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{{Infobox military conflict
|conflict = CommunistBrazilian communist uprising of 1935
|caption = The 3rd Infantry Regiment barracks in Rio de Janeiro on fire after the Communistcommunist insurrection.
|image = File:Intentona Comunista de 1935 - 3º Regimento de Infantaria em chamas.jpg
|image_size = 280px300px
|date = 23 – 27 November 1935 ({{Age in years, months, weeks and days|year1=1935|month1=11|day1=23|year2=1935|month2=11|day2=27}})
|place = [[Natal, Rio Grande do Norte|Natal]], [[Recife]], and [[Rio de Janeiro]], [[Brazil]]
|result = Government victory
|combatant1 = '''{{flagicon|Brazil}} [[Vargas Era|Brazil]]'''
* [[File:{{flagicon image|Brasão Nacional PPMMPPMMsvg.PNG|15px]]svg}} [[Military Police (Brazil)|Police Corps]]
* [[File:{{flagicon image|Coat of arms of the Brazilian Army.svg|15px]]}} [[Brazilian Army]]
* [[File:{{flagicon image|Naval_Jack_of_Brazil.svg|15px]]}} [[Brazilian Navy]]
**[[File:Coat_of_arms_of_the_Brazilian_Marine_Corps{{flagicon image|Brasão do Corpo de Fuzileiros Navais.png|15px]]}} [[Brazilian Marine Corps|Marine Corps]]
|combatant2 = {{flagicon image|Socialist red flag.svg}} '''National Liberation Alliance'''<br/>
* {{flagicon image|PCB logo.svg}} [[Brazilian Communist Party]]<br/>
'''Supported by:'''<br>{{Flagicon image|Comintern_Logo.svg}} [[Communist International|Comintern]]
 
|commander1 = {{flagicon|Brazil}} [[Getúlio Vargas]]
'''Supported by:'''
|commander2 = {{flagicon image|Socialist red flag.svg}} [[Luís Carlos Prestes]]
[[Communist International]]
|casualties1 = At least 30 dead
|commander1= {{flagicon|Brazil}} [[Getúlio Vargas]]
|casualties2 = At least 120 dead
|commander2= {{flagicon image|Socialist red flag.svg}} [[Luís Carlos Prestes]]
|casualties1= At least 30 dead
|casualties2= At least 120 dead
}}
 
The '''CommunistBrazilian communist uprising of 1935''' ([[Portuguese language|Portuguese]]: ''Intentona Comunista'') was a military revolt in [[Brazil]] led by [[Luís Carlos Prestes]] and leftist low-rank military against [[Getúlio Vargas]]'s government on behalf of the [[National Liberation Alliance (Portuguese:Brazil)|National Liberation Alliance]] (''Aliança Nacional Libertadora -'', ANL). It took place in the cities of [[Natal, Rio Grande do Norte|Natal]], [[Recife]], and the capital [[Rio de Janeiro]] between 23 and 27 November 1935. The uprising was supported by the [[Brazilian Communist Party]] (PCB), then called the Communist Party of Brazil, and the [[Communist International]].<ref>{{cite web |url=http://cpdoc.fgv.br/producao/dossies/FatosImagens/RevoltaComunista |access-date=2015-11-02 |title=A revolta comunista de 1935 |language=pt |archive-date=2015-12-22 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20151222135755/http://cpdoc.fgv.br/producao/dossies/FatosImagens/RevoltaComunista |url-status=dead }}</ref>
 
== Background ==
In July 1934, with the approval of Brazil's new constitution and the election of Vargas, the country entered a period of constitutional normality, although no one was satisfied. President [[Getúlio Vargas]] declared himself against the constitutional regime despite his authoritative role, meanwhile,. otherOther opposing factions ofwithin Brazil's politics shared his point of view that the new government was weak and thus began to plot. The plot toits overthrow the government began in 1934 by disgraced military officers who lost power and prestige as a result of collaborating with former Brazilian president [[Arthur Bernardes|Artur Bernades]] during the [[Brazilian Revolution of 1930]].{{Citation needed|date=November 2021}} Using their position within the military, conspirators began an effort to siphon military weapons from police forces and recruited military men of [[Sergeant]] rank and below to form a combat force. These efforts gave the revolutionaries connections to most garrisons in the country by October 1934, although three factions would form within the revolutionary movement causing a clash of ideas. The revolution was divided into three groups, the first group based in [[Sao paulo|São Paulo]] was led by military officers and civilians seeking social reform. The second faction was made up of military personnel who shared [[Authoritarianism|authoritarian]] ideals, while the third was composed of communists within the military both enlisted and officers.
 
The plot to overthrow the government was begun in 1934 by disgraced military officers who lost power and prestige as a result of collaborating with former Brazilian president [[Arthur Bernardes|Artur Bernades]] during the [[Brazilian Revolution of 1930]].{{Citation needed|date=November 2021}} Using their position within the military, conspirators began an effort to siphon military weapons from police forces and recruited military men of [[sergeant]] rank and below to form a combat force.
The Brazilian Communist Party, which was back then called the Communist Party of Brazil, would take control of the movement by January of 1935 after the uprising caught the attention of the [[Soviet Union]]. Communist agents identified these political divisions within the movement, particularly the differences between officers who rallied with ''Artur Bernades'' and those who wished for social reform. The movement during this time would find itself infiltrated by the [[Communist International|Comintern]], Johann Heinrich Amadeus de Graaf of [[MI6|British intelligence]], and by Vargas' government. Vargas' army officer [[Filinto Müller|Filinto Muller]], based in the [[Federal district|Federal District]], learned of the conspiracy against the government as early as October 1934. Moscow would slowly penetrate the conspiracy in January 1935 with the communists taking full control of the movement by March 1935 after expelling unsympathetic officers from the cause. This would act to hinder the movement which had initially intend to begin the uprising during Carnival week in 1935, however, senior military leaders were rightfully fearful that the communist element in their midst would take over their movement.
 
These efforts gave the revolutionaries connections to most garrisons in the country by October 1934, although three factions would form within the revolutionary movement, causing a clash of ideas. The first group, based in [[São Paulo]], was led by military officers and civilians seeking social reform. The second faction was made up of military personnel who shared [[Authoritarianism|authoritarian]] ideals, while the third was composed of communists within the military, both enlisted and officers.
During this time the National Liberation Alliance was created in Brazil, inspired by popular fronts that emerged in Europe to prevent Nazi-fascist political advance. The ANL would serve to expand the conspiracy by incorporating the masses attracting many military personnel, [[Catholic Church|Catholics]], [[Socialism|socialists]], and liberals into the mass movement under a unified front alongside numerous unhappy worker's unions. Members of the ANL viewed Vargas as a revolutionary who would continue to further plunge the country towards an authoritarian regime. The movement's platform was the fight against the exploitation of Brazil by international capital, the struggle for land reform and the struggle for democracy: for Bread, Land and Freedom. [[Luís Carlos Prestes]] was publicly announced as ANL's honorary president following the party's formation announcement, this decision made in part due to his involvement in leading the revolutions of the 1920's and his high esteem among military officials. A revolutionary forerunner of [[Che Guevara]], "Cavalier of Hope" Prestes became a staunch communist in 1930, publicly acknowledging his allegiance to the plight of the proletariat in 1931 following a visit to Moscow. Prestes' requests for membership into Brazil's communist party were ignored for years while away from Brazil until a directive was issued by the Comintern directly requesting his acceptance into the organization.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Santana|first=Marco Aurelio|title=“Re-Imagining the Cavalier of Hope: The Brazilian Communist Party and the Images of Luiz Carlos Prestes.” Twentieth Century Communism, 2009|pages=1}}</ref>
 
The movement during this time would find itself infiltrated by the [[Communist International|Comintern]], [[MI6]] agent Johann Heinrich Amadeus de Graaf, and Vargas' government. [[Filinto Müller|Filinto Muller]], an officer loyal to Vargas based in the [[Federal district|Federal District]], learned of the conspiracy against the government as early as October 1934.
In April 1935, Luís Carlos Prestes would be sent back to Brazil following a winter season in Moscow with his wife, fellow communist [[Olga Benário Prestes|Olga Benario Prestes]], along with communists Harry Berger, Argentine Rodolfo Ghioldi, León-Julles Vallée, Franz Paul Gruber, and American Victor Alan Baron who would join the Comintern's delegation to Brazil. The delegation from the Comintern was accompanied by a [[GRU (G.U.)|GRU]] agent who saw to their security during and after the trip to Brazil. Upon his return, thanks to his reputation among military officers, Prestes assumes control of the conspiracy and shape the revolution to come. With Prestes heading the conspiracy, the Comintern felt confident in financially supporting the movement allowing the movement to grow exponentially allowing the party to among other things, produce new propaganda and new communist youth programs.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Sarmento)|first=Pinheiro, Paulo Sérgio de M. S. (Paulo Sérgio de Moraes|url=http://worldcat.org/oclc/26067080|title=Estratégias da ilusão : a revolução mundial e o Brasil, 1922-1935|date=1992|publisher=Companhia das Letras|isbn=85-7164-165-X|oclc=26067080}}</ref>
 
Senior military leaders were rightfully fearful that the communist element in their midst would take over their movement. The Brazilian Communist Party, which was back then called the Communist Party of Brazil, wouldbegan its efforts to take control of the movement by January of 1935 after the planning for an uprising caught the attention of the [[Soviet Union]]. Communist agents identified these political divisions within the movement, particularly the differences between officers who rallied with ''Artur Bernades''Bernardes and those who wished for social reform. The movement during this time would find itself infiltrated by the [[Communist International|Comintern]], Johann Heinrich Amadeus de Graaf of [[MI6|British intelligence]], and by Vargas' government. Vargas' army officer [[Filinto Müller|Filinto Muller]], based in the [[Federal district|Federal District]], learned of the conspiracy against the government as early as October 1934. Moscow would slowly penetrate the conspiracy in January 1935 with the communists takingtook full control of the movement by March 1935 after expelling unsympathetic officers from the cause. This would act to hinder the movement, which had initially intendintended to begin the uprising during Carnival week, in 1935, however, senior military leaders were rightfully fearful that the communist element in their midst would take over their movement.
Thanks to information provided to Vargas by Filinto Muller, Vargas was able to attach the conspirators of the plot to the ''National Liberation Alliance.'' In retaliation Vargas successfully urged the National Congress of Brazil ([[Portuguese language|Portuguese]]: ''Congresso Nacional do Brasil'') to pass the 1935 National Security law outlawing the political alliance formed by the ANL. This legislation inhibited Prestes' ability to rally widespread support from the masses who worried about becoming targeted by the government. At the time, Vargas' government had acknowledged the threat of revolution posed by members of the ANL, reaching the same conclusion as the Comintern when they decided to back the conspiracy. This crackdown against the communists made Prestes changed his tactics, forcing him to spread additional agents throughout the army to recruit new conspirators and bolster his forces while continuing to defy Vargas by having the ANL continue to host their illegal rallies throughout the summer of 1935. By August 1935 Prestes had completed drafting his plans for the installation of a communist regime by way of military uprising in several regions to trigger strikes and revolution.
 
During this time the National Liberation Alliance was created in Brazil, inspired by popular fronts that emerged in Europe to prevent Nazi-fascist political advance. The ANL would serve to expand the conspiracy by attracting many military personnel, [[Catholic Church|Catholics]], [[Socialism|socialists]], and liberals into the mass movement under a unified front alongside numerous unions.
== Outbreak of Uprisings ==
The first military uprising broke out on November 23, 1935, in [[Natal, Rio Grande do Norte|Natal]] where communists successfully created a provisional government just outside the city for some time. The next day, another military uprising took place in [[Recife]]. On the 27th, a revolt broke out in [[Rio de Janeiro]], the then capital of the country. From Rio de Janeiro, Luís Carlos Prestes the day before was still attempting to rally support from other high ranking military officials including Newton Estillac Leal who would ignore his plea and inform the government of these attempts at communication. Citizens in Natal and Recife were distributed military surplus to fight along with the insurgent revolutionaries against loyalist troops.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Sa Motta|first=Rodrigo|title=On Guard Against the Red Menace|year=2020}}</ref>
 
Members of the ANL viewed Vargas as a revolutionary who would continue to further plunge the country towards an authoritarian regime. The movement's platform was the fight against the exploitation of Brazil by international capital, the struggle for land reform and the struggle for democracy: for Bread, Land and Freedom.
In Rio de Janeiro, the 3rd Infantry Regiment and the 2nd Infantry Regiment, would have indiscriminately wounded and killed their comrades who slept if extra precautions weren't taken by military leaders after the revolutionary uprisings in the north of the country. The most dramatic episode of the communist uprising was the attempt to conquer the Aviation Regiment in [[Campo dos Afonsos, Rio de Janeiro|Campo dos Afonsos]], at the time part of the army (the Brazilian Air Force would only be created in 1941), with the aim of obtaining aircraft to bomb the city of Rio de Janeiro. The loyalist military soldiers managed to install artillery pieces to bomb the runway and preventing any such bomber planes from taking off. The final assault was carried out with an infantry charge supported by artillery, which overtook the captured installations. Despite uprisings in three major urban centers, other populated centers like [[São Paulo]] and [[Minas Gerais]] with present communists elements failed to act. This a result of orders destined to communist cells in both cities being intercepted in Rio de Janeiro by the Military. The Brazilian military confined the insurgents to The Federal District, cutting off communications between the rebel cells, isolating the uprisings to their respective cities and preventing communist leader's from organizing cohesively.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Waack|first=William|title=Comrades . In the Moscow archives: the secret history of the 1935 Brazilian revolution.}}</ref>
 
During this time the National Liberation Alliance was created in Brazil, inspired by popular fronts that emerged in Europe to prevent Nazi-fascist political advance. The ANL would serve to expand the conspiracy by incorporating the masses attracting many military personnel, [[Catholic Church|Catholics]], [[Socialism|socialists]], and liberals into the mass movement under a unified front alongside numerous unhappy worker's unions. Members of the ANL viewed Vargas as a revolutionary who would continue to further plunge the country towards an authoritarian regime. The movement's platform was the fight against the exploitation of Brazil by international capital, the struggle for land reform and the struggle for democracy: for Bread, Land and Freedom. [[Luís Carlos Prestes]] was publicly announced as ANL's honorary president following the party's formation announcement, thisof decisionits madeformation, inbased part due toon his involvement in leading the revolutions of the 1920's1920s and his high esteem among military officials. A revolutionary forerunner of [[Che Guevara]], "Cavalier of Hope" Prestes became a staunch communist in 1930, publicly acknowledging his allegiance to the plight of the [[proletariat]] in 1931 following a visit to Moscow. Prestes' requests for membership into Brazil's communistCommunist partyParty were ignored for years, while away from Brazil, until a directive was issued by the Comintern, directly requesting his acceptance into the organization.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Santana|first=Marco Aurelio|title=“Re"Re-Imagining the Cavalier of Hope: The Brazilian Communist Party and the Images of Luiz Carlos Prestes." Twentieth Century Communism, 2009|pages=1}}</ref>
Without the support of the working class, and restricted to the three cities, the rebellion was quickly and violently put down after several weeks of fighting. Rebels would eventually lay down their arms and were sparred from execution by Vargas who sought criminal trials against leaders of the movement and collaborators. From then on, intense persecution affected not only communists but also all government opponents. Thousands of people were arrested across the country for their direct or indirect involvement in the uprising. Congressmen, senators, and even the mayor of Rio de Janeiro, [[Pedro Ernesto Baptista]] would become incarcerated. President [[Getúlio Vargas]] accused the revolutionary conspirators of being against God, against the motherland, and against the concept of family demonizing those who participated.
 
In April 1935, Prestes would be sent back to Brazil following a winter season in Moscow with his wife, fellow communist [[Olga Benário Prestes|Olga Benario Prestes]], along with communists Harry Berger, Argentine Rodolfo Ghioldi, León-Julles Vallée, Franz Paul Gruber, and American Victor Alan Baron, who would join the Comintern's delegation to Brazil. The delegation from the Comintern was accompanied by a [[GRU (Soviet Union)|GRU]] agent who saw to their security during and after the trip to Brazil.
 
In April 1935, Luís Carlos Prestes would be sent back to Brazil following a winter season in Moscow with his wife, fellow communist [[Olga Benário Prestes|Olga Benario Prestes]], along with communists Harry Berger, Argentine Rodolfo Ghioldi, León-Julles Vallée, Franz Paul Gruber, and American Victor Alan Baron who would join the Comintern's delegation to Brazil. The delegation from the Comintern was accompanied by a [[GRU (G.U.)|GRU]] agent who saw to their security during and after the trip to Brazil. Upon his return, thanks to his reputation among military officers, Prestes assumesassumed control of the conspiracy and shapeplans for the revolution to come. With Prestes heading the conspiracy, the Comintern felt confident in financially supporting the movement allowing the movement to grow exponentially, allowing the party to among other things, produce new propaganda and initiate new communist youth programs.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Sarmento)|first=Pinheiro, Paulo Sérgio de M. S. (Paulo Sérgio de Moraes|url=http://worldcat.org/oclc/26067080|title=Estratégias da ilusão : a revolução mundial e o Brasil, 1922-1935|date=1992|publisher=Companhia das Letras|isbn=85-7164-165-X|oclc=26067080}}</ref>
 
Thanks to information provided to Vargas by Filinto Muller, Vargas was able to connect the conspirators to the ''National Liberation Alliance.'' In response Vargas successfully urged the National Congress of Brazil ([[Portuguese language|Portuguese]]: ''Congresso Nacional do Brasil'') to pass the 1935 National Security law outlawing the political alliance formed by the ANL. This legislation inhibited Prestes' ability to rally widespread support from the masses, who worried about becoming targeted by the government.
 
Thanks to information provided to Vargas by Filinto Muller, Vargas was able to attach the conspirators of the plot to the ''National Liberation Alliance.'' In retaliation Vargas successfully urged the National Congress of Brazil ([[Portuguese language|Portuguese]]: ''Congresso Nacional do Brasil'') to pass the 1935 National Security law outlawing the political alliance formed by the ANL. This legislation inhibited Prestes' ability to rally widespread support from the masses who worried about becoming targeted by the government. At the time, Vargas' government had acknowledged the threat of revolution posed by members of the ANL, reaching the same conclusion as the Comintern when theyit decided to back the conspiracy. ThisIn crackdownJuly, the government moved against the communistsANL, with troops raiding offices, confiscating propaganda, seizing records, and jailing leaders. This crackdown made Prestes changedchange his tactics, forcing him to spread additional agents throughout the army to recruit new conspirators and bolster his forces while continuing to defy Vargas by having the ANL continue to host their illegal rallies throughout the summer of 1935. By August 1935, Prestes had completed drafting his plans for the installation of a communist regime by way of military uprising in several regions to trigger strikes and revolution.
 
== Outbreak of Uprisingsuprisings ==
The first military uprising broke out on 23 November 1935, in [[Natal, Rio Grande do Norte|Natal]] where communists successfully created a provisional government just outside the city for some time. The next day, another military uprising took place in [[Recife]]. On the 27th, a revolt broke out in [[Rio de Janeiro]], the capital of the country at that time.
 
The first military uprising broke out on November 23, 1935, in [[Natal, Rio Grande do Norte|Natal]] where communists successfully created a provisional government just outside the city for some time. The next day, another military uprising took place in [[Recife]]. On the 27th, a revolt broke out in [[Rio de Janeiro]], the then capital of the country. From Rio de Janeiro, Luís Carlos Prestes the day before was still attempting to rally support from other high ranking military officials, including Newton Estillac Leal, who would ignore his plea and inform the government of these attempts at communication. Citizens in Natal and Recife were distributed military surplus to fight along with the insurgent revolutionaries against loyalist troops.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Sa Motta|first=Rodrigo|title=On Guard Against the Red Menace|year=2020}}</ref>
 
In Rio de Janeiro, the 3rd Infantry Regiment and the 2nd Infantry Regiment, would have indiscriminately wounded and killedattacked their comrades who slept if extramilitary precautionsleaders weren'thad not taken byextra military leadersprecautions after the revolutionary uprisings in the north of the country. The most dramatic episode of the communist uprising was the attempt to conquer the Aviation Regiment in [[Campo dos Afonsos, Rio de Janeiro|Campo dos Afonsos]], at the time part of the army (the Brazilian Air Force would only be created in 1941), with the aim of obtaining aircraft to bomb the city of Rio de Janeiro. The loyalistLoyalist military soldiers managed to install artillery pieces to bomb the runway and preventingprevent any such bomber planesbombers from taking off. The final assault was carried out with an infantry charge supported by artillery, which overtookretook the captured installations. Despite uprisings in three major urban centers, other populated centers like [[São Paulo]] and [[Minas Gerais]] with present communists elements failed to act. This a result of orders destined to communist cells in both cities being intercepted in Rio de Janeiro by the Military. The Brazilian military confined the insurgents to The Federal District, cutting off communications between the rebel cells, isolating the uprisings to their respective cities and preventing communist leader's from organizing cohesively.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Waack|first=William|title=Comrades . In the Moscow archives: the secret history of the 1935 Brazilian revolution.}}</ref>
 
Despite uprisings in three major urban centers, other populated centers such as [[São Paulo]] and [[Minas Gerais]] with organized communist elements failed to act, as the military intercepted orders destined to communist cells in both cities. The Brazilian military confined the insurgents to the Federal District, cutting off communications between the rebel cells, isolating the uprisings to their respective cities and preventing communist leaders from organizing cohesively.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Waack|first=William|title=Comrades . In the Moscow archives: the secret history of the 1935 Brazilian revolution.}}</ref>
 
Without the support of the working class, and restricted to the three cities, the rebellion was quickly and violently put down after several weeks of fighting. Rebels would eventually lay down their arms and were spared from execution by Vargas, who sought criminal trials only against the leaders of the movement and collaborators.
 
President Vargas accused the revolutionary conspirators of being against God, against the motherland, and against the concept of family, demonizing those who participated. From then on, intense persecution affected not only communists but also all government opponents. Thousands of people were arrested across the country for their direct or indirect involvement in the uprising. Congressmen, senators, and even the mayor of Rio de Janeiro, [[Pedro Ernesto Baptista]], would be incarcerated. The regime arrested and tortured Prestes, while deporting his wife, [[Olga Benario]], to [[Nazi Germany]], where she later died in a [[concentration camp]].<ref>{{Cite book|date=2009-09-01|title=Jewish Women's Archive-Jewish Women: A Comprehensive Historical Encyclopedia}}</ref>
 
== Aftermath ==
[[File:At Rio de Janeiro 2019 574.jpg|thumb|Monument to the Victims of the Uprising, at Praia Vermelha, [[Urca]], [[Rio de Janeiro]]]]
Despite its failure, the Communistcommunist revolt hadgave providedVargas a justification orthe pretext for assigningacquiring more power to Getúlio Vargas. After November 1935, Thethe National Congress of Brazil approved a series of laws that restricted its own power, while the executive gained almost unlimited powers of repression. This process culminated in the coup of 10 November 10, 1937, which closed the National Congress of Brazil, canceled the upcoming 1938 presidential elections, and madeinstalled [[Getúlio Vargas]] rule as a dictator. This period of Vargas dictatorship is called the ''[[Estado Novo (Brazil)|Estado Novo]]'', which lasted until 1945.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Chirio|first=Maud|title=The politics in the barracks: revolts and protests by officers in the Brazilian military dictatorship.|isbn=9788537808306}}</ref> In early 1936, in an attempt to find those responsible for the failure of the uprising, Prestes ordered the 18-year-old Elza Fernandes, girlfriend of the PCB's secretary general, to be assassinated. Prestes suspected that she was a police informant, which later proved to be a mistake.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Nussbaum|first=Martha|date=2008|title=Interview15 -March Martha2012 Nussbaum|urlisbn=http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/tpm200840112|journal=The Philosophers' Magazine|issue=40|pages=51–54|doi=10.5840/tpm200840112|issn=1354-814X|hdl=1866/3293|hdl-access=free9788537808306}}</ref>
 
=== List of casualtiesCasualties ===
There is no complete assessment of the victims, with loyalists and insurgents joining in all the events that took place. Among the insurgents it is difficult to find a complete list with the names of the victims, but it is estimated that at least one hundred died only in the Recife uprising alone and another twenty in the Praia Vermelha uprising in Rio de Janeiro, and it is still necessary towhich accountleaves foruncounted the deaths occurredoccurring in Natal and other barracks in Rio de Janeiro.<ref>{{Cite book|title=Correio da Manhã - 11/26/1935|year=1935}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|title="The Communist Intentona: what is a fact and what is a rumor" .|url=http://www.pitoresco.com/historia/republ207.htm|url-status=live|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160303230554/http://www.pitoresco.com/historia/republ207.htm |archive-date=2016-03-03 }}</ref>

Among the loyalist troops involved in the fighting there were 22 fatalities. The Brazilian Army lists a total of 30 victims without, however, disclosing whether they were loyalists or insurgents.
 
In early 1936, in an attempt to find those responsible for the failure of the uprising, Prestes ordered the 16-year-old [[Elza Fernandes]], girlfriend of the PCB's secretary general, to be assassinated. Prestes suspected that she was a police informant, which later proved to be a mistake.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Nussbaum|first=Martha|date=2008|title=Interview - Martha Nussbaum|url=http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/tpm200840112|journal=The Philosophers' Magazine|issue=40|pages=51–54|doi=10.5840/tpm200840112|issn=1354-814X|hdl=1866/3293|hdl-access=free}}</ref>
 
== Gallery ==
<gallery>
File:Intentona Comunista de 1935 (7).jpg|Loyalist troops.
File:Intentona Comunista de 1935 - Interior do Quartel do 3º Regimento de Infantaria, emfoco chamasdo movimento comunista de novembro de 1935.jpg|Barracks of the 3rd Infantry Regiment, barracks onepicentre fireof afterthe Communistcommunist attackuprising.
File:Intentona Comunista de 1935 (6).jpg|Rio de Janeiro Police Corps near the seat of government.
File:Intentona Comunista de 1935 - Contingente de fuzileiros navais desembarcando no Catete para guarde do Palácio.jpg|Brazilian Marines arriving to hold back advancing Communistcommunist troops.
File:Intentona Comunista de 1935 - Movimento comunista em Natal - Aeroporto da Condor, onde comunistas montaram guarda durante o seu domínio.jpg|Communist civilians and rebel soldiers stand guard near the captured aircraft.
</gallery>
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==References==
{{Reflist}}
 
{{Getúlio Vargas}}
 
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[[Category:1935 in Brazil]]
[[Category:Communist rebellions]]
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[[Category:Vargas Era]]
[[Category:Communism in Brazil]]
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