Rudolf Bahro: Difference between revisions

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{{Short description|German politician and writer (1935–1997)}}
{{more footnotes|date = January 2012}}
{{Use dmy dates|date=July 2021}}
{{Infobox person
| name = Rudolf Bahro
| image = Rudolf Bahro.jpg
| caption = Bahro in 1991
| birth_date = {{Birth date|1935|11|18|df=y}}
| birth_place = [[Bad Flinsberg]], [[:de:Löwenberg i. Schles.|District of Löwenberg= i.[[Bad Schles.Flinsberg]], [[Free State of Prussia (1933–1947)|Free State of Prussia]], [[Nazi Germany|German Reich]]<br>(now Świeradów-Zdrój, Poland)
| death_date = {{Death date and age|1997|12|05|1935|11|18|df=y}}
| death_place = [[Berlin]], [[Germany]]
| other_names =
| known_for =
| occupation = Philosopher, politician
| nationality = German
}}
'''Rudolf Bahro''' (November 18, November 1935 – December 5, December 1997)<ref>{{cite news |last1=Andrews |first1=Edmund L. |title=Rudolf Bahro Is Dead at 62; Dissident in Both Germanys |url-access=subscription |url=https://www.nytimes.com/1997/12/11/world/rudolf-bahro-is-dead-at-62-dissident-in-both-germanys.html |accessdate=4 April 2020 |work=[[The New York Times]] |date=11 December 1997}}</ref> was a dissident from [[East Germany]] who, since his death, has been recognised as a philosopher, political figure and author. Bahro was a leader of the [[West Germany|West German]] party [[Alliance '90/The Greens|The Greens]], but became disenchanted with its political organization, left the party and explored spiritual approaches to [[sustainability]].
 
=={{anchor|Childhood and education}}Early life and education==
Bahro was the eldest of three children of Max Bahro, a livestock-industry consultant, and Irmgard Bahro (née Conrad). Until 1945, the family lived in [[Lower Silesia]]: first in the spa town of [[Bad Flinsberg]] and then in neighboring Gerlachsheim,<ref>This could refer to any of the three villages Ober Gerlachsheim ([[Grabiszyce Górne]]), Mittel Gerlachsheim ([[Grabiszyce Średnie]]), or Nieder Gerlachsheim ([[Grabiszyce Dolne]], all in then [[Lauban (district)|district Lauban]] [[:de:Landkreis Lauban|(de)]])</ref> where Bahro attended the village school. Towards the end of [[World War II]] Max Bahro was drafted into the [[Volkssturm]],<!--{{dubious it|reason=Bahro doesn'twould specifyhave thatbeen in9 theor German10 article,at butthe ittime. is plausible.|date=October -->2023}} and, after his capture, detained as a Polish prisoner. As the Eastern Front approached, the family was evacuated and Bahro was separated from his mother and siblings during the flight (the rest of Bahro's family, with the exception of his father, died of [[typhoid]] soon afterwards). Bahro lived with an aunt in Austria and Hesse, spending several months in each location and eventually reuniting with his father, who was managing a widow's farm in Rießen (now part of [[Siehdichum]]).
 
From 1950 to 1954, Bahro attended high school in Fürstenberg (now part of [[Eisenhüttenstadt]]). Since it was assumed that all high-school students would join the [[Free German Youth]] (FDJ), Bahro reluctantly joined in 1950. This was, as he later commented, the only time he did something against his will under pressure. In 1952 he applied for membership in the [[Socialist Unity Party of Germany|Socialist Unity Party]] (SED), which he joined in 1954. Bahro was regarded as intelligent, and graduated from high school with honors. He attended [[Humboldt University]] in Berlin from 1954 to 1959 and studied philosophy. Among his teachers were [[Kurt Hager]] (who later became the philosopher of the SED), [[Georg Klaus]] and [[:de:Wolfgang Heise|Wolfgang Heise]]. The topic of his thesis was "[[Johannes R. Becher]] and the relationship of the German working class and its party to the national question of our people".
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=={{anchor|The path to ''The Alternative''}}Evolution of ideas==
From 1967 to 1977 Bahro worked for a number of companies in the rubber and plastics industry as an [[organization development]] specialist. Seeing conditions in the factories soon brought him to the conclusion that the East German economy was in a crisis and the primary reason for this was that workers had little voice in the workplace. He expressed this view in a December 1967 letter to the Chairman of the State Council, [[Walter Ulbricht]], proposing a transfer of workplace responsibility to the workers with [[grassroots democracy]]. A few weeks later, the [[Prague Spring]] began; Bahro took a lively interest, supported the movement. In May 1968 he was interviewed by a member of the [[Central Committee]], who made it clear that his solidarity with the "counter-revolution" was no longer tolerated. This led Bahro to develop his ideas systematically, and to publish them. His decision was reinforced by the [[Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia]] on August 21 August. This was, as Bahro later said, "the blackest day" of his life and the reason for his final break with the SED. He decided not to make the break publicly, to protect his book project.
 
In 1972 Bahro began part-time work on his dissertation on development conditions of high-school and technical-college groups in the [[Volkseigener Betrieb|VEBs]] (state-owned enterprises of the GDR). At the same time, he secretly wrote a thematically broader manuscript which later became ''The Alternative''. In 1973, Gundula filed for divorce; both spouses said later this was as a precautionary measure to protect the children against government reprisals. However, in 1974 Gundula informed state security about the secret book project and handed over a copy of the manuscript; after that, Bahro was under [[surveillance]].
 
In 1975 Bahro submitted his dissertation at the [[:de:TechnischeTechnical Hochschule Leuna-Merseburg|Technische HochschuleUniversity Leuna-Merseburg]], which was evaluated favorably by three reviewers. The Stasi intervened, engineering two opposing reviews. His work on ''The Alternative'' was unhindered, but Bahro was convinced that he would be unable to disseminate his book to the GDR citizenry. In December 1976 he learned that one of his [[samizdat]]s had fallen into Stasi hands, which prompted him to finish his work quickly. Intermediaries arranged a contract with Europäische Verlagsanstalt, a West German publisher. Swiss musicologist [[Harry Goldschmidt]] smuggled the finished manuscript into West Berlin, and copies of the manuscript reached individuals in the GDR by mail.
 
Later in West Germany, Bahro said that the theoretical bases for ''The Alternative'' were [[Karl August Wittfogel]]'s 1957 ''[[Oriental Despotism: A Comparative Study of Total Power]]'' and earlier Marxist works. He was unable to cite Wittfogel because of the latter's anticommunism. Wittfogel also influenced Bahro's later ecological work.{{Citation needed|date=March 2013}}<!--this is not part of the German article, but was added by [http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Rudolf_Bahro&diff=prev&oldid=433545460] -->
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The introduction begins with the premise that the [[communist society|Communist movement]] did not lead to the theoretically expected situation, but instead continued on the capitalist path with only superficial changes. "[[Social alienation|Alienation]] and the [[Subaltern (postcolonialism)|subaltern mentality]] of the working masses continue on a new level." The book analyzes the reasons for this, and offers solutions.
 
The first part is a historical analysis of the development of [[socialism]] in the [[Soviet Union]]. Bahro concludes that in the Soviet Union (and, consequently, also in countries such as the GDR) not the theoretically expected socialism but a form of proto-socialism had emerged. For the reason, he posits that at the time of the [[October Revolution]] the Soviet Union was far from the stage of development presumed in [[Marx's theory of history]]. Nevertheless, the path chosen by Lenin was correct. Bahro regards Stalin's subsequent [[History of the Soviet Union (1927–53)|massive industrialization]] as a necessary development, justifying the [[Great Purge|party purge]] as inevitable.<ref>{{cite book |first=Guntolf |last=Herzberg, |first2=Kurt |last2=Seifert: |title=Rudolf Bahro : Glaube an das Veränderbare, |edition=Paperback |publisher=Aufbau-Taschenbuch-AusgabeVerlag |location=Berlin |year=2005, |page =177f |isbn=3-7466-2085-6 |language=de }}</ref>
 
In the second part, Bahro analyzes the existing [[social system]], which he believes was incorrectly called "[[real socialism]]" when in reality it was still a [[class society]]. He detailed how this society worked, and argues that this provided the rationale for the observed economic stagnation.
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=={{anchor|Responses to ''The Alternative''}}Response==
On 22 August 1977, the West German magazine ''[[Der Spiegel]]'' published an extract from ''The Alternative''<ref>{{cite news|title=Das trifft den Parteiapparat ins Herz. Ein SED-Funktionär kritisiert den DDR-Sozialismus|language=German|trans-title=That's gonna hit the heart of the party. An SED functionary criticises GDR socialism.|date=22 August 1977|newspaper=DerSpiegelDer Spiegel|url=http://www.spiegel.de/spiegel/print/d-40763980.html}}</ref> and an interview with Bahro, during which he admitted writing the book. The next day, Bahro was arrested and taken to the [[Berlin-Hohenschönhausen Memorial|Berlin-Hohenschönhausen]] prison. That evening, West German television stations ARD and ZDF broadcast Bahro's interview.
 
In early September, the book went on sale. The first edition was sold out before delivery, and was translated into other languages. ''The Alternative'' sparked debate in the West European left about the nature of socialism. For [[Herbert Marcuse]], Bahro's book was "the most important contribution to Marxist theory and practice that has appeared in recent decades"; a similar view was expressed by the [[Trotskyism|Trotskyist]] [[Ernest Mandel]]. To Lawrence Krader, Bahro was the "conscience of the revolution, the strength of the truth". [[Rudi Dutschke]] was critical, classifying Bahro as detached from Leninism with too little respect for human rights and calling his suggestions "totally unrealistic".
 
These analyses were accompanied by a broad wave of publicly expressed solidarity with Bahro, climaxing in a letter by [[Heinrich Böll]] and [[Günter Grass]] in ''[[The Times]]'' on 1 February 1978 which was also signed by [[Arthur Miller]], [[Graham Greene]], Carol Stern, [[Mikis Theodorakis]] and other celebrities. In the GDR, however, Bahro's recognition was suppressed and he was told nothing of the reaction to his book and subsequent arrest. About half of the copies of ''The Alternative'' which Bahro had posted shortly before his arrest in the GDR were intercepted by the authorities. His influence of East German students was limited.<ref>{{cite book |first=Natalia |last=Tsvetkova. |title=Failure of American and Soviet Cultural Imperialism in German Universities, 1945-1990. |location=Boston, Leiden: |publisher=Brill, |year=2013 |isbn=978-90-04-25024-6 }}</ref>
 
To write and publish a book was, in itself, legal in the GDR; however, Bahro was accused of working for the West German intelligence service (from whom he was thought to have obtained his information). On 30 June 1978, Bahro was convicted ''in camera'' of treason and betraying state secrets, and sentenced to eight years' imprisonment.<ref>[https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/newspape/labour-focus-eastern-europe/LFEE-9-vol-2-no-3-1978.pdf#page=21 Günter Minnerup, "Bahro Sentenced to 8 Years in Secret Trial"], ''Labour Focus on Eastern Europe'', Vol.2 No.3, July-August 1978, p. 19.</ref> Evidence indicates a [[kangaroo court]], with a predetermined verdict; an appeal to the Supreme Court of the GDR filed by defense attorney [[Gregor Gysi]] was summarily rejected as unfounded.
 
The verdict immediately sparked violent protests and expressions of solidarity in the West. The Committee for the Release of Rudolf Bahro organized an international conference, held 16 to 19 November 1978 in [[West Berlin]] and attended by over 2,000 participants. The depth of solidarity is illustrated by an appeal to the State Council of the GDR in the ''[[Frankfurter Rundschau]]'' of 11 May 1979, organized by Bahro Committee in 12 countries and signed by a number of celebrities. Bahro was awarded the [[Carl von Ossietzky Medal]] Medal by the [[International League for Human Rights (Berlin)]] and made a member of the Swedish and Danish chapters of [[PEN International]].
 
On 11 October 1979, the 30th anniversary of the founding of the GDR, Bahro was granted amnesty. On 17 October he was deported with his former wife, their two children and his partner Ursula Beneke to the Federal Republic of Germany, in accordance with his July request.
 
=={{anchor|Work in West Germany}}West German work==
In West Germany Bahro soon joined the nascent GreensGreen party, making a commitment to unite socialist and [[:de:Wertkonservatismus|"wertkonservative"values-based conservatism]] currents in the new party since compromise was a necessity. A 1980 book formulated elements of a new policy: the relationship between [[ecology]] and socialism. Breaking from his position in ''The Alternative'', Bahro now felt that classical Marxism was no longer appropriate.
 
Another new motif in Bahro's thinking was religion. While in custody he had studied the Bible, and when he moved to the west he noticed unhappiness in spite of material prosperity. He interpreted this as a lack of introspection and transcendence, rejecting the traditionally materialistic outlook of socialism. The goal of human emancipation was represented (in different ways) by Karl Marx and Jesus Christ. In this context, Bahro referred to early Christianity and [[liberation theology]].
 
At the beginning of 1980, Bahro studied with [[Oskar Negt]] at the [[Leibniz University Hannoverof Hanover]]. His thesis appeared as a book, ''A Plea for Creative Initiative''. In 1983, he earned his [[habilitation]] in social philosophy.
 
In 1982, Bahro adopted a more radical position due to the contemporary economic crisis. He advocated a restructuring of society in economic, environmental and social-policy terms, which should be linked to a broad retreat from the world market and a move away from capitalist industry. Bahro also became involved in the [[peace movement]], advocating a [[nuclear-free Europe]].
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Bahro's Dare Commune was an alternative community during the early days of the Greens. He believed that the transformation of society must begin on a small scale, requiring a change in the people themselves and a rediscovery of spirituality. Bahro was influenced by the Congregation of the [[Benedictine]]s and the mystical experience of God.
 
In 1981 Bahro visited the [[KoreanNorth People's Democratic RepublicKorea]], where he was received as a guest of the state. He saw this as his most important trip, to a state he admired with a system "to satisfy all the basic requirements of security". As part of a lecture tour of the United States in summer 1983, Bahro enjoyed several weeks at [[Rajneeshpuram]] with [[Bhagwan Shree Rajneesh]] (Osho).
 
After the Green Party entered the [[Bundestag]] for the first time in March 1983, the question arose whether they would join a coalition with the [[Social Democratic Party of Germany]] (the SPD) or remain in opposition. Bahro strongly favored the latter option (which placed him in opposition to [[Joschka Fischer]]), and believed in renewal rather than reform. In his December 1984 "Hamburg speech", Bahro made a comparison with the political and social situation in the [[Weimar Republic]]: At that time, there had also been a broad movement in society which was dissatisfied with prevailing conditions and wanted change. What mattered now was to prevent the errors and political disasters of the past. In the Weimar Republic, the "brown" pole of the political spectrum (the [[Nazi]]s) overpowered the left with "nationalist mythology in disguise; therefore, resistance to capitalist development" could not begin. Bahro's "popular uprising" could occur this time without violence, but it was important that the Greens "are not lost" in the system. Bahro also called for the conquest of the right-left divide; to escape its minority position, the Greens should also "penetrate the territory of the [[Bavarian CSU]]". Bahro's Hamburg speech ended with the allegation that Joschka Fischer's supporters had a lust for power, a situation that could lead to civil war and subsequent dictatorship.
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Seeing the [[Die Wende|rapid decline of the GDR]], at the end of 1989 Bahro went to [[East Berlin]] to fight against the feared "sellout of the GDR," its absorption by the Federal Republic. He wanted to work to ensure that the regime could keep its autonomy and maintain what he thought was its greatest political achievement: the primacy of politics over economics.
 
On 16 December 1989, Bahro had the opportunity of speaking to the assembled delegates of the extraordinary party conference of the [[Socialist Unity Party of Germany]], whose chairman had, a week ago, been his former legal counsel, Gysi. The main item on the agenda was whether the party should continue or be dissolved. What was finally decided was that the party should continue under a new name: [[Party of Democratic Socialism (Germany)|Socialist Unity Party of Germany – Party of Democratic Socialism]] (German: Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands – Partei des Demokratischen Sozialismus, abbreviated SED-PDS). Bahro's request to address the conference as a guest speaker found only a slight majority (54%), and he was granted only 30 minutes, not the requested 45 minutes. Bahro was annoyed at this and had to improvise. After reading out the names of all the people who had helped him with his book, ''Die Alternative'', he criticized the previous speaker, Minister President and Deputy Party Chairman [[Hans Modrow]], as well as Karl Marx, Gorbachev and [[Boris Yeltsin]]. He went on to present his vision of a "socio- ecological" restructuring of the GDR. His radical environmental ideas, which were hardly known in the GDR at that time, were far removed from the problems that interested the delegates, and his polemical introduction provoked fierce resentment. Bahro concluded that he no longer had anything in common with this party.
 
In the spring of 1990, he began setting up an "Institute for Social Ecology" at the [[Humboldt University of Berlin]]. Instead of the usual discussion of the ecological crisis, he wanted this institute to address the issue holistically and, above all, study the deeper social and cultural causes of the crisis and develop practical alternatives. Bahro thus set up his own school of social science that is not to be confused with others that also go by the name of social ecology.
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==Selected publications==
 
* "Rapallo? Why Not? Reply to Gorz". ''[[TELOSTelos (journal)|''TELOS''Telos]]'' 51 (Spring 1982). New York: [http://www.telospress.com Telos Press]
 
==References==
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==External links==
{{commons category|Rudolf Bahro}}
* [[Ralph Miliband]], [https://www.marxists.org/archive/miliband/1979/07/bahro.htm A Commentary on Rudolf Bahro’s ''Alternative'']
* [[Janet Biehl]], [http://www.spunk.org/texts/places/germany/sp001630/janet.html Criticism of Bahro's claimed ecofascism]
* James Hart & Ullrich Melle, [http://www.democracynature.org/vol4/hart_melle_bahro.htm Answer to this criticism and general analysis of Bahro's ideas] {{in lang|en}}
 
{{s-start}}
{{s-ach|aw}}
{{s-bef|before=[[S. S. Prawer]]}}
{{s-ttl|title={{nowrap|[[Deutscher Memorial Prize]]}}|years=1978}}
{{s-aft|after=[[G. A. Cohen]]}}
{{s-end}}
 
{{Authority control}}
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[[Category:East German journalists]]
[[Category:East German writers]]
[[Category:EcosocialistsEco-socialists]]
[[Category:German anti-capitalists]]
[[Category:German anti-fascists]]
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[[Category:German socialists]]
[[Category:People from the Province of Lower Silesia]]
[[Category:People from Świeradów-ZdrójLubań County]]
[[Category:Deutscher Memorial Prize winners]]
[[Category:Anti-Stalinist left]]
[[Category:People convicted of treason against East Germany]]