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{{Short description|Mixed Gurindji–Kriol language of Australia}}
{{use dmy dates|date=August 2020}}
{{use Australian English|date=August 2020}}
{{Infobox language
|name=Gurindji Kriol
|region=[[Kalkaringi]] and [[
|speakers=
|date=
|ref=<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/people/people-and-communities/cultural-diversity-census/2021/|title=Cultural diversity: Census|author=Australian Bureau of Statistics|access-date=13 October 2022|date=2021}}</ref>
|familycolor=Mixed
|family=[[mixed language|mixed]] [[Gurindji language|Gurindji]]–[[Australian Kriol language|Kriol]]
|script=[[Latin script|Latin]]
|iso3=
|glotto=guri1249
|glottorefname=Gurindji Kriol
}}
'''Gurindji Kriol'''
Gurindji Kriol emerged in the 1970s from pervasive code-switching practices. It combines the lexicon and structure of Gurindji and Kriol. [[Gurindji language|Gurindji]] is a highly endangered language of the [[Ngumpin
Gurindji Kriol exhibits a structural split between the noun phrase and verb phrase, with Gurindji contributing the noun structure including case-marking, and the verb structure including tense-aspect-mood (TAM) auxiliaries coming from Kriol. In this respect, Gurindji Kriol is classified as a verb-noun (V-N) mixed language. Other examples of V-N mixed languages include [[Michif]] and [[Light Warlpiri]]. The maintenance of Gurindji within the mixed language can be seen as the perpetuation of [[Australian Aboriginal identity|Aboriginal identity]] under massive and continuing cultural incursion.
{| class="wikitable"
Line 54 ⟶ 58:
|}
Gurindji Kriol originated from contact between non-Indigenous colonists and the [[Gurindji people|Gurindji]] people. From 1855 onwards, the traditional lands of the Gurindji and neighbouring groups were seized by colonists who were searching for good cattle pastures. After initial attempts to cull the original inhabitants, cattle stations were set up and the remaining Gurindji people were brought to work on the stations in slave-like conditions with other Aboriginal groups. In 1966, the Gurindji initiated a workers' strike to protest against their poor conditions of employment and ultimately regain control of their traditional lands. Their campaign was called the [[Wave Hill Walk-off]] and went on for nine years, resulting in the first successful land claim by an Aboriginal group in Australia. Today the Gurindji continue to live on their traditional lands in two main communities - Kalkaringi and Daguragu.<ref>Meakins 2008a and see also [[Frank Hardy]]'s 'The Unlucky Australians' and Deborah Roses' 'Hidden Histories'</ref>
The linguistic practices of the Gurindji are closely tied to these social circumstances. Before colonisation the Gurindji were multilingual, speaking the languages of neighbouring groups with whom they had familiar and ceremonial connections. The establishment of the cattle stations by colonisers saw the introduction of the cattle station pidgin and later Kriol into the linguistic repertoire of the Gurindji. In the 1970s Patrick McConvell<ref>McConvell's home page: https://researchers.anu.edu.au/researchers/mcconvell-p</ref><ref>see McConvell 1985, 1988</ref> observed that code-switching between Kriol and Gurindji was the dominant language practice of Gurindji people. It is likely that this code-switching and a certain amount of levelling between Gurindji and closely related neighbouring languages such as Ngarinyman and Bilinarra provided fertile ground for the formation of the mixed language. At this time, similar changes to local linguistic ecologies occurred in other places in northern Australia with Kriol becoming the dominant language in many areas such as [[Timber Creek, Northern Territory|Timber Creek]] and Katherine. Yet in Kalkaringi, a mixed language emerged from this situation.<ref>see McConvell and Meakins 2005; McConvell, 2008; Meakins 2011c</ref> [[Felicity Meakins
Gurindji Kriol is situated within a complex picture of multilingualism, contact and [[code-switching]]. Gurindji continues to be spoken by older people and a neighbouring traditional Australian language, [[Warlpiri language|Warlpiri]] is also used by people of Warlpiri heritage. [[Standard Australian English]] is the language of government services and the school, though its use is generally restricted to these domains. Kriol and Aboriginal English are spoken with Aboriginal visitors from other communities.<ref>see Meakins 2008b</ref> In this respect, Gurindji Kriol continues to be spoken alongside Gurindji and Kriol, and is a 'symbiotic' [[mixed language]]. In addition, code-switching continues to be an everyday practice at Kalkaringi, and it is common to find code-switching between Gurindji and Kriol, and between Gurindji Kriol and its source languages.
Lexically there is a mix between Kriol and Gurindji. Despite the verb-noun structural split, some verbs are derived from Kriol and others from Gurindji. Similarly nouns from both languages are present. In general, based on a 200 word [[Swadesh list]], 36.6% of vocabulary is derived from Kriol and 35% finds its origins in Gurindji. The remaining 28.4% are synonymous forms from both languages, where the choice of word depends on a number of factors including the interlocutors. For example, more Gurindji vocabulary is used when addressing older Gurindji people or in the presence of outsiders.<ref>Meakins & O’Shannessy, 2005:45</ref> Some lexical specialisation can be noted, for example
The phonological system of Gurindji Kriol is relatively stratified, i.e. it has maintained separate Gurindji and Kriol phoneme inventories, syllable structures and many phonological processes.<ref>see Jones, Meakins, and Buchan 2011; Jones, Meakins, and Muawiyath to appear</ref>
In terms of vowels, Gurindji Kriol has a 5 vowel system. All Gurindji words contain only 3 vowel phonemes /ɪ/, /ɐ/ and /ʊ/ with diphthongs the result of combinations of vowels with glides in fast speech, for example /ɐw/ > [ɐʊ]. Kriol words make use of five vowel phonemes /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ in addition to /ɪ/, /ɐ/ and /ʊ/, plus diphthongs and long vowels.
{| class="wikitable IPA" style="text-align:center;"
!
!Front
!Central
!Back
|-
! Close
|{{IPA link|i}}
|
|{{IPA link|u}}
|-
! Mid
|{{IPA link|e}}
|
|{{IPA link|ɔ}}
|-
! Open
|
|{{IPA link|a}}
|
|}
The consonant inventory is a complex fusion of Gurindji and Kriol consonants. Words of Gurindji origin contain a three-way coronal contrast for stops, nasals and laterals, and a distinction between a post-alveolar rhotic and an apical trill (sometimes pronounced as a tap). Kriol-derived words contrast with those from Gurindji in containing fricatives. No voicing distinction is made for stops or fricatives in either Gurindji- or Kriol-derived words; voicing depends on position within word or utterance, and place of articulation.
{| class="wikitable IPA" style="text-align:center;"
!
! Bilabial
! Alveolar
! Post-alveolar
! Alveopalatal
! Velar
|-
! Stop
|{{IPA link|p}}
|{{IPA link|t}}
|{{IPA link|ʈ}}
|{{IPA link|ɟ}}
|{{IPA link|k}}
|-
! Fricative
|{{IPA link|f}}
|{{IPA link|s}}
|
|{{IPA link|ʃ}}
|
|-
! Nasal
|{{IPA link|m}}
|{{IPA link|n}}
|{{IPA link|ɳ}}
|{{IPA link|ɲ}}
|{{IPA link|ŋ}}
|-
! Lateral
|
|{{IPA link|l}}
|{{IPA link|ɭ}}
|{{IPA link|ʎ}}
|
|-
! Rhotic
|
|{{IPA link|r}}, {{IPA link|ɹ}}
|{{IPA link|ɻ}}
|
|
|-
! Glide
|
|
|
|{{IPA link|j}}
|{{IPA link|w}}
|}
Stress is word initial for words of both Gurindji and Kriol origin. The maintenance of the two phonological systems is more obvious in syllable structure. A range of structures are permissible in words of both origins, e.g. CV and CVC, however VC syllables are only allowed in Kriol words. Gurindji and Kriol source words also diverge in their use of stop-final consonant clusters. Gurindji words allows syllable-final consonant clusters, though the cluster combination is rather restricted. The first consonant must be a liquid and the final consonant, a non-coronal stop or velar nasal. Even in the more acrolectal forms of Kriol words, final consonant clusters are never present at the surface level. Finally different phonological processes apply to the different component languages of Gurindji Kriol. For example, in Kriol words, the plosive series is occasionally hypercorrected to fricatives of a similar place of articulation. This process never occurs in words of Gurindji origin.
The Gurindji Kriol noun phrase consists of a head plus a number of potential modifiers. Potential heads are: nouns, nominalised adjectives, emphatic pronouns and demonstratives (this/that); and modifiers are determiners (in/definite, plural/singular) and adjectives. Heads and modifiers can be distinguished by their ability to take case marking. Heads are case-marked, and modifiers are not. The order of noun phrase constituents is relatively fixed: DET - MOD - HEAD. Finally Gurindji Kriol is an optional ergative language where the transitive subject is optionally marked ergative and objects are unmarked.<ref>Meakins 2009; Meakins and O'Shannessy 2010; O'Shannessy and Meakins to appear</ref>
{{interlinear |indent=2 |style1=color:purple;
| dat {{color|green|yapakayi}} {{color|green|karu-ngku}} i bin gon ged-im-bat dat {{color|green|karu}}
| the small child-ERG 3SG.SBJ PST go get-TR-PROG the child
| "The small kid goes to get the (other) kid."<ref name="Meakins, 2012b">Meakins, 2012b</ref>
|bottom= {{small|{{color|green|green words}} are Gurindji-derived, and {{color|purple|purple words}} are Kriol-derived}}
Gurindji Kriol contains many nominal suffixes, most of which are derived from Gurindji. These include case suffixes, number marking and derivational morphology. A number of these suffixes have Kriol-derived
{| class="wikitable"
Line 126 ⟶ 172:
! Type !! Form !! Origin !! Type !! Form !! Origin
|-
| Ergative ||
|-
| Locative ||
|-
| Dative ||
|-
| Allative ||
|-
| Ablative ||
|-
| Comitative ||
|-
| Plural ||
|-
| Dual ||
|-
| Paucal ||
|-
| Associative ||
|-
| Dual Assoc ||
|}
Regular pronouns distinguish person (1st, 2nd and 3rd) and number (singular, dual and plural), and further make a distinction between inclusive and exclusive 1st person pronouns, though syncretism exists between subject forms. All subject pronouns are derived from Kriol and object pronouns find their origins in both languages. A general reflexive/reciprocal pronoun is derived from the Kriol reflexive pronoun. Emphatic pronouns are derived from Gurindji and are classified as nominals because they can be case-marked. Possessive pronouns are drawn from Gurindji and are also used as dative objects, e.g. ''nyununy'' 'your, to you'. (Note that this paradigm needs some work).
Line 155 ⟶ 201:
{| class="wikitable"
|-
! colspan="3" |
! Subject
! Object
! Emphatic
! Possessive
|-
! rowspan="4" | 1st<br />person
! rowspan="2" | singular
! exclusive
| {{color|purple|ai}}
| {{color|green|ngayu}}
| {{color|green|ngayu}}
| {{color|green|ngayiny}}
|-
! inclusive
| {{color|purple|wi}}
| {{color|green|ngali}}
| {{color|green|ngali}}
|
|-
! rowspan="2" | plural
! exclusive
| {{color|purple|wi}}
| {{color|green|ngaliwa}}
| {{color|green|ngaliwa}}
| {{color|green|ngaliwany}}
|-
! inclusive
| {{color|purple|wi}}
| {{color|green|ngantipa}}
| {{color|green|ngantipa}}
| {{color|green|ngantipany}}
|-
! rowspan="3" | 2nd<br />person
! colspan="2" | singular
| {{color|purple|yu}}
| {{color|purple|yu}}
| {{color|green|nyuntu}}
| {{color|green|nyununy}}
|-
! colspan="2" | dual
| {{color|purple|yutu(bala)}}
| {{color|purple|yutu(bala)}}
|
|
|-
! colspan="2" | plural
| {{color|purple|yumob}}
| {{color|purple|yumob}}
| {{color|green|nyurru(lu)}}
| {{color|green|nyurruluny}}
|-
! rowspan="3" | 3rd<br />person
! colspan="2" | singular
| {{color|purple|i}}
| {{color|purple|im}}
| {{color|green|nyantu}}
| {{color|green|nyanuny}}
|-
! colspan="2" | dual
| {{color|purple|tu(bala)}}
| {{color|purple|tu(bala)}}
|
|
|-
! colspan="2" | plural
| {{color|purple|dei}}
| {{color|purple|dem}}
| {{color|green|nyarru(lu)}}
| {{color|green|nyarruluny}}
|-
! colspan="3" | reflexive/reciprocal
|
| {{color|purple|mijelp}}
|
|
|}
The verb phrase consists of a tense auxiliary<sub>1</sub> followed by a modal auxiliary<sub>2</sub> and the main verb<sub>3</sub>. The auxiliary verbs are derived from Kriol and the main verb can come from either Gurindji or Kriol:
{{interlinear |indent=2 |style1=color:purple;
| i bin<sub>1</sub> labta<sub>2</sub> ged-im<sub>3</sub> im {{color|green|nyanuny}} mami-{{color|green|ngku}} na
| 3SG.SBJ PST MOD get-TR 3SG.OBJ 3SG.DAT mother-ERG FOC
| "His mother had to get him."<ref name="Meakins, 2012b"/>
|bottom= {{small|{{color|green|green words}} are Gurindji-derived, and {{color|purple|purple words}} are Kriol-derived}}
Gurindji Kriol distinguishes between past (bin) and present tense (zero-marked for nouns, ''-m'' for pronouns) and marks future time using a potential marker (garra) which is also used to express obligation. Many of the auxiliaries also have reduced forms which attach to subject pronouns, such as ''ai-rra'' > ''ai garra'' 'I will'.
{| class="wikitable"
Line 282 ⟶ 380:
|}
''[[Verbless clause|Verbless clauses]]:''
Ascriptive clauses consist of a subject noun and nominalised adjective.
{{interlinear |indent=2 |style1=color:purple;
| {{color|green|ankaj}} dat {{color|green|karu}} im {{color|green|yapakayi}}-wan
| poor.thing the child 3SG small-NMLZ
| "Poor thing, that child is only a baby."<ref name="Meakins, 2012b"/>
|bottom= {{small|{{color|green|green words}} are Gurindji-derived, and {{color|purple|purple words}} are Kriol-derived}}
Existential clauses contain a subject with locative phrase.
{{interlinear |indent=2 |style1=color:purple;
| dat {{color|green|warlaku}} im andanith jiya-{{color|green|ngka}}
| the dog 3SG underneath chair-LOC
| "The dog is underneath the chair."<ref name="Meakins, 2012b"/>
}}
Possessive constructions consist of a nominal acting as a predicates, taking another nominal argument. In these clauses the head is marked dative. Inalienable nominals (body parts and kinship) are only optionally marked dative.<ref>Meakins and O'Shannessy 2005</ref>
{{interlinear |indent=2 |style1=color:purple;
| {{color|green|wartarra}} yu bin {{color|green|kirt}} dat {{color|green|ngakparn-ku}} hawuj
| hey 2SG PST break the frog-DAT house
| "Hey you broke the frog's home (the bottle)."<ref>Meakins 2011c: 157</ref>
}}
''Verbal clauses:''
Line 320 ⟶ 413:
Intransitive clauses consist of a verb and a subject with no object. Adjuncts may be added to express the location or time of an action.
{{interlinear |indent=2 |style1=color:purple;
| {{color|green|warlaku}} i{{=}}m {{color|green|makin}} atsaid shop-{{color|green|ta}}
| dog 3SG.SBJ{{=}}PRS sleep outside shop-LOC
| "A dog sleeps outside the shop."<ref name="Meakins 2012b">Meakins 2012b</ref>
}}
Transitive clauses consist of an optionally-ergative marked subject (66.5%) and an absolutive object. Word order is predominately SVO (87.6%) and the ergative marker is more likely to appear when the agent nominal is postverbal.<ref>Meakins 2009; Meakins and O'Shannessy 2010</ref>
{{interlinear |indent=2 |style1=color:purple;
| an kengkaru i bin kil-im {{color|green|kurrupartu-yawung}} dat {{color|green|karu-ngku}}
| and kangaroo 3SG.S PST hit-TR boomerang-COM the child-ERG
| "And the kangaroo he hit with a boomerang, the child did."<ref>Meakins 2011c: 140</ref>
}}
Semi-transitive clauses are composed of an optionally-ergative marked subject and a dative object.
{{interlinear |indent=2 |style1=color:purple;
| naja-wan {{color|green|kajirri}} jing-in-at-{{color|green|karra}} bo {{color|green|nyanuny}} {{color|green|karu}}
| another-NMLZ old.woman call.out-PROG-out-PROG DAT 3SG.DAT child
| "Another woman calls out to her child."<ref name="Meakins 2012b"/>
}}
Ditransitive clauses consist of an accusative object and dative indirect object, and alternate with a clause with two accusative objects.
{{interlinear |indent=2 |style1=color:purple;
| dat {{color|green|malyju}} gib-it dat man jumok
| the boy give-TR the man cigarette
| "The boy gives the man a cigarette."<ref name="Meakins 2012b"/>
}}
Passive clauses consist of an auxiliary verb git (< get) and the loss of the transitive marker from the main verb. The agent also loses ergative case marking as an adjunct and acquires ablative case instead.
{{interlinear |indent=2 |style1=color:purple;
| man i bin get bait {{color|green|warlaku-nginyi}} {{color|green|wartan-ta}}
| man
| "The man got bitten by a dog on the hand."<ref>Meakins 2011c: 44</ref>
}}
Conjoined clauses are often zero-marked such as the following sentence which was uttered within one prosodic contour. The link between the clauses is implied.
{{interlinear |indent=2
| [{{color|green|warlaku}} {{color|purple|i-m}} {{color|green|lungkarra-karra}} {{color|green|nganta}}] [{{color|purple|i-m}} {{color|purple|tai-im-ap}} {{color|green|nyantu}} {{color|green|kuya}} {{color|purple|nek-}}{{color|green|ta}}]
| dog 3SG.S-PRS cry-PROG DUB 3SG.S-PRS tie-TR-up 3SG thus neck-LOC
| "The dog might be crying (because) he tied him up by the neck like that."<ref name="Meakins 2012b"/>
}}
A number of Kriol-derived conjunctions can be used to join verbal or nominal clauses such as an (and) and o (or). Others are only used to relate verbal clauses such as {{transl|gjr|dumaji}} (because), {{transl|gjr|bikos}} (because), bat (but), ib (if), den (then).
{{interlinear |indent=2 |style1=color:purple;
| dat {{color|green|marluka}} bin trai jidan jiya-{{color|green|ngka}} bat i bin {{color|green|kirt}}
| the old.man PST MOD sit chair-LOC but 3SG.SBJ PST break
| "The old man tried to sit on the chair but it broke."<ref name="Meakins 2012b"/>
}}
Subordination is mostly performed by marking the verb in the subordinate clause with a case-marker. This style of subordination is derived from Gurindji. For example, the locative marker can be used in a switch reference construction to indicate that the agent of the subordinate clause is the same as the object of the main clause.
{{interlinear |indent=2 |style1=color:purple;
| wan {{color|green|karu-ngku}} i gib-it la-im keik {{color|green|kajirri-yu}} {{color|green|makin-ta}}
| a child-ERG 3SG.SBJ give-TR OBL-3SG.O cake woman-DAT lie-LOC
| "A child gives a cake to the woman who is lying down."<ref name="Meakins 2012b"/>
}}
Gurindji Kriol also contains asymmetrical serial verb constructions. There are three potential parts to the asymmetrical serial verb construction: auxiliary<sub>1</sub>, minor verb<sub>2</sub> and main verb<sub>3</sub>.<ref>Meakins 2010</ref>
{{interlinear |indent=2 |style1=color:purple;
| i garra<sub>1</sub> put-im<sub>2</sub> {{color|green|makin<sub>3</sub>}} yard-{{color|green|ta}}
| 3SG.SBJ POT put-TR lie.down yard-LOC
| He will lay him down in the yard.<ref>Meakins 2010: 2</ref>
}}
==Notes==
Line 416 ⟶ 491:
{{refbegin}}
*{{cite journal |last=Charola |first=Erika. |year=2002 |title=The verb phrase structure of Gurindji Kriol Unpublished Honours |place=Melbourne University, Melbourne}}
*{{cite journal |last=Jones |first=Caroline |author2=Meakins, Felicity |author3=Buchan, Heather |year=2011 |title=Citation-speech vowels in Gurindji Kriol and local Australian English |journal=Australian Journal of Linguistics |volume=31 |issue=3 |pages=305–327 |doi=10.1080/07268602.2011.598629|s2cid=62651692 }}
*{{cite journal |last=Jones |first=Caroline |
*{{citation |mode=cs1 |last=McConvell |first=Patrick |year=1985 |chapter=Domains and codeswitching among bilingual Aborigines |editor=M. Clyne |title=Australia, Meeting Place of Languages |place=Canberra |publisher=Pacific Linguistics |pages=95–125}}
*{{citation |mode=cs1 |last=McConvell |first=Patrick |year=1988 |chapter=Mix-im-up: Aboriginal codeswitching old and new |editor=M. Heller |title=Codeswitching: Anthropological and Sociolinguistic Perspectives |place=Berlin |publisher=Mouton de Gruyter |pages=97–124}}
*{{cite conference |last=McConvell |first=Patrick |year=2007 |title=Language ecology as determinant of language shift or language hybridity: Some Australian Aboriginal cases |conference=International Symposium on Bilingualism |place=Hamburg, Germany}}
*{{cite journal |last=McConvell |first=Patrick |year=
*{{cite journal |last=McConvell |first=Patrick |author2=Meakins, Felicity |year=2005 |title=Gurindji Kriol: A Mixed Language Emerges from Code-switching |journal=Australian Journal of Linguistics |volume=25 |issue=1 |pages=9–30 |doi=10.1080/07268600500110456|s2cid=62281541 }}
*{{
*{{citation |mode=cs1 |last=Meakins |first=Felicity |year=2008b |chapter=Unravelling languages: Multilingualism and language contact in Kalkaringi |editor=J. Simpson |editor2=G. Wigglesworth |title=Children's Language and Multilingualism: Indigenous Language Use at Home and School |place=New York: Continuum |pages=247–264}}
*{{
*{{cite journal |last=Meakins |first=Felicity |year=2010 |title=The development of asymmetrical serial verb constructions in an Australian mixed language |journal=Linguistic Typology |volume=14 |issue=1 |pages=1–38 |doi=10.1515/lity.2010.001|s2cid=722398 |url=http://espace.library.uq.edu.au/view/UQ:219380/UQ219380_OA.pdf }}
*{{cite journal |last=
*{{cite journal |last=Meakins |first=Felicity |year=2011b |title=Borrowing contextual inflection: Evidence from northern Australia |journal=Morphology |volume=21 |issue=1 |pages=57–87 |doi=10.1007/s11525-010-9163-4|s2cid=120670749 }}
*{{cite journal |last=Meakins |first=Felicity |year=2011c |title=Case marking in Contact: The Development and Function of Case Morphology in Gurindji Kriol |place=Amsterdam |publisher=John Benjamins}}
*{{cite journal |last=Meakins |first=Felicity |year=2012a |title=Which Mix? - Code-switching or a mixed language - Gurindji Kriol |journal=Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages |volume=27 |issue=1 |pages=105–140 |doi=10.1075/jpcl.27.1.03mea}}
*{{
*{{cite journal |last=Meakins |first=Felicity |author2=O'Shannessy, Carmel |year=2005 |title=Possessing variation: Age and inalienability related variables in the possessive constructions of two Australian mixed languages |journal=Monash University Linguistics Papers |volume=4 |issue=2 |pages=43–63}}
*{{cite journal |last=Meakins |first=Felicity |author2=O'Shannessy, Carmel |year=2010 |title=Ordering arguments about: Word order and discourse motivations in the development and use of the ergative marker in two Australian mixed languages |journal=Lingua |volume=120 |issue=7 |pages=1693–1713 |doi=10.1016/j.lingua.2009.05.013|s2cid=51838191 |url=https://espace.library.uq.edu.au/view/UQ:219379/MeakinsOShannessy2010.pdf }}
*{{cite journal |last=O'Shannessy |first=Carmel |author2=Meakins, Felicity |title=Comprehension of competing argument marking systems in two Australian mixed languages |journal=Bilingualism: Language and Cognition |doi=10.1017/S1366728911000307 |volume=15 |issue=2 |year=2011 |pages=378–396|s2cid=143698464 }}
{{refend}}
== External links ==
* ELAR archive of [http://elar.soas.ac.uk/deposit/0273 Gurindji Kriol]
{{Languages of Australia}}
[[Category:Pidgins and creoles of Australia]]
[[Category:Mixed languages]]
[[Category:Gurindji]]
|