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{{Globalize|article|Anglophone|2name=[[English-speaking world|the English-speaking world]]|date=May 2023}}
An '''opinion poll''', often simply referred to as a '''survey''' or a '''poll''' (although strictly a poll is an actual election), is a [[survey (human research)|human research survey]] of [[public opinion]] from a particular [[sampling (statistics)|sample]]. Opinion polls are usually designed to represent the opinions of a population by conducting a series of questions and then extrapolating generalities in ratio or within [[confidence intervals]]. A person who conducts polls is referred to as a '''pollster'''isse jama shidane.
 
== History ==
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In 1916, ''[[The Literary Digest]]'' embarked on a national survey (partly as a circulation-raising exercise) and correctly predicted [[Woodrow Wilson]]'s election as president. Mailing out millions of [[postcard]]s and simply counting the returns, ''The Literary Digest'' also correctly predicted the victories of [[Warren Harding]] in 1920, [[Calvin Coolidge]] in 1924, [[Herbert Hoover]] in 1928, and [[Franklin Roosevelt]] in 1932.
 
Then, in [[1936 United States presidential election|1936]], its survey of 2.3 million voters suggested that [[Alf Landon]] would win the presidential election, but Roosevelt was instead re-elected by a landslide. [[George Gallup]]'s research found that the error was mainly caused by [[participation bias]]; those who favored Landon were more enthusiastic about returning their postcards. Furthermore, the postcards were sent to a target audience who were more affluent than the American population as a whole, and therefore more likely to have [[United States Republican Party|Republican]] sympathies.<ref name="squire">{{Cite web|last=Squire|first=Peverill|date=1988|title=Why the 1936 Literary Digest Poll Failed|url=https://issuu.com/chilesoc/docs/why-the-1936-literary-digest-poll |via=Issuu |access-date=2020-11-15|work=Public Opinion Quarterly|language=en|archive-date=2022-01-04|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220104053033/https://issuu.com/chilesoc/docs/why-the-1936-literary-digest-poll|url-status=live}}</ref> At the same time, Gallup, [[Archibald Crossley]] and [[Elmo Roper]] conducted surveys that were far smaller but more scientifically based, and all three managed to correctly predict the result.<ref name=":0">{{Citation|last=Dietrich|first=Bryce J.|title=Crossley, Archibald (1896–1985)|date=2008|url=https://wwwbooks.google.com/books/edition/Encyclopedia_of_Survey_Research_Methods/Lp_v7SrFL_sC?hlid=en&gbpv=1Lp_v7SrFL_sC&pg=PA170|encyclopedia=Encyclopedia of Survey Research Methods|pages=170–171|place=Thousand Oaks|publisher=SAGE Publications, Inc.|doi=10.4135/9781412963947|isbn=9781412918084|access-date=2021-05-22 }}</ref><ref name="cantril">{{cite web |last1=Cantril |first1=Hadley |first2=Mildred |last2=Strunk |year=1951 |url=https://www.questia.com/read/98754561?title=Public%20Opinion%2c%201935-1946 |title=Public Opinion, 1935–1946 |publisher=Princeton University Press |page=vii |access-date=2017-09-07 |archive-date=2009-06-29 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090629104413/http://www.questia.com/read/98754561?title=Public%20Opinion%2C%201935-1946 |url-status=live }}</ref> ''The Literary Digest'' soon went out of business, while polling started to take off.<ref name=":0"/> Roper went on to correctly predict the two subsequent reelections of President Franklin D. Roosevelt. [[Louis Harris]] had been in the field of public opinion since 1947 when he joined the Elmo Roper firm, then later became partner.
 
In September 1938, [[Jean Stoetzel]], after having met Gallup, created IFOP, the [[Institut français d'opinion publique|Institut Français d'Opinion Publique]], as the first European survey institute in Paris. Stoetzel started political polls in summer 1939 with the question "[[Why Die for Danzig?|Why die for Danzig?]]", looking for popular support or dissent with this question asked by appeasement politician and future collaborationist [[Marcel Déat]].
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The second, first described by Petty and Cacioppo (1996), is known as "cognitive response" theory. This theory asserts that a voter's response to a poll may not line with their initial conception of the electoral reality. In response, the voter is likely to generate a "mental list" in which they create reasons for a party's loss or gain in the polls. This can reinforce or change their opinion of the candidate and thus affect voting behaviour. Third, the final possibility is a "behavioural response" which is similar to a cognitive response. The only salient difference is that a voter will go and seek new information to form their "mental list", thus becoming more informed of the election. This may then affect voting behaviour.
 
These effects indicate how opinion polls can directly affect political choices of the electorate. But directly or indirectly, other effects can be surveyed and analyzed on all political parties. The form of [[Framing (social sciences)|media framing]] and party ideology shifts must also be taken under consideration. Opinion polling in some instances is a measure of cognitive bias, which is variably considered and handled appropriately in its various applications. In turn, non-nuanced reporting by the media about poll data and public opinions can thus even aggravate political polarization.<ref>{{Cite journal |lastlast1=Willems |firstfirst1=Jurgen |last2=Meyfroodt |first2=Kenn |date=2024-01-30 |title=Debate: Reporting pre-election polls: it is less about average Jane and Joe, and more about polarized Karen and Kevin |url=https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/09540962.2024.2306912 |journal=Public Money & Management |volume=44 |issue=3 |language=en |pages=1–2185–186 |doi=10.1080/09540962.2024.2306912 |issn=0954-0962|hdl=1854/LU-01HNDE8TMQF8BFNFMTD2P3A21T |hdl-access=free }}</ref>
 
=== Effect on politicians ===