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* {{flagicon image|Coat of arms of the Brazilian Army.svg}} [[Brazilian Army]]
* {{flagicon image|Naval_Jack_of_Brazil.svg}} [[Brazilian Navy]]
**{{flagicon image|
|combatant2 = {{flagicon image|Socialist red flag.svg}} '''National Liberation Alliance'''
* {{flagicon image|PCB logo.svg}} [[Brazilian
'''Supported by:'''<br>{{Flagicon image|Comintern_Logo.svg}} [[Communist International|Comintern]]
|commander1 = {{flagicon|Brazil}} [[Getúlio Vargas]]
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}}
The '''Brazilian communist uprising of 1935''' ([[Portuguese language|Portuguese]]: ''Intentona Comunista'') was a military revolt in [[Brazil]] led by [[Luís Carlos Prestes]] and leftist low-rank military against [[Getúlio Vargas]]'s government on behalf of the [[National Liberation Alliance (
== Background ==
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These efforts gave the revolutionaries connections to most garrisons in the country by October 1934, although three factions would form within the revolutionary movement, causing a clash of ideas. The first group, based in [[São Paulo]], was led by military officers and civilians seeking social reform. The second faction was made up of military personnel who shared [[Authoritarianism|authoritarian]] ideals, while the third was composed of communists within the military, both enlisted and officers.
The movement during this time would find itself infiltrated by the [[Communist International|Comintern]], [[MI6]] agent Johann Heinrich Amadeus de Graaf
Senior military leaders were rightfully fearful that the communist element in their midst would take over their movement. The Brazilian Communist Party, which was then called the Communist Party of Brazil, began its efforts to take control of the movement by January 1935 after the planning for an uprising caught the attention of the [[Soviet Union]]. Communist agents identified these political divisions within the movement, particularly the differences between officers who rallied with Artur
During this time the National Liberation Alliance was created in Brazil, inspired by popular fronts that emerged in Europe to prevent Nazi-fascist political advance. The ANL would serve to expand the conspiracy by attracting many military personnel, [[Catholic Church|Catholics]], [[Socialism|socialists]], and liberals into the mass movement under a unified front alongside numerous unions.
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[[Luís Carlos Prestes]] was publicly announced as ANL's honorary president following the party's announcement of its formation, based on his involvement in leading the revolutions of the 1920s and his high esteem among military officials. A revolutionary forerunner of [[Che Guevara]], "Cavalier of Hope" Prestes became a staunch communist in 1930, publicly acknowledging his allegiance to the plight of the [[proletariat]] in 1931 following a visit to Moscow. Prestes' requests for membership into Brazil's Communist Party were ignored for years, while away from Brazil, until a directive was issued by the Comintern, directly requesting his acceptance into the organization.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Santana|first=Marco Aurelio|title="Re-Imagining the Cavalier of Hope: The Brazilian Communist Party and the Images of Luiz Carlos Prestes." Twentieth Century Communism, 2009|pages=1}}</ref>
In April 1935, Prestes would be sent back to Brazil following a winter season in Moscow with his wife, fellow communist [[Olga Benário Prestes|Olga Benario Prestes]], along with communists Harry Berger, Argentine Rodolfo Ghioldi, León-Julles Vallée, Franz Paul Gruber, and American Victor Alan Baron, who would join the Comintern's delegation to Brazil. The delegation from the Comintern was accompanied by a [[GRU (Soviet Union)|GRU]] agent who saw to their security during and after the trip to Brazil.
Upon his return, thanks to his reputation among military officers, Prestes assumed control of the conspiracy and plans for the revolution to come. With Prestes heading the conspiracy, the Comintern felt confident in financially supporting the movement allowing the movement to grow exponentially, allowing the party to produce new propaganda and initiate new communist youth programs.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Sarmento)|first=Pinheiro, Paulo Sérgio de M. S. (Paulo Sérgio de Moraes|url=http://worldcat.org/oclc/26067080|title=Estratégias da ilusão : a revolução mundial e o Brasil, 1922-1935|date=1992|publisher=Companhia das Letras|isbn=85-7164-165-X|oclc=26067080}}</ref>
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Despite uprisings in three major urban centers, other populated centers such as [[São Paulo]] and [[Minas Gerais]] with organized communist elements failed to act, as the military intercepted orders destined to communist cells in both cities. The Brazilian military confined the insurgents to the Federal District, cutting off communications between the rebel cells, isolating the uprisings to their respective cities and preventing communist leaders from organizing cohesively.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Waack|first=William|title=Comrades . In the Moscow archives: the secret history of the 1935 Brazilian revolution.}}</ref>
Without the support of the working class, and restricted to the three cities, the rebellion was quickly and violently put down after several weeks of fighting. Rebels would eventually lay down their arms and were spared from execution by Vargas, who sought criminal trials only against the leaders of the movement and collaborators.
President Vargas accused the revolutionary conspirators of being against God, against the motherland, and against the concept of family, demonizing those who participated. From then on, intense persecution affected not only communists but also all government opponents. Thousands of people were arrested across the country for their direct or indirect involvement in the uprising. Congressmen, senators, and even the mayor of Rio de Janeiro, [[Pedro Ernesto Baptista]], would be incarcerated. The regime arrested and tortured Prestes, while deporting his wife, [[Olga Benario]], to [[Nazi Germany]], where she later died in a [[concentration camp]].<ref>{{Cite book|date=2009-09-01|title=Jewish Women's Archive-Jewish Women: A Comprehensive Historical Encyclopedia}}</ref>
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== Aftermath ==
[[File:At Rio de Janeiro 2019 574.jpg|thumb|Monument to the Victims of the Uprising, at Praia Vermelha, [[Urca]], [[Rio de Janeiro]]]]
Despite its failure, the communist revolt gave Vargas the pretext for acquiring more power. After November 1935, the National Congress of Brazil approved a series of laws that restricted its own power, while the executive gained almost unlimited powers of repression. This process culminated in the coup of 10 November 1937, which closed the National Congress of Brazil, canceled the upcoming 1938 presidential elections, and installed [[Getúlio Vargas]] as a dictator. This period of dictatorship is called the ''[[
===
There is no complete assessment of the victims, with loyalists and insurgents joining in all the events that took place. Among the insurgents it is difficult to find a complete list with the names of the victims, but it is estimated that at least one hundred died in the Recife uprising alone and another twenty in the Praia Vermelha uprising in Rio de Janeiro, which leaves uncounted the deaths occurring in Natal and other barracks in Rio de Janeiro.<ref>{{Cite book|title=Correio da Manhã - 11/26/1935|year=1935}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|title="The Communist Intentona: what is a fact and what is a rumor" .|url=http://www.pitoresco.com/historia/republ207.htm|url-status=live|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160303230554/http://www.pitoresco.com/historia/republ207.htm |archive-date=2016-03-03 }}</ref>
Among the loyalist troops involved in the fighting there were 22 fatalities. The Brazilian Army lists a total of 30 victims without, however, disclosing whether they were loyalists or insurgents.
In early 1936, in an attempt to find those responsible for the failure of the uprising, Prestes ordered the
== Gallery ==
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