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{{Short description|Mixed Gurindji–Kriol language of Australia}}
{{use dmy dates|date=August 2020}}
{{use Australian English|date=August 2020}}
{{Infobox language
|name=Gurindji Kriol
|region=[[Kalkaringi]] and [[
|speakers=
|date=
|ref=<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/people/people-and-communities/cultural-diversity-census/2021/|title=Cultural diversity: Census|author=Australian Bureau of Statistics|access-date=13 October 2022|date=2021}}</ref>
|familycolor=Mixed
|family=[[mixed language|mixed]] [[Gurindji language|Gurindji]]–[[Australian Kriol language|Kriol]]
Line 13 ⟶ 16:
}}
'''Gurindji Kriol'''
Gurindji Kriol emerged in the 1970s from pervasive code-switching practices. It combines the lexicon and structure of Gurindji and Kriol. [[Gurindji language|Gurindji]] is a highly endangered language of the [[Ngumpin
Gurindji Kriol exhibits a structural split between the noun phrase and verb phrase, with Gurindji contributing the noun structure including case-marking, and the verb structure including tense-aspect-mood (TAM) auxiliaries coming from Kriol. In this respect, Gurindji Kriol is classified as a verb-noun (V-N) mixed language. Other examples of V-N mixed languages include [[Michif]] and [[Light Warlpiri]]. The maintenance of Gurindji within the mixed language can be seen as the perpetuation of [[Australian Aboriginal identity|Aboriginal identity]] under massive and continuing cultural incursion.
{| class="wikitable"
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==Lexicon==
Lexically there is a mix between Kriol and Gurindji. Despite the verb-noun structural split, some verbs are derived from Kriol and others from Gurindji. Similarly nouns from both languages are present. In general, based on a 200 word [[Swadesh list]], 36.6% of vocabulary is derived from Kriol and 35% finds its origins in Gurindji. The remaining 28.4% are synonymous forms from both languages, where the choice of word depends on a number of factors including the interlocutors. For example, more Gurindji vocabulary is used when addressing older Gurindji people or in the presence of outsiders.<ref>Meakins & O’Shannessy, 2005:45</ref> Some lexical specialisation can be noted, for example
==Phonology==
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In terms of vowels, Gurindji Kriol has a 5 vowel system. All Gurindji words contain only 3 vowel phonemes /ɪ/, /ɐ/ and /ʊ/ with diphthongs the result of combinations of vowels with glides in fast speech, for example /ɐw/ > [ɐʊ]. Kriol words make use of five vowel phonemes /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ in addition to /ɪ/, /ɐ/ and /ʊ/, plus diphthongs and long vowels.
{| class="wikitable IPA" style="text-align:center;"
!
!Front
!Central
!Back
|-
! Close
|{{IPA link|i}}
|
|{{IPA link|u}}
|-
! Mid
|{{IPA link|e}}
|
|{{IPA link|ɔ}}
|-
! Open
|
|{{IPA link|a}}
|
|}
The consonant inventory is a complex fusion of Gurindji and Kriol consonants. Words of Gurindji origin contain a three-way coronal contrast for stops, nasals and laterals, and a distinction between a post-alveolar rhotic and an apical trill (sometimes pronounced as a tap). Kriol-derived words contrast with those from Gurindji in containing fricatives. No voicing distinction is made for stops or fricatives in either Gurindji- or Kriol-derived words; voicing depends on position within word or utterance, and place of articulation.
{| class="wikitable IPA" style="text-align:center;"
!
! Bilabial
! Alveolar
! Post-alveolar
! Alveopalatal
! Velar
|-
! Stop
|{{IPA link|p}}
|{{IPA link|t}}
|{{IPA link|ʈ}}
|{{IPA link|ɟ}}
|{{IPA link|k}}
|-
! Fricative
|{{IPA link|f}}
|{{IPA link|s}}
|
|{{IPA link|ʃ}}
|
|-
! Nasal
|{{IPA link|m}}
|{{IPA link|n}}
|{{IPA link|ɳ}}
|{{IPA link|ɲ}}
|{{IPA link|ŋ}}
|-
! Lateral
|
|{{IPA link|l}}
|{{IPA link|ɭ}}
|{{IPA link|ʎ}}
|
|-
! Rhotic
|
|{{IPA link|r}}, {{IPA link|ɹ}}
|{{IPA link|ɻ}}
|
|
|-
! Glide
|
|
|
|{{IPA link|j}}
|{{IPA link|w}}
|}
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The Gurindji Kriol noun phrase consists of a head plus a number of potential modifiers. Potential heads are: nouns, nominalised adjectives, emphatic pronouns and demonstratives (this/that); and modifiers are determiners (in/definite, plural/singular) and adjectives. Heads and modifiers can be distinguished by their ability to take case marking. Heads are case-marked, and modifiers are not. The order of noun phrase constituents is relatively fixed: DET - MOD - HEAD. Finally Gurindji Kriol is an optional ergative language where the transitive subject is optionally marked ergative and objects are unmarked.<ref>Meakins 2009; Meakins and O'Shannessy 2010; O'Shannessy and Meakins to appear</ref>
{{interlinear |indent=2 |style1=color:purple;
| dat {{color|green|yapakayi}} {{color|green|karu-ngku}} i bin gon ged-im-bat dat {{color|green|karu}}
| the small child-ERG 3SG.SBJ PST go get-TR-PROG the child
| "The small kid goes to get the (other) kid."<ref name="Meakins, 2012b">Meakins, 2012b</ref>
|bottom= {{small|{{color|green|green words}} are Gurindji-derived, and {{color|purple|purple words}} are Kriol-derived}}
Gurindji Kriol contains many nominal suffixes, most of which are derived from Gurindji. These include case suffixes, number marking and derivational morphology. A number of these suffixes have Kriol-derived
{| class="wikitable"
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! Type !! Form !! Origin !! Type !! Form !! Origin
|-
| Ergative ||
|-
| Locative ||
|-
| Dative ||
|-
| Allative ||
|-
| Ablative ||
|-
| Comitative ||
|-
| Plural ||
|-
| Dual ||
|-
| Paucal ||
|-
| Associative ||
|-
| Dual Assoc ||
|}
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{| class="wikitable"
|-
! colspan="3" |
! Subject
! Object
! Emphatic
! Possessive
|-
! rowspan="4" | 1st<br />person
! rowspan="2" | singular
! exclusive
| {{color|purple|ai}}
| {{color|green|ngayu}}
| {{color|green|ngayu}}
| {{color|green|ngayiny}}
|-
! inclusive
| {{color|purple|wi}}
| {{color|green|ngali}}
| {{color|green|ngali}}
|
|-
! rowspan="2" | plural
! exclusive
| {{color|purple|wi}}
| {{color|green|ngaliwa}}
| {{color|green|ngaliwa}}
| {{color|green|ngaliwany}}
|-
! inclusive
| {{color|purple|wi}}
| {{color|green|ngantipa}}
| {{color|green|ngantipa}}
| {{color|green|ngantipany}}
|-
! rowspan="3" | 2nd<br />person
! colspan="2" | singular
| {{color|purple|yu}}
| {{color|purple|yu}}
| {{color|green|nyuntu}}
| {{color|green|nyununy}}
|-
! colspan="2" | dual
| {{color|purple|yutu(bala)}}
| {{color|purple|yutu(bala)}}
|
|
|-
! colspan="2" | plural
| {{color|purple|yumob}}
| {{color|purple|yumob}}
| {{color|green|nyurru(lu)}}
| {{color|green|nyurruluny}}
|-
! rowspan="3" | 3rd<br />person
! colspan="2" | singular
| {{color|purple|i}}
| {{color|purple|im}}
| {{color|green|nyantu}}
| {{color|green|nyanuny}}
|-
! colspan="2" | dual
| {{color|purple|tu(bala)}}
| {{color|purple|tu(bala)}}
|
|
|-
! colspan="2" | plural
| {{color|purple|dei}}
| {{color|purple|dem}}
| {{color|green|nyarru(lu)}}
| {{color|green|nyarruluny}}
|-
! colspan="3" | reflexive/reciprocal
|
| {{color|purple|mijelp}}
|
|
|}
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The verb phrase consists of a tense auxiliary<sub>1</sub> followed by a modal auxiliary<sub>2</sub> and the main verb<sub>3</sub>. The auxiliary verbs are derived from Kriol and the main verb can come from either Gurindji or Kriol:
{{interlinear |indent=2 |style1=color:purple;
| i bin<sub>1</sub> labta<sub>2</sub> ged-im<sub>3</sub> im {{color|green|nyanuny}} mami-{{color|green|ngku}} na
| 3SG.SBJ PST MOD get-TR 3SG.OBJ 3SG.DAT mother-ERG FOC
| "His mother had to get him."<ref name="Meakins, 2012b"/>
|bottom= {{small|{{color|green|green words}} are Gurindji-derived, and {{color|purple|purple words}} are Kriol-derived}}
Gurindji Kriol distinguishes between past (bin) and present tense (zero-marked for nouns, ''-m'' for pronouns) and marks future time using a potential marker (garra) which is also used to express obligation. Many of the auxiliaries also have reduced forms which attach to subject pronouns, such as ''ai-rra'' > ''ai garra'' 'I will'.
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==Simple sentences==
''[[Verbless clause|Verbless clauses]]:''
Ascriptive clauses consist of a subject noun and nominalised adjective.
{{interlinear |indent=2 |style1=color:purple;
| {{color|green|ankaj}} dat {{color|green|karu}} im {{color|green|yapakayi}}-wan
| poor.thing the child 3SG small-NMLZ
| "Poor thing, that child is only a baby."<ref name="Meakins, 2012b"/>
|bottom= {{small|{{color|green|green words}} are Gurindji-derived, and {{color|purple|purple words}} are Kriol-derived}}
Existential clauses contain a subject with locative phrase.
{{interlinear |indent=2 |style1=color:purple;
| dat {{color|green|warlaku}} im andanith jiya-{{color|green|ngka}}
| the dog 3SG underneath chair-LOC
| "The dog is underneath the chair."<ref name="Meakins, 2012b"/>
}}
Possessive constructions consist of a nominal acting as a predicates, taking another nominal argument. In these clauses the head is marked dative. Inalienable nominals (body parts and kinship) are only optionally marked dative.<ref>Meakins and O'Shannessy 2005</ref>
{{interlinear |indent=2 |style1=color:purple;
| {{color|green|wartarra}} yu bin {{color|green|kirt}} dat {{color|green|ngakparn-ku}} hawuj
| hey 2SG PST break the frog-DAT house
| "Hey you broke the frog's home (the bottle)."<ref>Meakins 2011c: 157</ref>
}}
''Verbal clauses:''
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Intransitive clauses consist of a verb and a subject with no object. Adjuncts may be added to express the location or time of an action.
{{interlinear |indent=2 |style1=color:purple;
| {{color|green|warlaku}} i{{=}}m {{color|green|makin}} atsaid shop-{{color|green|ta}}
| dog 3SG.SBJ{{=}}PRS sleep outside shop-LOC
| "A dog sleeps outside the shop."<ref name="Meakins 2012b">Meakins 2012b</ref>
}}
Transitive clauses consist of an optionally-ergative marked subject (66.5%) and an absolutive object. Word order is predominately SVO (87.6%) and the ergative marker is more likely to appear when the agent nominal is postverbal.<ref>Meakins 2009; Meakins and O'Shannessy 2010</ref>
{{interlinear |indent=2 |style1=color:purple;
| an kengkaru i bin kil-im {{color|green|kurrupartu-yawung}} dat {{color|green|karu-ngku}}
| and kangaroo 3SG.S PST hit-TR boomerang-COM the child-ERG
| "And the kangaroo he hit with a boomerang, the child did."<ref>Meakins 2011c: 140</ref>
}}
Semi-transitive clauses are composed of an optionally-ergative marked subject and a dative object.
{{interlinear |indent=2 |style1=color:purple;
| naja-wan {{color|green|kajirri}} jing-in-at-{{color|green|karra}} bo {{color|green|nyanuny}} {{color|green|karu}}
| another-NMLZ old.woman call.out-PROG-out-PROG DAT 3SG.DAT child
| "Another woman calls out to her child."<ref name="Meakins 2012b"/>
}}
Ditransitive clauses consist of an accusative object and dative indirect object, and alternate with a clause with two accusative objects.
{{interlinear |indent=2 |style1=color:purple;
| dat {{color|green|malyju}} gib-it dat man jumok
| the boy give-TR the man cigarette
| "The boy gives the man a cigarette."<ref name="Meakins 2012b"/>
}}
Passive clauses consist of an auxiliary verb git (< get) and the loss of the transitive marker from the main verb. The agent also loses ergative case marking as an adjunct and acquires ablative case instead.
{{interlinear |indent=2 |style1=color:purple;
| man i bin get bait {{color|green|warlaku-nginyi}} {{color|green|wartan-ta}}
| man
| "The man got bitten by a dog on the hand."<ref>Meakins 2011c: 44</ref>
}}
==Complex sentences==
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Conjoined clauses are often zero-marked such as the following sentence which was uttered within one prosodic contour. The link between the clauses is implied.
{{interlinear |indent=2
| [{{color|green|warlaku}} {{color|purple|i-m}} {{color|green|lungkarra-karra}} {{color|green|nganta}}] [{{color|purple|i-m}} {{color|purple|tai-im-ap}} {{color|green|nyantu}} {{color|green|kuya}} {{color|purple|nek-}}{{color|green|ta}}]
| dog 3SG.S-PRS cry-PROG DUB 3SG.S-PRS tie-TR-up 3SG thus neck-LOC
| "The dog might be crying (because) he tied him up by the neck like that."<ref name="Meakins 2012b"/>
}}
A number of Kriol-derived conjunctions can be used to join verbal or nominal clauses such as an (and) and o (or). Others are only used to relate verbal clauses such as {{transl|gjr|dumaji}} (because), {{transl|gjr|bikos}} (because), bat (but), ib (if), den (then).
{{interlinear |indent=2 |style1=color:purple;
| dat {{color|green|marluka}} bin trai jidan jiya-{{color|green|ngka}} bat i bin {{color|green|kirt}}
| the old.man PST MOD sit chair-LOC but 3SG.SBJ PST break
| "The old man tried to sit on the chair but it broke."<ref name="Meakins 2012b"/>
}}
Subordination is mostly performed by marking the verb in the subordinate clause with a case-marker. This style of subordination is derived from Gurindji. For example, the locative marker can be used in a switch reference construction to indicate that the agent of the subordinate clause is the same as the object of the main clause.
{{interlinear |indent=2 |style1=color:purple;
| wan {{color|green|karu-ngku}} i gib-it la-im keik {{color|green|kajirri-yu}} {{color|green|makin-ta}}
| a child-ERG 3SG.SBJ give-TR OBL-3SG.O cake woman-DAT lie-LOC
| "A child gives a cake to the woman who is lying down."<ref name="Meakins 2012b"/>
}}
Gurindji Kriol also contains asymmetrical serial verb constructions. There are three potential parts to the asymmetrical serial verb construction: auxiliary<sub>1</sub>, minor verb<sub>2</sub> and main verb<sub>3</sub>.<ref>Meakins 2010</ref>
{{interlinear |indent=2 |style1=color:purple;
| i garra<sub>1</sub> put-im<sub>2</sub> {{color|green|makin<sub>3</sub>}} yard-{{color|green|ta}}
| 3SG.SBJ POT put-TR lie.down yard-LOC
| He will lay him down in the yard.<ref>Meakins 2010: 2</ref>
}}
==Notes==
Line 417 ⟶ 491:
{{refbegin}}
*{{cite journal |last=Charola |first=Erika. |year=2002 |title=The verb phrase structure of Gurindji Kriol Unpublished Honours |place=Melbourne University, Melbourne}}
*{{cite journal |last=Jones |first=Caroline |author2=Meakins, Felicity |author3=Buchan, Heather |year=2011 |title=Citation-speech vowels in Gurindji Kriol and local Australian English |journal=Australian Journal of Linguistics |volume=31 |issue=3 |pages=305–327 |doi=10.1080/07268602.2011.598629|s2cid=62651692 }}
*{{cite journal |last=Jones |first=Caroline |author2=Meakins, Felicity |author3=Muawiyath, Shujau |title=Learning vowel categories from maternal speech in Gurindji Kriol |journal=Language Learning |volume=62 |issue=4 |pages=1052–1078 |doi=10.1111/j.1467-9922.2012.00725.x|year=2012 }}
*{{
*{{
*{{cite
*{{cite journal |last=McConvell |first=Patrick |year=2008 |title=Mixed Languages as outcomes of code-switching: Recent examples from Australia and their implications |journal=Journal of Language Contact |volume=2 |pages=187–212 |doi=10.1163/000000008792525327|hdl=1885/50173 |hdl-access=free }}
*{{cite journal |last=McConvell |first=Patrick |author2=Meakins, Felicity |year=2005 |title=Gurindji Kriol: A Mixed Language Emerges from Code-switching |journal=Australian Journal of Linguistics |volume=25 |issue=1 |pages=9–30 |doi=10.1080/07268600500110456|s2cid=62281541 }}
*{{
*{{
*{{
*{{cite journal |last=Meakins |first=Felicity |year=2010 |title=The development of asymmetrical serial verb constructions in an Australian mixed language |journal=Linguistic Typology |volume=14 |issue=1 |pages=1–38 |doi=10.1515/lity.2010.001|s2cid=722398 |url=http://espace.library.uq.edu.au/view/UQ:219380/UQ219380_OA.pdf }}
*{{cite journal |last=Meakins |first=Felicity |year=2011a |title=Spaced out: Inter-generational changes in the expression of spatial relations by Gurindji people |journal=Australian Journal of Linguistics |volume=31 |issue=1|pages=43–78 |doi=10.1080/07268602.2011.532857|s2cid=61447438 }}
*{{cite journal |last=Meakins |first=Felicity |year=2011b |title=Borrowing contextual inflection: Evidence from northern Australia |journal=Morphology |volume=21 |issue=1 |pages=57–87 |doi=10.1007/s11525-010-9163-4|s2cid=120670749 }}
*{{cite journal |last=Meakins |first=Felicity |year=2011c |title=Case marking in Contact: The Development and Function of Case Morphology in Gurindji Kriol |place=Amsterdam |publisher=John Benjamins}}
*{{cite journal |last=Meakins |first=Felicity |year=2012a |title=Which Mix? - Code-switching or a mixed language - Gurindji Kriol |journal=Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages |volume=27 |issue=1 |pages=105–140 |doi=10.1075/jpcl.27.1.03mea}}
*{{
*{{cite journal |last=Meakins |first=Felicity |author2=O'Shannessy, Carmel |year=2005 |title=Possessing variation: Age and inalienability related variables in the possessive constructions of two Australian mixed languages |journal=Monash University Linguistics Papers |volume=4 |issue=2 |pages=43–63}}
*{{cite journal |last=Meakins |first=Felicity |author2=O'Shannessy, Carmel |year=2010 |title=Ordering arguments about: Word order and discourse motivations in the development and use of the ergative marker in two Australian mixed languages |journal=Lingua |volume=120 |issue=7 |pages=1693–1713 |doi=10.1016/j.lingua.2009.05.013|s2cid=51838191 |url=https://espace.library.uq.edu.au/view/UQ:219379/MeakinsOShannessy2010.pdf }}
*{{cite journal |last=O'Shannessy |first=Carmel |author2=Meakins, Felicity |title=Comprehension of competing argument marking systems in two Australian mixed languages |journal=Bilingualism: Language and Cognition |doi=10.1017/S1366728911000307 |volume=15 |issue=2 |year=2011 |pages=378–396|s2cid=143698464 }}
{{refend}}
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[[Category:Pidgins and creoles of Australia]]
[[Category:Mixed languages]]
[[Category:Gurindji]]
|