in some 400 Chinese cities.{{sfn|Thomas|2006}} Students demonstrated at provincial party headquarters in Fujian, Hubei, and Xinjiang. Without a clearly articulated official position from the Beijing leadership, local authorities did not know how to respond. Because the demonstrations now included a wide array of social groups, each having its own set of grievances, it became increasingly unclear with whom the government should negotiate and what the demands were. The government, still split on how to deal with the movement, saw its authority and legitimacy gradually erode as the hunger strikers took the limelight and gained widespread sympathy.{{sfn|D. Zhao|2001|p=171}} These combined circumstances put immense pressure on the authorities to act, and martial law was discussed as an appropriate response.{{sfn|D. Zhao|2001|p=181}}
The movement, on the wane at the end of April, now regained momentum. By 17 May, as students from across the country poured into the capital to join the movement, protests of various sizes occurred in some 400 Chinese cities.{{sfn|Thomas|2006}} Students demonstrated at provincial party headquarters in Fujian, Hubei, and Xinjiang. Without a clearly articulated official position from the Beijing leadership, local authorities did not know how to respond. Because the demonstrations now included a wide array of social groups, each having its own set of grievances, it became increasingly unclear with whom the government should negotiate and what the demands were. The government, still split on how to deal with the movement, saw its authority and legitimacy gradually erode as the hunger strikers took the limelight and gained widespread sympathy.{{sfn|D. Zhao|2001|p=171}} These combined circumstances put immense pressure on the authorities to act, and martial law was discussed as an appropriate response.{{sfn|D. Zhao|2001|p=181}}
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A stopped convoy of 37 APCs on Changan Boulevard at Muxidi was forced to abandon their vehicles after becoming stuck among an assortment of burned-out buses and military vehicles.{{sfn|Brook|1998|pp=178–79}} In addition to occasional incidents of soldiers opening fire on civilians in Beijing, Western news outlets reported clashes between units of the PLA.{{sfn|Kristof: Units Clash}} Late in the afternoon, 26 tanks, three armored personnel carriers, and supporting infantry took up defensive positions facing east at [[Jianguomen (Beijing)|Jianguomen]] and [[Fuxingmen]] overpasses.{{sfn|Brook|1998|p=189}} Shellfire was heard throughout the night, and the next morning a United States Marine in the eastern part of the city reported spotting a damaged armored vehicle that an armor-piercing shell had disabled.{{sfn|Brook|1998|p=190}} The ongoing turmoil in the capital disrupted everyday life flow. No editions of the ''People's Daily'' were available in Beijing on 5 June, despite assurances that they had been printed.{{sfn|Kristof: Units Clash}} Many shops, offices, and factories were not able to open, as workers remained in their homes, and public transit services were limited to the subway and suburban bus routes.{{sfn|Wong|1989}}
A stopped convoy of 37 APCs on Changan Boulevard at Muxidi was forced to abandon their vehicles after becoming stuck among an assortment of burned-out buses and military vehicles.{{sfn|Brook|1998|pp=178–79}} In addition to occasional incidents of soldiers opening fire on civilians in Beijing, Western news outlets reported clashes between units of the PLA.{{sfn|Kristof: Units Clash}} Late in the afternoon, 26 tanks, three armored personnel carriers, and supporting infantry took up defensive positions facing east at [[Jianguomen (Beijing)|Jianguomen]] and [[Fuxingmen]] overpasses.{{sfn|Brook|1998|p=189}} Shellfire was heard throughout the night, and the next morning a United States Marine in the eastern part of the city reported spotting a damaged armored vehicle that an armor-piercing shell had disabled.{{sfn|Brook|1998|p=190}} The ongoing turmoil in the capital disrupted everyday life flow. No editions of the ''People's Daily'' were available in Beijing on 5 June, despite assurances that they had been printed.{{sfn|Kristof: Units Clash}} Many shops, offices, and factories were not able to open, as workers remained in their homes, and public transit services were limited to the subway and suburban bus routes.{{sfn|Wong|1989}}


By and large, the go. In Xi'an, students stopped workers from entering factories.{{sfn|L. Zhang|2001|pp=399, 404}} In Wuhan, students blocked the [[Wuhan Yangtze River Bridge|Yangtze River Railway bridge]] and another 4,000 gathered at the railway station.{{sfn|L. Zhang|2001|p=400}} About one thousand students staged a railroad "sit-in", and rail traffic on the Beijing-Guangzhou and Wuhan-Dalian lines was interrupted. The students also urged employees of major state-owned enterprises to go on strike.{{sfn|L. Zhang|2001|p=405}} In Wuhan, the situation was so tense that residents reportedly began a [[bank run]] and resorted to panic-buying.{{sfn|L. Zhang|2001|p=408}}
By and large, the government regained control in the week following the Square's military seizure. A political purge followed in which officials responsible for organizing or condoning the protests were removed, and protest leaders were jailed.{{sfn|Tsui|Pang}}

===Protests outside Beijing===
After the order was restored in Beijing on 4 June, protests of various sizes continued in some 80 other Chinese cities outside the international press's spotlight.{{sfn|Ageing rebels, bitter victims|2014}} In the British colony of Hong Kong, people again took to wearing black in solidarity with the demonstrators in Beijing. There were also protests in other countries, where many adopted the wearing of black armbands as well.<ref>{{Cite news|last=McFadden|first=Robert D.|date=5 June 1989|title=The West Condemns the Crackdown|language=en-US|work=The New York Times|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1989/06/05/world/the-west-condemns-the-crackdown.html|access-date=25 May 2021|issn=0362-4331}}</ref>

In Shanghai, students marched on the streets on 5 June and erected roadblocks on major thoroughfares. Railway traffic was blocked.{{sfn|L. Zhang|2001|p=389}} Other public transport was suspended and people prevented from getting to work.{{citation needed|date=March 2019}} Factory workers went on a general strike and took to the streets. On 6 June, the municipal government tried to clear the rail blockade, but it was met with fierce resistance from the crowds. Several people were killed from being run over by a train.{{sfn|L. Zhang|2001|p=403}} On 7 June, students from major Shanghai universities stormed various campus facilities to erect [[bier]]s in commemoration of the dead in Beijing.{{sfn|L. Zhang|2001|p=407}} The situation was gradually brought under control without deadly force. The municipal government gained recognition from the top leadership in Beijing for averting a major upheaval.

In the interior cities of Xi'an, Wuhan, Nanjing, and Chengdu, many students continued protests after 4 June, often erecting roadblocks. In Xi'an, students stopped workers from entering factories.{{sfn|L. Zhang|2001|pp=399, 404}} In Wuhan, students blocked the [[Wuhan Yangtze River Bridge|Yangtze River Railway bridge]] and another 4,000 gathered at the railway station.{{sfn|L. Zhang|2001|p=400}} About one thousand students staged a railroad "sit-in", and rail traffic on the Beijing-Guangzhou and Wuhan-Dalian lines was interrupted. The students also urged employees of major state-owned enterprises to go on strike.{{sfn|L. Zhang|2001|p=405}} In Wuhan, the situation was so tense that residents reportedly began a [[bank run]] and resorted to panic-buying.{{sfn|L. Zhang|2001|p=408}}


Similar scenes unfolded in Nanjing. On 7 June, hundreds of students staged a blockade at the [[Nanjing Yangtze River Bridge]] and the Zhongyangmen Railway Bridge. They were persuaded to evacuate without incident later that day, although they returned the next day to occupy the main railway station and the bridges.{{sfn|L. Zhang|2001|p=409}}
Similar scenes unfolded in Nanjing. On 7 June, hundreds of students staged a blockade at the [[Nanjing Yangtze River Bridge]] and the Zhongyangmen Railway Bridge. They were persuaded to evacuate without incident later that day, although they returned the next day to occupy the main railway station and the bridges.{{sfn|L. Zhang|2001|p=409}}
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The European Union and United States embargo on armament sales to China, put in place due to the violent suppression of the Tiananmen Square protests, remains in place today. China has been calling for a lift of the ban for years and has had a varying amount of support from European Union members. Since 2004, China has portrayed the ban as "outdated" and damaging to China–European Union relations. In early 2004, French President [[Jacques Chirac]] spearheaded a movement within the European Union to lift the ban, his efforts being supported by German Chancellor [[Gerhard Schröder]]. However, the passing of the [[Anti-Secession Law of the People's Republic of China]], in March 2005, increased tensions between mainland China and Taiwan, damaging attempts to lift the ban; and several European Union Council members retracted their support for a lift of the ban. Moreover, Schröder's successor [[Angela Merkel]] opposed lifting the ban. Members of the United States Congress had also proposed restrictions on the transfer of military technology to the European Union if the latter lifted the ban. The United Kingdom also opposed the embargo lifting when it took charge of the European Union presidency in July 2005.
The European Union and United States embargo on armament sales to China, put in place due to the violent suppression of the Tiananmen Square protests, remains in place today. China has been calling for a lift of the ban for years and has had a varying amount of support from European Union members. Since 2004, China has portrayed the ban as "outdated" and damaging to China–European Union relations. In early 2004, French President [[Jacques Chirac]] spearheaded a movement within the European Union to lift the ban, his efforts being supported by German Chancellor [[Gerhard Schröder]]. However, the passing of the [[Anti-Secession Law of the People's Republic of China]], in March 2005, increased tensions between mainland China and Taiwan, damaging attempts to lift the ban; and several European Union Council members retracted their support for a lift of the ban. Moreover, Schröder's successor [[Angela Merkel]] opposed lifting the ban. Members of the United States Congress had also proposed restrictions on the transfer of military technology to the European Union if the latter lifted the ban. The United Kingdom also opposed the embargo lifting when it took charge of the European Union presidency in July 2005.


The [[European Parliament]] has consistently opposed the lifting of the arms embargo to China. Though its agreement is not necessary for lifting the ban, many argue it reflects the will of the European people better as it is the only directly elected European body. The arms embargo has limited China's options in seeking military hardware. Among the sources that were sought included the former [[Soviet bloc]] that it had a strained relationship with as a result of the [[Sino-Soviet split]]. Other willing suppliers have previously included Israel and South Africa, but American pressure has restricted this co-operation.{{sfn|Japan Concerned}}
The [[European Parliament]] has consistently opposed the lifting of the arms embargo to China. Though its agreement is not necessary for lifting the ban, many

==Contemporary issues==

===Censorship in China===
{{further|Censorship in China}}
{{see also|Internet censorship in China#1989 Tiananmen Square protests|l1=Internet censorship of the protest|Overseas censorship of Chinese issues}}

The Chinese government continues to forbid discussions about the Tiananmen Square protests{{sfn|Saiget|2009}}<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://citizenlab.ca/2016/11/wechat-china-censorship-one-app-two-systems|title=One App, Two Systems|date=December 2016|at=figure 9|access-date=30 September 2019|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20191010221114/https://citizenlab.ca/2016/11/wechat-china-censorship-one-app-two-systems/|archive-date=10 October 2019|url-status=live}}</ref> and has taken measures to block or censor related information, in an attempt to suppress the public's memory of the Tiananmen Square protests.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Su |first=Alice |date=24 June 2021 |title=He tried to commemorate erased history. China detained him, then erased that too |url=https://www.latimes.com/world-nation/story/2021-06-24/china-world-history-erasure-youth-censorship |access-date=13 May 2022 |website=[[Los Angeles Times]] |language=en-US}}</ref> Textbooks contain little, if any, information about the protests.{{sfn|Olesen|2009}} After the protests, officials banned controversial films and books and shut down many newspapers. Within a year, 12% of all newspapers, 8% of all publishing companies, 13% of all social science periodicals, and more than 150 films were either banned or shut down. The government also announced that it had seized 32&nbsp;million contraband books and 2.4&nbsp;million video and audio cassettes.{{sfn|Pei|1994|p=152}} Access to media and Internet resources about the subject are either restricted or blocked by censors.{{sfn|Zetter|2009}} Banned literature and films include ''[[Summer Palace (2006 film)|Summer Palace]]'',{{sfn|Higgins|2006}} ''[[Forbidden City (novel)|Forbidden City]]'', ''[[Collection of June Fourth Poems]]'',<!--{{sfn|Ban on Poems}}-->{{citation needed|date=August 2021}} ''[[The Critical Moment]]: Li Peng diaries'' and any writings of Zhao Ziyang or his aide [[Bao Tong]], including [[Prisoner of the State: The Secret Journal of Premier Zhao Ziyang|Zhao's memoirs]]. However, contraband and Internet copies of these publications can still be found.<!--{{sfn|Trying Times}}-->{{citation needed|date=August 2021}}

Print media that contain references to the protests must be consistent with the government's version of events.<ref name=":0"/> Domestic and foreign journalists are detained, harassed, or threatened, as are their Chinese colleagues and any Chinese citizens who they interview.{{sfn|Greenslade|2014}} Thus, Chinese citizens are typically reluctant to speak about the protests because of potentially negative repercussions. Many young people who were born after 1980 are unfamiliar with the events and are therefore apathetic about politics. Youth in China are sometimes unaware of the events, the symbols which are associated with them such as the [[tank man]],{{sfn|Fisher|2014}}{{sfn|Apathy}} or the significance of the date of the massacre 4 June itself.{{sfn|Young clerk let|2007}} Some older intellectuals no longer aspire to implement political change. Instead, they focus on economic issues.{{sfn|Gifford|2007|pp=167–68}} Some political prisoners have refused to talk to their children about their involvement in the protests out of fear of putting them at risk.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Lee |first1=Lily |last2=Westcott |first2=Ben |title=They faced down the tanks in Tiananmen Square. Now they want their children to forget it |url=https://edition.cnn.com/2019/06/02/asia/tiananmen-anniversary-forgotten-generation-intl/index.html |access-date=3 June 2019 |publisher=CNN |date=3 June 2019 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190603024646/https://edition.cnn.com/2019/06/02/asia/tiananmen-anniversary-forgotten-generation-intl/index.html |archive-date=3 June 2019 |url-status=live }}</ref>

While public discussions about the events have become socially taboo, private discussions about them continue to occur despite frequent interference and harassment by the authorities. Nobel Peace Prize laureate [[Liu Xiaobo]] remained in China in order to speak out about Tiananmen in the 1990s despite the fact that he received offers of asylum; he faced constant surveillance. [[Zhang Xianling]] and [[Ding Zilin]], the mothers of victims who died in 1989, founded the [[Tiananmen Mothers]] organization and were particularly outspoken about the humanitarian aspects of the protests.{{sfn|References Censored|2009}} The authorities mobilize security forces, including members of the [[People's Armed Police]], every year on 4 June in order to prevent public displays of remembrance, with an especially heavy security presence on the anniversaries of major events such as the [[20th anniversary of the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre|20th anniversary of the protests in 2009]] and the 25th anniversary of the protests in 2014.{{sfn|Bristow|2009}} On the 30th anniversary of the protests in 2019, the renowned Chinese artist [[Ai Weiwei]] wrote that "[[Autocracy|autocratic]] and [[Totalitarianism|totalitarian]] regimes fear facts because they have built their power on unjust foundations" and he also wrote that memory is important: "without it there is no such thing as a civilised society or nation" because "our past is all we have."<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2019/jun/04/china-tiananmen-square-beijing|title=The west is complicit in the 30-year cover-up of Tiananmen|last1=Ai|first1=Weiwei|date=4 June 2019|work=The Guardian – Australia edition|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190616061550/https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2019/jun/04/china-tiananmen-square-beijing|archive-date=16 June 2019|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news|url=https://www.smh.com.au/world/asia/why-searching-for-the-truth-about-tiananmen-is-more-important-than-ever-20190530-p51suy.html|title=Why searching for the truth about Tiananmen is more important than ever|last1=Needham|first1=Kirsty|date=31 May 2019|work=The Sydney Morning Herald|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190929221548/https://www.smh.com.au/world/asia/why-searching-for-the-truth-about-tiananmen-is-more-important-than-ever-20190530-p51suy.html|archive-date=29 September 2019|url-status=live}}</ref>

Journalists have frequently been denied entry to the Square on the anniversaries of the massacre.{{sfn|Bristow|2009}}<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/may/31/tiananmen-square-protests-crackdown-intensifies-as-30th-anniversary-nears|title=Tiananmen Square protests: crackdown intensifies as 30th anniversary nears|last1=Davidson|first1=Helen|date=31 May 2019|work=The Guardian – Australian edition|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190831183459/https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/may/31/tiananmen-square-protests-crackdown-intensifies-as-30th-anniversary-nears|archive-date=31 August 2019|url-status=live}}</ref> Also, the authorities are known to have detained foreign journalists and increase surveillance of prominent human rights activists during this time of year.{{sfn|Wong|2009}} Internet searches on "4 June Tiananmen Square" made within China return censored results or result in temporarily severed server connections.{{sfn|References Censored|2009}} Specific web pages with select keywords are censored while other websites, such as those which support the overseas Chinese democracy movement, are blocked wholesale.{{sfn|Olesen|2009}}{{sfn|References Censored|2009}} The policy is much more stringent with regard to Chinese-language sites than it is with regard to foreign-language ones. Social media censorship is more stringent in the weeks leading up to the anniversaries of the massacre; even oblique references to the protests and seemingly unrelated terms are usually very aggressively patrolled and censored.{{sfn|Kuang|2016}} In January 2006, [[Censorship by Google|Google agreed to censor]] their mainland China site to remove information about Tiananmen and other subjects which are considered sensitive by the authorities.<!--{{sfn|Google Censors Itself|2006}}-->{{citation needed|date=August 2021}} Google withdrew its cooperation on censorship in January 2010.{{sfn|Wines|2010}}

===Calls for the government to reassess===
The party's official stance towards the incident is that the use of force was necessary to control a "political disturbance"<ref name=":0"/> and that it ensured the stability necessary for economic prosperity.<!--{{sfn|Relatives of Dead}}-->{{citation needed|date=August 2021}} Chinese leaders, including former [[paramount leader]]s [[Jiang Zemin]] and [[Hu Jintao]], reiterate this line when questioned by the foreign press.<!--{{sfn|Provocateur}}-->{{citation needed|date=August 2021}}

Over the years, some Chinese citizens have called for a reassessment of the protests and compensation from the government to victims' families. One group in particular, Tiananmen Mothers, seeks compensation, vindication for victims, and the right to receive donations from within the mainland and from abroad.<!--{{sfn|Relatives of Dead}}-->{{citation needed|date=August 2021}} Zhang Shijun, a former soldier who was involved in the military crackdown, published an open letter to President Hu Jintao that sought to have the government reevaluate its position on the protests. He was subsequently arrested and taken from his home.{{sfn|Branigan|2009}}

Although the Chinese government never officially acknowledged relevant accusations when it came to the incident, in April 2006, a payment was made to one of the victims' mother, the first publicized case of the government offering redress to a Tiananmen-related victim's family. The payment was termed a "hardship assistance" and was given to Tang Deying ({{lang|zh|唐德英}}), whose son Zhou Guocong ({{zh|s=周国聪|t=周國聰}}) died at age 15 while in police custody in [[Chengdu]] on 6 June 1989, two days after the Chinese Army dispersed the Tiananmen protesters. She was reportedly paid CNY70,000 (approximately US$10,250). This has been welcomed by various Chinese activists. However, some regarded it as a measure to maintain social stability and not believed to herald a changing of the party's official position.<ref>{{cite web | url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2011/may/31/tiananmen-square-china-pay-off | title=China tried to pay off Tiananmen Square family, activists claim | website=[[TheGuardian.com]] | date=31 May 2011 }}</ref>

===Chinese leaders voicing regret===
Before his death in 1998, Yang Shangkun told army doctor [[Jiang Yanyong]] that 4 June was the most serious mistake committed by the Communist Party in its history, a mistake that Yang himself could not correct, but one that certainly will eventually be corrected.<!--{{sfn|镇压六四主将、党内斗争牺牲品杨白冰病逝}}--><ref>{{Cite news|date=8 March 2004|title=China doctor calls 1989 'mistake'|language=en-GB|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/asia-pacific/3542049.stm|access-date=28 December 2021}}</ref> Zhao Ziyang remained under house arrest until his death in 2005. Zhao's aide [[Bao Tong]] has repeatedly called on the government to reverse its verdict on the demonstrations. Chen Xitong, the mayor of Beijing, who read the martial law order and was later disgraced by a political scandal, expressed regret in 2012, a year before his death, for the death of innocent civilians.{{sfn|Buckley|2013}} Premier [[Wen Jiabao]] reportedly suggested reversing the government's position on Tiananmen in party meetings before he departed from politics in 2013, only to be rebuffed by his colleagues.{{sfn|Anderlini|2013}}

===United Nations report===
During its 41st session, from 3–21 November 2008, the [[UN Committee Against Torture]] expressed concern over the lack of investigations into the reports of people "killed, arrested or disappeared on or following the 4 June 1989 Beijing suppression." It stated that the Chinese government had also failed to inform relatives of those individuals' fate, despite relatives' numerous requests. Meanwhile, those responsible for the use of excessive force had not "faced any sanction, administrative or criminal."{{sfn|Committee Against Torture|2008|p=8}} The Committee recommended that the Chinese government should take all of those steps, plus "offer apologies and reparation as appropriate and prosecute those found responsible for excessive use of force, torture and other ill-treatment."{{sfn|Committee Against Torture|2008|p=8}}

In December 2009, the Chinese government responded to the committee's recommendations by saying that the government had closed the case concerning the "political turmoil in the spring and summer of 1989".{{sfn|Committee Against Torture|2008|p=13}} It also stated that the "practice of the past 20 years has made it clear that the timely and decisive measures taken by the Chinese Government at the time were necessary and correct". It said that the labeling of the "incident as 'the Democracy Movement{{' "}} is a "distortion in the nature of the incident". According to the Chinese government, such observations were "inconsistent with the Committee's responsibilities".{{sfn|Committee Against Torture|2008|p=13}}


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