Gurindji Kriol language: Difference between revisions

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{{Short description|Mixed Gurindji–Kriol language of Australia}}
{{use dmy dates|date=August 2020}}
{{use Australian English|date=August 2020}}
{{Infobox language
|name=Gurindji Kriol
|region=[[Kalkaringi]] and [[DagaraguDaguragu, Northern Territory|Daguragu]], [[Northern Territory]], [[Australia]]
|speakers=1,00025
|date=20122021 census
|ref=<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/people/people-and-communities/cultural-diversity-census/2021/|title=Cultural diversity: Census|author=Australian Bureau of Statistics|access-date=13 October 2022|date=2021}}</ref>
|ref=<ref name="intro" />
|familycolor=Mixed
|family=[[mixed language|mixed]] [[Gurindji language|Gurindji]]–[[Australian Kriol language|Kriol]]
Line 13 ⟶ 16:
}}
 
'''Gurindji Kriol'''<ref name=intro>This page is based on Meakins 2012b</ref> is a [[mixed language]] which is spoken by [[Gurindji people|Gurindji]] people in the Victoria River District of the [[Northern Territory]] (Australia). It is mostly spoken at [[Kalkaringi]] and [[Daguragu, Northern Territory|Daguragu]] which are Aboriginal communities located on the traditional lands of the Gurindji. Related mixed varieties are spoken to the north by [[Ngarinyman]] and [[Bilinarra]] people at [[Yarralin]] and [[Pigeon Hole, Northern Territory|Pigeon Hole]]. These varieties are similar to Gurindji Kriol, but draw on Ngarinyman and Bilinarra which are closely related to Gurindji (Eastern Ngumpin languages).<ref name=intro>This page is based on Meakins 2012b</ref>
 
Gurindji Kriol emerged in the 1970s from pervasive code-switching practices. It combines the lexicon and structure of Gurindji and Kriol. [[Gurindji language|Gurindji]] is a highly endangered language of the [[Ngumpin]]-Yapa languages|Ngumpin-Yapa]] subgroup ([[Pama-Nyungan]] family) and [[Australian Kriol language|Kriol]] is an English-lexifier creole language spoken as a first language by most Aboriginal people across northern Australia (with the exception of [[Arnhem Land]] and [[Daly River (Northern Territory)|Daly River]] area).
 
Gurindji Kriol exhibits a structural split between the noun phrase and verb phrase, with Gurindji contributing the noun structure including case-marking, and the verb structure including tense-aspect-mood (TAM) auxiliaries coming from Kriol. In this respect, Gurindji Kriol is classified as a verb-noun (V-N) mixed language. Other examples of V-N mixed languages include [[Michif]] and [[Light Warlpiri]]. The maintenance of Gurindji within the mixed language can be seen as the perpetuation of [[Australian Aboriginal identity|Aboriginal identity]] under massive and continuing cultural incursion.
 
{| class="wikitable"
Line 67 ⟶ 70:
==Lexicon==
 
Lexically there is a mix between Kriol and Gurindji. Despite the verb-noun structural split, some verbs are derived from Kriol and others from Gurindji. Similarly nouns from both languages are present. In general, based on a 200 word [[Swadesh list]], 36.6% of vocabulary is derived from Kriol and 35% finds its origins in Gurindji. The remaining 28.4% are synonymous forms from both languages, where the choice of word depends on a number of factors including the interlocutors. For example, more Gurindji vocabulary is used when addressing older Gurindji people or in the presence of outsiders.<ref>Meakins & O’Shannessy, 2005:45</ref> Some lexical specialisation can be noted, for example ''{{lang|gjr|karnti''}} which means "branch", "stick" or "tree" in Gurindji is generally only used to mean "branch" or "stick" in Gurindji Kriol whereas the Kriol form ''{{lang|gjr|tri''}} is used to mean "tree".
 
==Phonology==
Line 75 ⟶ 78:
In terms of vowels, Gurindji Kriol has a 5 vowel system. All Gurindji words contain only 3 vowel phonemes /ɪ/, /ɐ/ and /ʊ/ with diphthongs the result of combinations of vowels with glides in fast speech, for example /ɐw/ > [ɐʊ]. Kriol words make use of five vowel phonemes /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ in addition to /ɪ/, /ɐ/ and /ʊ/, plus diphthongs and long vowels.
 
{| class="wikitable IPA" style="text-align:center;"
!
!Front
!Central
!Back
|-
! Close
| || Front || Central || Back
|{{IPA link|i}}
|
|{{IPA link|u}}
|-
! Mid
| Close || i || || u
|{{IPA link|e}}
|
|{{IPA link|ɔ}}
|-
! Open
| Mid || e || || ɔ
|-
|{{IPA link|a}}
| Open || || a ||
|
|}
 
The consonant inventory is a complex fusion of Gurindji and Kriol consonants. Words of Gurindji origin contain a three-way coronal contrast for stops, nasals and laterals, and a distinction between a post-alveolar rhotic and an apical trill (sometimes pronounced as a tap). Kriol-derived words contrast with those from Gurindji in containing fricatives. No voicing distinction is made for stops or fricatives in either Gurindji- or Kriol-derived words; voicing depends on position within word or utterance, and place of articulation.
 
{| class="wikitable IPA" style="text-align:center;"
!
! Bilabial
! Alveolar
! Post-alveolar
! Alveopalatal
! Velar
|-
! Stop
| || Bilabial || Alveolar || Post-alveolar || Alveopalatal || Velar
|{{IPA link|p}}
|{{IPA link|t}}
|{{IPA link|ʈ}}
|{{IPA link|ɟ}}
|{{IPA link|k}}
|-
! Fricative
| Stop || p || t || ʈ || ɟ || k
|{{IPA link|f}}
|{{IPA link|s}}
|
|{{IPA link|ʃ}}
|
|-
! Nasal
| Fricative || f || s || || ʃ ||
|{{IPA link|m}}
|{{IPA link|n}}
|{{IPA link|ɳ}}
|{{IPA link|ɲ}}
|{{IPA link|ŋ}}
|-
! Lateral
| Nasal || m || n || ɳ || ɲ || ŋ
|
|{{IPA link|l}}
|{{IPA link|ɭ}}
|{{IPA link|ʎ}}
|
|-
! Rhotic
| Lateral || || l || ɭ || ʎ ||
|
|{{IPA link|r}}, {{IPA link|ɹ}}
|{{IPA link|ɻ}}
|
|
|-
! Glide
| Rhotic || || r, ɹ || ɻ || ||
|-
|
| Glide || || || || j || w
|
|{{IPA link|j}}
|{{IPA link|w}}
|}
 
Line 111 ⟶ 159:
The Gurindji Kriol noun phrase consists of a head plus a number of potential modifiers. Potential heads are: nouns, nominalised adjectives, emphatic pronouns and demonstratives (this/that); and modifiers are determiners (in/definite, plural/singular) and adjectives. Heads and modifiers can be distinguished by their ability to take case marking. Heads are case-marked, and modifiers are not. The order of noun phrase constituents is relatively fixed: DET - MOD - HEAD. Finally Gurindji Kriol is an optional ergative language where the transitive subject is optionally marked ergative and objects are unmarked.<ref>Meakins 2009; Meakins and O'Shannessy 2010; O'Shannessy and Meakins to appear</ref>
 
{{interlinear |indent=2 |style1=color:purple;
{|
| dat {{color|green|yapakayi}} {{color|green|karu-ngku}} i bin gon ged-im-bat dat {{color|green|karu}}
|-
| the small child-ERG 3SG.SBJ PST go get-TR-PROG the child
| dat || ''yapakayi'' || ''karu-ngku'' || i || bin || gon || ged-im-bat || dat || ''karu''
| "The small kid goes to get the (other) kid."<ref name="Meakins, 2012b">Meakins, 2012b</ref>
|-
|bottom= {{small|{{color|green|green words}} are Gurindji-derived, and {{color|purple|purple words}} are Kriol-derived}}
| the || small || child-ERG || 3SG.SBJ || PST || go || get-TR-PROG || the || child
|}}
"The small kid goes to get the (other) kid."<ref name="Meakins, 2012b">Meakins, 2012b</ref>
 
(Note that in all examples Gurindji-derived words are italicised and Kriol-derived words are in plain font).
 
Gurindji Kriol contains many nominal suffixes, most of which are derived from Gurindji. These include case suffixes, number marking and derivational morphology. A number of these suffixes have Kriol-derived periphasticperiphasic counterparts. For example, the privative suffix ''{{transl|gjr|-murlung''}} can also be expressed by ''gat no'' 'has no'.
 
{| class="wikitable"
Line 127 ⟶ 172:
! Type !! Form !! Origin !! Type !! Form !! Origin
|-
| Ergative || ''{{color|green|-ngku, -tu''}} || Gurindji || And || ''{{color|green|-purrupurru''}} || Gurindji
|-
| Locative || ''{{color|green|-ngka, -ta''}} || Gurindji || Privative || ''{{color|green|-murlung''}} || Gurindji
|-
| Dative || ''{{color|green|-yu, -wu, -ku''}} || Gurindji || Comparative || ''{{color|green|-marraj''}} || Gurindji
|-
| Allative || ''{{color|green|-ngkirri, -jirri''}} || Gurindji || Factive || ''{{color|green|-k''}} || Gurindji
|-
| Ablative || ''{{color|green|-nginyi(ng)''}} || Gurindji || Alone || ''{{color|green|-wariny(j)''}} || Gurindji
|-
| Comitative || ''{{color|green|-jawung, -yawung''}} || Gurindji || Another || ''{{color|green|-kari''}} || Gurindji
|-
| Plural || ''{{color|green|-rrat''}} || Gurindji || Nominaliser || {{color|purple|-wan}} || Kriol
|-
| Dual || ''{{color|green|-kujarra''}} || Gurindji || Adjective || {{color|purple|-bala}} || Kriol
|-
| Paucal || ''{{color|green|-walija''}} || Gurindji || Focus || {{color|purple|{{=}}na}} || Kriol
|-
| Associative || ''{{color|green|-nganyjuk''}}, {{color|purple|-mob}} || Gur/Kriol || Topic || ''{{color|green|{{=}}ma''}} || Gurindji
|-
| Dual Assoc || ''{{color|green|-kuwang''}} || Gurindji || Restrictive || ''{{color|green|{{=}}rni''}} || Gurindji
|}
 
Line 156 ⟶ 201:
{| class="wikitable"
|-
! colspan="3" |
! !! Subject !! Object !! Emphatic !! Possessive
! Subject
! Object
! Emphatic
! Possessive
|-
! rowspan="4" | 1st<br />person
| 1SG.EXC || ai || ''ngayu'' || ''ngayu'' || ''ngayiny''
! rowspan="2" | singular
! exclusive
| {{color|purple|ai}}
| {{color|green|ngayu}}
| {{color|green|ngayu}}
| {{color|green|ngayiny}}
|-
! inclusive
| 1SG.INC|| wi || ''ngali'' || ''ngali'' ||
| {{color|purple|wi}}
| {{color|green|ngali}}
| {{color|green|ngali}}
|
|-
! rowspan="2" | plural
| 1PL.EXC || wi || ''ngaliwa'' || ''ngaliwa'' || ''ngaliwany''
! exclusive
| {{color|purple|wi}}
| {{color|green|ngaliwa}}
| {{color|green|ngaliwa}}
| {{color|green|ngaliwany}}
|-
! inclusive
| 1PL.INC || wi || ''ngantipa'' || ''ngantipa'' || ''ngantipany''
| {{color|purple|wi}}
| {{color|green|ngantipa}}
| {{color|green|ngantipa}}
| {{color|green|ngantipany}}
|-
! rowspan="3" | 2nd<br />person
| 2SG || yu || yu || ''nyuntu'' || ''nyununy''
! colspan="2" | singular
| {{color|purple|yu}}
| {{color|purple|yu}}
| {{color|green|nyuntu}}
| {{color|green|nyununy}}
|-
! colspan="2" | dual
| 2DU || yutu(bala) || yutu(bala) || ||
| {{color|purple|yutu(bala)}}
| {{color|purple|yutu(bala)}}
|
|
|-
! colspan="2" | plural
| 2PL || yumob || yumob || ''nyurru(lu)'' || ''nyurruluny''
| {{color|purple|yumob}}
| {{color|purple|yumob}}
| {{color|green|nyurru(lu)}}
| {{color|green|nyurruluny}}
|-
! rowspan="3" | 3rd<br />person
| 3SG || i || im || ''nyantu'' || ''nyanuny''
! colspan="2" | singular
| {{color|purple|i}}
| {{color|purple|im}}
| {{color|green|nyantu}}
| {{color|green|nyanuny}}
|-
! colspan="2" | dual
| 3DU || tu(bala) || tu(bala) || ||
| {{color|purple|tu(bala)}}
| {{color|purple|tu(bala)}}
|
|
|-
! colspan="2" | plural
| 3PL || dei || dem || ''nyarru(lu)'' || ''nyarruluny''
| {{color|purple|dei}}
| {{color|purple|dem}}
| {{color|green|nyarru(lu)}}
| {{color|green|nyarruluny}}
|-
! colspan="3" | reflexive/reciprocal
| RR || || mijelp || ||
|
| {{color|purple|mijelp}}
|
|
|}
 
Line 185 ⟶ 283:
The verb phrase consists of a tense auxiliary<sub>1</sub> followed by a modal auxiliary<sub>2</sub> and the main verb<sub>3</sub>. The auxiliary verbs are derived from Kriol and the main verb can come from either Gurindji or Kriol:
 
{{interlinear |indent=2 |style1=color:purple;
{|
| i bin<sub>1</sub> labta<sub>2</sub> ged-im<sub>3</sub> im {{color|green|nyanuny}} mami-{{color|green|ngku}} na
|-
| 3SG.SBJ PST MOD get-TR 3SG.OBJ 3SG.DAT mother-ERG FOC
| i || bin<sub>1</sub> || labta<sub>2</sub> || ged-im<sub>3</sub> || im || ''nyanuny'' || mami''-ngku'' || na
| "His mother had to get him."<ref name="Meakins, 2012b"/>
|-
|bottom= {{small|{{color|green|green words}} are Gurindji-derived, and {{color|purple|purple words}} are Kriol-derived}}
| 3SG.SBJ || PST || MOD || get-TR || 3SG.OBJ || 3SG.DAT || mother-ERG || FOC
|}}
"His mother had to get him."<ref name="Meakins, 2012b"/>
 
Gurindji Kriol distinguishes between past (bin) and present tense (zero-marked for nouns, ''-m'' for pronouns) and marks future time using a potential marker (garra) which is also used to express obligation. Many of the auxiliaries also have reduced forms which attach to subject pronouns, such as ''ai-rra'' > ''ai garra'' 'I will'.
Line 285 ⟶ 382:
==Simple sentences==
 
''[[Verbless clause|Verbless clauses]]:''
 
Ascriptive clauses consist of a subject noun and nominalised adjective.
 
{{interlinear |indent=2 |style1=color:purple;
{|
| {{color|green|ankaj}} dat {{color|green|karu}} im {{color|green|yapakayi}}-wan
|-
| poor.thing the child 3SG small-NMLZ
| ''ankaj'' || dat || ''karu'' || im || ''yapakayi''-wan
| "Poor thing, that child is only a baby."<ref name="Meakins, 2012b"/>
|-
|bottom= {{small|{{color|green|green words}} are Gurindji-derived, and {{color|purple|purple words}} are Kriol-derived}}
| poor.thing || the || child || 3SG || small-NMLZ
|}}
"Poor thing, that child is only a baby."<ref name="Meakins, 2012b"/>
 
Existential clauses contain a subject with locative phrase.
 
{{interlinear |indent=2 |style1=color:purple;
{|
| dat {{color|green|warlaku}} im andanith jiya-{{color|green|ngka}}
|-
| the dog 3SG underneath chair-LOC
| dat || ''warlaku'' || im || andanith || jiya-''ngka''
| "The dog is underneath the chair."<ref name="Meakins, 2012b"/>
|-
}}
| the || dog || 3SG || underneath || chair-LOC
|}
"The dog is underneath the chair."<ref name="Meakins, 2012b"/>
 
Possessive constructions consist of a nominal acting as a predicates, taking another nominal argument. In these clauses the head is marked dative. Inalienable nominals (body parts and kinship) are only optionally marked dative.<ref>Meakins and O'Shannessy 2005</ref>
 
{{interlinear |indent=2 |style1=color:purple;
{|
| {{color|green|wartarra}} yu bin {{color|green|kirt}} dat {{color|green|ngakparn-ku}} hawuj
|-
| hey 2SG PST break the frog-DAT house
| ''wartarra'' || yu || bin || ''kirt'' || dat || ''ngakparn-ku'' || hawuj
| "Hey you broke the frog's home (the bottle)."<ref>Meakins 2011c: 157</ref>
|-
}}
| hey || 2SG || PST || break || the || frog-DAT || house
|}
"Hey you broke the frog's home (the bottle)."<ref>Meakins 2011c: 157</ref>
 
''Verbal clauses:''
Line 321 ⟶ 413:
Intransitive clauses consist of a verb and a subject with no object. Adjuncts may be added to express the location or time of an action.
 
{{interlinear |indent=2 |style1=color:purple;
{|
| {{color|green|warlaku}} i{{=}}m {{color|green|makin}} atsaid shop-{{color|green|ta}}
|-
| dog 3SG.SBJ{{=}}PRS sleep outside shop-LOC
| ''warlaku'' || i=m || ''makin'' || atsaid || shop-''ta''
| "A dog sleeps outside the shop."<ref name="Meakins 2012b">Meakins 2012b</ref>
|-
}}
| dog || 3SG.SBJ=PRS || sleep || outside || shop-LOC
|}
"A dog sleeps outside the shop."<ref name="Meakins 2012b">Meakins 2012b</ref>
 
Transitive clauses consist of an optionally-ergative marked subject (66.5%) and an absolutive object. Word order is predominately SVO (87.6%) and the ergative marker is more likely to appear when the agent nominal is postverbal.<ref>Meakins 2009; Meakins and O'Shannessy 2010</ref>
 
{{interlinear |indent=2 |style1=color:purple;
{|
| an kengkaru i bin kil-im {{color|green|kurrupartu-yawung}} dat {{color|green|karu-ngku}}
|-
| and kangaroo 3SG.S PST hit-TR boomerang-COM the child-ERG
| an || kengkaru || i || bin || kil-im || ''kurrupartu-yawung'' || dat || ''karu-ngku''
| "And the kangaroo he hit with a boomerang, the child did."<ref>Meakins 2011c: 140</ref>
|-
}}
| and || kangaroo || 3SG.S || PST || hit-TR || boomerang-COM || the || child-ERG
|}
"And the kangaroo he hit with a boomerang, the child did."<ref>Meakins 2011c: 140</ref>
 
Semi-transitive clauses are composed of an optionally-ergative marked subject and a dative object.
 
{{interlinear |indent=2 |style1=color:purple;
{|
| naja-wan {{color|green|kajirri}} jing-in-at-{{color|green|karra}} bo {{color|green|nyanuny}} {{color|green|karu}}
|-
| another-NMLZ old.woman call.out-PROG-out-PROG DAT 3SG.DAT child
| naja-wan || ''kajirri'' || jing-in-at-''karra'' || bo || ''nyanuny'' || ''karu''
| "Another woman calls out to her child."<ref name="Meakins 2012b"/>
|-
}}
| another-NMLZ || old.woman || call.out-PROG-out-PROG || DAT || 3SG.DAT || child
|}
"Another woman calls out to her child."<ref name="Meakins 2012b"/>
 
Ditransitive clauses consist of an accusative object and dative indirect object, and alternate with a clause with two accusative objects.
 
{{interlinear |indent=2 |style1=color:purple;
{|
| dat {{color|green|malyju}} gib-it dat man jumok
|-
| the boy give-TR the man cigarette
| dat || ''malyju'' || gib-it || dat || man|| jumok
| "The boy gives the man a cigarette."<ref name="Meakins 2012b"/>
|-
}}
| the || boy || give-TR || the || man || cigarette
|}
"The boy gives the man a cigarette."<ref name="Meakins 2012b"/>
 
Passive clauses consist of an auxiliary verb git (< get) and the loss of the transitive marker from the main verb. The agent also loses ergative case marking as an adjunct and acquires ablative case instead.
 
{{interlinear |indent=2 |style1=color:purple;
{|
| man i bin get bait {{color|green|warlaku-nginyi}} {{color|green|wartan-ta}}
|-
| man ||3SG.SBJ i || bin ||PST get ||bite bait || ''warlakudog-nginyi'' ||ABL ''wartanhand-ta''LOC
| "The man got bitten by a dog on the hand."<ref>Meakins 2011c: 44</ref>
|-
}}
| man || 3SG.SBJ || PST || get || bite || dog-ABL || hand-LOC
|}
"The man got bitten by a dog on the hand."<ref>Meakins 2011c: 44</ref>
 
==Complex sentences==
Line 373 ⟶ 455:
Conjoined clauses are often zero-marked such as the following sentence which was uttered within one prosodic contour. The link between the clauses is implied.
 
{{interlinear |indent=2
{|
| [{{color|green|warlaku}} {{color|purple|i-m}} {{color|green|lungkarra-karra}} {{color|green|nganta}}] [{{color|purple|i-m}} {{color|purple|tai-im-ap}} {{color|green|nyantu}} {{color|green|kuya}} {{color|purple|nek-}}{{color|green|ta}}]
|-
| dog 3SG.S-PRS cry-PROG DUB 3SG.S-PRS tie-TR-up 3SG thus neck-LOC
| [''warlaku'' || i-m || ''lungkarra-karra'' || ''nganta''] || [i-m || tai-im-ap || ''nyantu'' || ''kuya'' || nek-''ta'']
| "The dog might be crying (because) he tied him up by the neck like that."<ref name="Meakins 2012b"/>
|-
}}
| dog || 3SG.S-PRS || cry-PROG || DUB || 3SG.S-PRS || tie-TR-up || 3SG || thus || neck-LOC
|}
"The dog might be crying (because) he tied him up by the neck like that."<ref name="Meakins 2012b"/>
 
A number of Kriol-derived conjunctions can be used to join verbal or nominal clauses such as an (and) and o (or). Others are only used to relate verbal clauses such as {{transl|gjr|dumaji}} (because), {{transl|gjr|bikos}} (because), bat (but), ib (if), den (then).
 
{{interlinear |indent=2 |style1=color:purple;
{|
| dat {{color|green|marluka}} bin trai jidan jiya-{{color|green|ngka}} bat i bin {{color|green|kirt}}
|-
| the old.man PST MOD sit chair-LOC but 3SG.SBJ PST break
| dat || ''marluka'' || bin || trai || jidan || jiya-''ngka'' || bat || i || bin || ''kirt''
| "The old man tried to sit on the chair but it broke."<ref name="Meakins 2012b"/>
|-
}}
| the || old.man || PST || MOD || sit || chair-LOC || but || 3SG.SBJ || PST || break
|}
"The old man tried to sit on the chair but it broke."<ref name="Meakins 2012b"/>
 
Subordination is mostly performed by marking the verb in the subordinate clause with a case-marker. This style of subordination is derived from Gurindji. For example, the locative marker can be used in a switch reference construction to indicate that the agent of the subordinate clause is the same as the object of the main clause.
 
{{interlinear |indent=2 |style1=color:purple;
{|
| wan {{color|green|karu-ngku}} i gib-it la-im keik {{color|green|kajirri-yu}} {{color|green|makin-ta}}
|-
| a child-ERG 3SG.SBJ give-TR OBL-3SG.O cake woman-DAT lie-LOC
| wan || ''karu-ngku'' || i || gib-it || la-im || keik || ''kajirri-yu'' || ''makin-ta''
| "A child gives a cake to the woman who is lying down."<ref name="Meakins 2012b"/>
|-
}}
| a || child-ERG || 3SG.SBJ || give-TR || OBL-3SG.O || cake || woman-DAT || lie-LOC
|}
"A child gives a cake to the woman who is lying down."<ref name="Meakins 2012b"/>
 
Gurindji Kriol also contains asymmetrical serial verb constructions. There are three potential parts to the asymmetrical serial verb construction: auxiliary<sub>1</sub>, minor verb<sub>2</sub> and main verb<sub>3</sub>.<ref>Meakins 2010</ref>
 
{{interlinear |indent=2 |style1=color:purple;
{|
| i garra<sub>1</sub> put-im<sub>2</sub> {{color|green|makin<sub>3</sub>}} yard-{{color|green|ta}}
|-
| 3SG.SBJ POT put-TR lie.down yard-LOC
| i || garra<sub>1</sub> || put-im<sub>2</sub> || ''makin''<sub>3</sub> || yard-''ta''
| He will lay him down in the yard.<ref>Meakins 2010: 2</ref>
|-
}}
| 3SG.SBJ || POT || put-TR || lie.down || yard-LOC
|}
He will lay him down in the yard.<ref>Meakins 2010: 2</ref>
 
==Notes==
Line 417 ⟶ 491:
{{refbegin}}
*{{cite journal |last=Charola |first=Erika. |year=2002 |title=The verb phrase structure of Gurindji Kriol Unpublished Honours |place=Melbourne University, Melbourne}}
*{{cite journal |last=Jones |first=Caroline |author2=Meakins, Felicity |author3=Buchan, Heather |year=2011 |title=Citation-speech vowels in Gurindji Kriol and local Australian English |journal=Australian Journal of Linguistics |volume=31 |issue=3 |pages=305–327 |doi=10.1080/07268602.2011.598629|s2cid=62651692 }}
*{{cite journal |last=Jones |first=Caroline |author2=Meakins, Felicity |author3=Muawiyath, Shujau |title=Learning vowel categories from maternal speech in Gurindji Kriol |journal=Language Learning |volume=62 |issue=4 |pages=1052–1078 |doi=10.1111/j.1467-9922.2012.00725.x|year=2012 }}
*{{citecitation journal|mode=cs1 |last=McConvell |first=Patrick |year=1985 |chapter=Domains and codeswitching among bilingual Aborigines |editor=M. Clyne |title=Australia, Meeting Place of Languages |place=Canberra |publisher=Pacific Linguistics |pages=95–125}}
*{{citecitation journal|mode=cs1 |last=McConvell |first=Patrick |year=1988 |chapter=Mix-im-up: Aboriginal codeswitching old and new |editor=M. Heller |title=Codeswitching: Anthropological and Sociolinguistic Perspectives |place=Berlin |publisher=Mouton de Gruyter |pages=97–124}}
*{{cite journalconference |last=McConvell |first=Patrick |year=2007 |chaptertitle=Language ecology as determinant of language shift or language hybridity: Some Australian Aboriginal cases |titleconference=Paper presented at the International Symposium on Bilingualism |place=Hamburg, Germany}}
*{{cite journal |last=McConvell |first=Patrick |year=2008 |title=Mixed Languages as outcomes of code-switching: Recent examples from Australia and their implications |journal=Journal of Language Contact |volume=2 |pages=187–212 |doi=10.1163/000000008792525327|hdl=1885/50173 |hdl-access=free }}
*{{cite journal |last=McConvell |first=Patrick |author2=Meakins, Felicity |year=2005 |title=Gurindji Kriol: A Mixed Language Emerges from Code-switching |journal=Australian Journal of Linguistics |volume=25 |issue=1 |pages=9–30 |doi=10.1080/07268600500110456|s2cid=62281541 }}
*{{citecitation journal|mode=cs1 |last=Meakins |first=Felicity |year=2008a |chapter=Land, language and identity: The socio-political origins of Gurindji Kriol. |editor=M. Meyerhoff |editor2=N. Nagy |title=Social Lives in Language |place=Amsterdam |publisher=John Benjamins |pages=69–94}}
*{{citecitation journal|mode=cs1 |last=Meakins |first=Felicity |year=2008b |chapter=Unravelling languages: Multilingualism and language contact in Kalkaringi |editor=J. Simpson |editor2=G. Wigglesworth |title=Children’sChildren's Language and Multilingualism: Indigenous Language Use at Home and School |place=New York: Continuum |pages=247–264}}
*{{citecitation journal|mode=cs1 |last=Meakins |first=Felicity |year=2009 |chapter=The case of the shifty ergative marker: A pragmatic shift in the ergative marker in one Australian mixed language |editor=J. Barddal |editor2=S. Chelliah |title=The Role of Semantics and Pragmatics in the Development of Case |place=Amsterdam |publisher=John Benjamins |pages=59–91}}
*{{cite journal |last=Meakins |first=Felicity |year=2010 |title=The development of asymmetrical serial verb constructions in an Australian mixed language |journal=Linguistic Typology |volume=14 |issue=1 |pages=1–38 |doi=10.1515/lity.2010.001|s2cid=722398 |url=http://espace.library.uq.edu.au/view/UQ:219380/UQ219380_OA.pdf }}
*{{cite journal |last=Meakins |first=Felicity |year=2011a |title=Spaced out: Inter-generational changes in the expression of spatial relations by Gurindji people |journal=Australian Journal of Linguistics |volume=31 |issue=1|pages=43–78 |doi=10.1080/07268602.2011.532857|s2cid=61447438 }}
*{{cite journal |last=Meakins |first=Felicity |year=2011b |title=Borrowing contextual inflection: Evidence from northern Australia |journal=Morphology |volume=21 |issue=1 |pages=57–87 |doi=10.1007/s11525-010-9163-4|s2cid=120670749 }}
*{{cite journal |last=Meakins |first=Felicity |year=2011c |title=Case marking in Contact: The Development and Function of Case Morphology in Gurindji Kriol |place=Amsterdam |publisher=John Benjamins}}
*{{cite journal |last=Meakins |first=Felicity |year=2012a |title=Which Mix? - Code-switching or a mixed language - Gurindji Kriol |journal=Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages |volume=27 |issue=1 |pages=105–140 |doi=10.1075/jpcl.27.1.03mea}}
*{{citecitation journal|mode=cs1 |last=Meakins |first=Felicity |year=2012b |chapter=Gurindji Kriol |editor=S. Michaelis |editor2=P. Maurer |editor3=M. Haspelmath |editor4=M. Huber |title=Atlas of Pidgin and Creole Structures, vol II: The language surveys |place=Oxford |publisher=Oxford University Press}}
*{{cite journal |last=Meakins |first=Felicity |author2=O'Shannessy, Carmel |year=2005 |title=Possessing variation: Age and inalienability related variables in the possessive constructions of two Australian mixed languages |journal=Monash University Linguistics Papers |volume=4 |issue=2 |pages=43–63}}
*{{cite journal |last=Meakins |first=Felicity |author2=O'Shannessy, Carmel |year=2010 |title=Ordering arguments about: Word order and discourse motivations in the development and use of the ergative marker in two Australian mixed languages |journal=Lingua |volume=120 |issue=7 |pages=1693–1713 |doi=10.1016/j.lingua.2009.05.013|s2cid=51838191 |url=https://espace.library.uq.edu.au/view/UQ:219379/MeakinsOShannessy2010.pdf }}
*{{cite journal |last=O'Shannessy |first=Carmel |author2=Meakins, Felicity |title=Comprehension of competing argument marking systems in two Australian mixed languages |journal=Bilingualism: Language and Cognition |doi=10.1017/S1366728911000307 |volume=15 |issue=2 |year=2011 |pages=378–396|s2cid=143698464 }}
{{refend}}
 
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[[Category:Pidgins and creoles of Australia]]
[[Category:Mixed languages]]
[[Category:Gurindji]]