Conservative coalition: Difference between revisions

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{{Short description|UnofficialDefunct U.S.congressional Congressional conservativecross-party coalition betweenin Republicansthe andUnited DemocratsStates}}
{{Infobox political party
| name = Conservative Coalition
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| headquarters =
| ideology = {{nowrap|[[Conservatism in the United States|Conservatism]]<br>'''Early phase:'''<br>[[Liberal conservatism]]{{cref|A}}<br>[[Economic liberalism]]<br>[[Anti-communism]]<br>Anti-[[New Deal]]<br>Anti-[[Labour movement|labor]]<br>[[States' rights]]<br>'''Later phase:'''<br>[[Fiscal conservatism]]<br>[[Social conservatism in the United States|Social conservatism]]<br>[[Reaganomics|Reaganism]]<br>[[Anti-communism]]}}
| position = [[Center-right]] to [[Right-wing politics|right-wing]]<ref>{{cite journal|url=http://berlin.wolf.ox.ac.uk/published_works/singles/bib139a/bib139a.pdf |title=American Profiles on Capitol Hill: A Confidential Study for the British Foreign Office in 1943 |author=Hachey, Thomas E. |journal=Wisconsin Magazine of History |date=Winter 1973–1974 |volume=57 |issue=2 |pages=141–53 |jstor=4634869 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131021185357/http://berlin.wolf.ox.ac.uk/published_works/singles/bib139a/bib139a.pdf |archive-date=October 21, 2013 }}</ref><ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=u93Mj3A-tH8C&dq=Ideological+Divisions+in+Congress,+1945-1959&pg=PA125 Ideologies and Institutions American Conservative and Liberal Governance Prescriptions Since 1933 By J. Richard Piper, 1997, P.126]</ref>
| position = [[Right-wing politics|Right-wing]]
| country = United States
| footnotes = {{cnote|A|Prior to the 1960s, American right-wing referred to themselves as liberals, who opposed Franklin D. Roosevelt's "[[New Deal liberalism|New Liberalism]]" and called themselves "[[Liberalism in the United States#Classical liberalism|True Liberalism]]".{{Citation needed|date=July 2023}}}}
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The '''conservative coalition''', founded in 1937, was an unofficial alliance of members of the [[United States Congress]] which brought together the [[Conservatism in the United States|conservative]] wings of the [[History of the Republican Party (United States)|Republican]] and [[History of the Democratic Party (United States)|Democratic]] parties to oppose President [[Franklin D. Roosevelt|Franklin Delano Roosevelt]]'s [[New Deal]]. In addition to Roosevelt, the conservative coalition dominated Congress for four presidencies, blocking legislation proposed by Roosevelt and his successors. By 1937, the conservatives were the largest faction in the Republican Party which had opposed the New Deal in some form since 1933. Despite Roosevelt being a Democrat himself, his party did not universally support the New Deal agenda in Congress. Democrats who opposed Roosevelt's policies tended to hold [[Conservative Democrat|conservative views]], and allied with conservative Republicans. These Democrats were mostly located in the [[Southern Democrats|South]]. According to [[James T. Patterson (historian)|James T. Patterson]]: "By and large the congressional conservatives agreed in opposing the spread of federal power and bureaucracy, in denouncing deficit spending, in criticizing industrial [[Trade union|labor unions]], and in excoriating most welfare programs. They sought to 'conserve' an America which they believed to have existed before 1933."<ref>{{cite book|first=James T.|last=Patterson|title=Congressional Conservatism and the New Deal|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Y8MfBgAAQBAJ&pg=PR7|year=1967|publisher=University Press of Kentucky|pages=vii–viii|isbn=9780813164045}}</ref>
 
The coalition dominated Congress from 1937 to 1963, when former [[U.S. Senate majority leader|Senate Majority Leader]] [[Lyndon B. Johnson|Lyndon Johnson]] assumed the presidency and broke its influence. Johnson took advantage of weakened conservative opposition, and Congress passed many progressive economic and social reforms in his presidency.<ref>{{Cite book | last=Dunn | first=Susan | title=Roosevelt's Purge: How FDR Fought to Change the Democratic Party | year=2010 | publisher=Harvard University Press | ref = {{sfnRef | Dunn}}| isbn=978-0674057173 }}</ref> The conservative coalition, which controlled key [[United States congressional committee|congressional committees]] and made up a majority of both houses of Congress during Kennedy's presidency, had prevented the implementation of progressive reforms since the late 1930s.<ref>Mack C. Shelley, "Presidents and the conservative coalition in the U.S. Congress." ''Legislative Studies Quarterly'' (1983): 79-96 [https://www.jstor.org/stable/439472 online] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210514041924/https://www.jstor.org/stable/439472 |date=2021-05-14 }}</ref> It remained a declining political force until it disappeared in the mid-1990s when few conservative Democrats remained in Congress.<ref>Jeffery A. Jenkins and Nathan W. Monroe, "Negative Agenda Control and the Conservative Coalition in the U.S. House" ''Journal of Politics'' (2014). 76#4, pp. 1116–27. doi:10.1017/S0022381614000620</ref> Following the 1994 [[Republican Revolution]], many of the remaining conservative Democrats in congress joined to form the [[Blue Dog Coalition]].
 
Never a formalized alliance, the conservative coalition, most often appeared on votes affecting labor unions based on Congressional roll call votes. Congressional opponents of civil rights reform, consisting white Southern Democrats and Republicans, despite being an overall minority in both chambers, prevented major congressional action on civil rights during the relevant time period through control of influential committees and by exploiting the Senate filibuster rule. The conservative coalition did not cooperate against [[civil rights]] bills however, ultimately enabling President Johnson and [[Everett Dirksen]] to convince sufficient numbers of congressional Republicans to ally with Liberal Democrats to invoke [[cloture]] and push through the [[Civil Rights Act of 1964]].<ref>Katznelson, 1993</ref> However, the coalition did have the power to prevent unwanted bills from even coming to a vote. The coalition included many committee chairmen from the South who blocked bills by simply not reporting them from their committees. Furthermore, [[Howard W. Smith]], chairman of the [[House Rules Committee]], often could kill a bill simply by not reporting it out with a favorable rule; he lost some of that power in 1961.<ref>Bruce J. Dierenfield, ''Keeper of the Rules: Congressman Howard W. Smith of Virginia'' (1987)</ref> The conservative coalition was not unified with regards to foreign policy, as most Southern Democrats were internationalists. Most Republicans supported isolationism until President [[Dwight D. Eisenhower]] took office in 1953.
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====Attacking liberal policies====
{{see also|1938 United States elections}}
Coalition opposition to Roosevelt's "court packing" [[Judiciary Reorganization Bill of 1937]] was first led by [[United States House of Representatives|House]] coalition Democrat and [[United States House Committee on the Judiciary|House Judiciary Committee]] chairman [[Hatton W. Sumners]]. Sumners refused to endorse the bill, actively chopping it up within his committee in order to block the bill's chief effect of Supreme Court expansion. Finding such stiff opposition within the House, the administration arranged for the bill to be taken up in the Senate. Congressional Republicans decided to remain silent on the matter, denying pro-bill congressional Democrats the opportunity to use them as a unifying force. Republicans then watched from the sidelines as their Democratic coalition allies split the Democratic party vote in the Senate, defeating the bill.<ref>{{Cite book | last=Dunn | first=Susan | title=Roosevelt's Purge: How FDR Fought to Change the Democratic Party | year=2010 | publisher=Harvard University Press | ref = {{sfnRef | Dunn}}| isbn=978-0674057173 }}</ref>
 
In the hard-fought 1938 congressional elections, the Republicans scored major gains in both houses, picking up six Senate seats and 80 House seats. Thereafter the conservative Democrats and Republicans in both Houses of Congress would often vote together on major economic issues, thus defeating many proposals by liberal Democrats.<ref>for example, ''Time'' magazine reported, " "Five Southern Democrats and four Republicans sat smiling at a lady one day last week in the cramped, dim-lit House Rules committee-room.... The nine smug gentlemen, key bloc of the '''conservative coalition now dominating the House''', could afford to be gracious to hard-plugging Mary Norton, Labor committee chairlady, because they had just finished trampling roughshod over her." TIME Aug 7, 1939 [https://web.archive.org/web/20120301115348/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,848047-1,00.html#ixzz0qlj7xSPp online]</ref> The [[Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938]] was the last major New Deal legislation that Roosevelt succeeded in enacting into law.<ref name="lubell1955">{{cite book | title=The Future of American Politics | publisher=Anchor Press | author=Lubell, Samuel | year=1955 | page=13}}</ref> A confidential British [[Foreign Office]] analysis of the [[Senate Foreign Relations Committee]] in April 1943 stated that although the committee had 15 Democrats, seven Republicans, and one independent, because of the Republican-conservative Democratic alliance only 12 of the 23 members supported Roosevelt's policies.<ref>{{cite journal|url=http://berlin.wolf.ox.ac.uk/published_works/singles/bib139a/bib139a.pdf |title=American Profiles on Capitol Hill: A Confidential Study for the British Foreign Office in 1943 |author=Hachey, Thomas E. |journal=Wisconsin Magazine of History |date=Winter 1973–1974 |volume=57 |issue=2 |pages=141–53 |jstor=4634869 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131021185357/http://berlin.wolf.ox.ac.uk/published_works/singles/bib139a/bib139a.pdf |archive-date=October 21, 2013 }}</ref> Conservatives also had strong representation in Congress in the post-war years.<ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=u93Mj3A-tH8C&dq=Ideological+Divisions+in+Congress,+1945-1959&pg=PA125 Ideologies and Institutions American Conservative and Liberal Governance Prescriptions Since 1933 By J. Richard Piper, 1997, P.126]</ref> A handful of liberal measures, notably the [[minimum wage]] laws, did pass when the conservative coalition split.
 
===After the New Deal (1940-1960)===
Some infrastructure bills received conservative support, and funding for more highways was approved under both FDR and President [[Dwight D. Eisenhower]]; Eisenhower also expanded public housing. While such liberal successes did happen, they often required negotiations between factions controlling different House committees. With conservatives heavily influencing the House agenda through the House Rules Committee and the threat of possible filibusters in the Senate (which then required a 2/3 majority to break) several liberal initiatives such as a health insurance program were stopped. Much of Truman's [[Fair Deal]] in 1949–1951 was defeated, with exceptions such as a public housing provision when conservatives split. Truman was frustrated by continued conservative strength in Congress, in spite of liberal gains in the 1948 midterm elections. As noted by one study, “First of all, only one-third of the Senate is up for election every two years. In spite of the fact that the House has a narrow liberal majority, there are only 38 votes in the Senate wholeheartedly committed to the liberal program endorsed by the American voters last November."<ref>The Elevator Constructor Volumes 46–47 1949 P.1</ref> Also, while northern Democrats supported the Truman Administration’sAdministration's social welfare initiatives 91% of the time, the corresponding figure for southern Democrats was 46%.<ref>Race, Money, and the American Welfare State By Michael K. Brown, 1999, P.107</ref>
 
During his presidency, John F. Kennedy attempted with some success to reduce the conservative hold over the Rules Committee, which had blocked liberal reform measures over the years. As noted by one study, “By"By the late 1930s, the coalition succeeded in winning enough votes in the Rules Committee to prevent many Roosevelt (and later, Truman) proposals from reaching the floor, even though the measures had been reported by legislative committees of the House. Because of the seniority system, conservatives were able to retain control of the Rules Committee in many Congresses in which, in the House as a whole, liberals were preponderant." In 1961, the House narrowednarrowly voted 217-212217–212 in favourfavor of a plan to enlarge the Rules Committee from 12 to 15 members. The aim of this was to provide committee liberals with a majority on most issues “and"and thereby prevent conservative Republicans and Southern Democrats on the Committee from blocking House floor action on liberal Administration proposals approved by legislative committees." In this the plan was successful, as the enlarged House Rules Committee gave liberals a majority; albeit a precarious one.<ref>[https://library.cqpress.com/cqalmanac/document.php?id=cqal61-1373614 House Enlarges Rules Committee An article from CQ Almanac 1961]</ref> In January 1963 the enlargement of the Rules Committee was made permanent, with the House voting 235-196235–196 in favor.<ref>[https://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/media/documents/event/rulesadoptionpaper.pdf Adopting House Rules in a New Congress: From Democratic Deliberation to Partisan Monopoly by Donald R. Wolfensberger, P.12]</ref>
 
In its heyday in the 1940s and 1950s, the coalition's most important Republican leader was Senator [[Robert A. Taft]] of [[Ohio]]; the leading Democrats in the coalition were Senator [[Richard Russell, Jr.]] of [[Georgia (U.S. state)|Georgia]] and Congressmen [[Howard W. Smith]] of [[Virginia]] and [[Carl Vinson]] of Georgia. Although the coalition usually voted together on urban and labor issues, they were divided on other economic issues, such as farm and Western issues (such as water). Conservative Southern Democrats generally favored high government spending on rural issues, and in this urban and liberal Democrats supported them while Republicans were opposed. For this reason, Democratic caucuses of 230 to 260 seats were enough to pass Democratic farm programs, whereas on labor issues even Houses with in excess of 280 Democratic Members could not pass labor priorities.<ref>Mayhew, David, ''Party Loyalty among Congressmen: The Difference between Democrats and Republicans 1947–1962'' Harvard University Press (1966), pp. 165–68</ref> Foreign policy goals also presented a contrast. Prior to World War II most, though not all, conservative Republicans were [[non-interventionism|non-interventionists]] who wanted to stay out of the war at all costs, while most, though not all, Southern conservatives were [[Interventionism (politics)|interventionists]] who favored helping the British defeat [[Nazi Germany]].<ref>John W. Malsberger, ''From Obstruction to Moderation: The Transformation of Senate Conservatism, 1938–1952'' (2000) ch 2</ref> After the war, a minority of conservative Republicans (led by Taft) opposed military alliances with other nations, especially [[NATO]], while most Southern Democrats favored such alliances.
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====Civil Rights Era (1960-1972)====
{{main|Civil Rights Act of 1964|Lyndon Baines Johnson}}
Under President [[Lyndon Johnson]], who had an intimate knowledge of the inner workings of Congress, liberal Democrats, together with Conservative and Liberal Republicans led by Senate Minority Leader [[Everett Dirksen]], convinced all but six Republicans to vote for [[cloture]] on the [[Civil Rights Act of 1964]]. This vote broke a Southern filibuster led by Senators [[Robert Byrd]] (D-[[West Virginia|WV]]) and [[Strom Thurmond]] (DR-[[South Carolina|SC]]). Though a greater percentage of Republicans than Democrats (about 80% versus 60% respectively) voted for cloture and for the bill, the 1964 GOP Presidential nominee, [[Barry Goldwater]] (R-AZ), voted against cloture; before his presidential campaign Goldwater had supported civil rights legislation but opposed the Civil Rights Act of 1964 on constitutional grounds, believing private individuals had the right to [[Civil Rights Cases|choose with whom they engaged in business]]. The GOP was massively defeated in 1964, but recovered its strength in the congressional elections of 1966, and elected Richard Nixon president in 1968. Throughout the 1954–1980 era the Republicans were a minority in both the House and Senate, but most of the time they cooperated with Conservative Democrats.
 
In defining the size of the Conservative Coalition in 1964, one study noted that
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With Nixon's reelection and sweep of the South—as well as nearly every state in the country—in [[1972 United States presidential election|1972]], the Democratic stronghold of the [[Solid South]] had fallen to the GOP at the presidential level, save for 1976, 1992, and 1996, when a Southern Democrat was the Democratic nominee. However most of the state and local elections were still dominated by Democrats until the 1990s; at first these long-serving Southern Democrats still wielded great power due to the seniority system through chairing powerful committees; however, the strong Democratic victory in [[1974 United States elections|1974]] following the Watergate scandal led to a tremendous number of Northern and liberal Democratic freshmen in House, tilting the balance of the Democratic Caucus away from the Southerners. These [[Watergate Babies]] joined forces with more senior liberals and stripped committee chairmanship from three senior Southern Democrats: [[Wright Patman]], [[William R. Poage]], and [[F. Edward Hébert]], and otherwise reformed the House, making it more responsive to the overall Democratic Caucus and leadership, and with less power for committee chairs (and the minority party.)
 
Over in the Senate, the similarly large Democratic majority modified Rule 22, which governs the filibuster, shrinking the required majority to invoke cloture in most cases from two-thirds of the Senate to the current three-fifths, or 60 votes. These actions together greatly reduced the power of the Southern Democrats to steer and block legislation in the House and Senate, and reduced the institutional benefits of being loyal to the Democratic Party. Many surviving Southern Democrats switched parties and became Republicans after that party gained a majority in 1995.<ref>{{Cite news |title=Southern Democrats Coaxed to GOP Dance |work=Christian Science Monitor |url=https://www.csmonitor.com/1995/0622/22031.html |access-date=2023-01-05 |issn=0882-7729 |archive-date=2023-01-05 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230105045813/https://www.csmonitor.com/1995/0622/22031.html |url-status=live }}</ref>

As a result of the 1994 "[[Republican Revolution]]," Republicans became the majority of Southern members of the [[United States House of Representatives|U.S. House of Representatives]] for the first time since the [[Reconstruction era]], also replacing many conservative Democratic congressmen. A few Democratic Congressmen switched parties, such as [[Alabama]] Senator [[Richard Shelby]]. After declining in the 1980s, the conservative coalition ended after 1994. However, many similarly conservative Democrats served until the [[2010 United States elections|2010 midterm elections]].<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://www.economist.com/united-states/2010/11/11/the-long-goodbye|title=The long goodbye|newspaper=The Economist|access-date=2013-03-12}}</ref> The [[Blue Dog Coalition]] is considered the main successor to the conservative coalition amongst Democrats, as it began after the 1994 midterm elections.
 
==Main members==
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* Katznelson, Ira, Kim Geiger and Daniel Kryder. "Limiting Liberalism: The Southern Veto in Congress, 1933–1950," ''Political Science Quarterly'' Vol. 108, No. 2 (Summer, 1993), pp.&nbsp;283–306 [https://www.jstor.org/stable/2152013 in JSTOR]
* MacNeil, Neil. ''Forge of Democracy: The House of Representatives'' (1963)
* Malsberger, John W. ''From Obstruction to Moderation: The Transformation of Senate Conservatism, 1938–1952'' (2000) [https://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=111877178 online edition] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100420055859/http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o |date=2010-04-20 }}
* Manley, John F. "The Conservative Coalition in Congress." ''American Behavioral Scientist'' 17 (1973): 223–47.
* Mayhew, David R. ''Party Loyalty among Congressmen: The Difference between Democrats and Republicans, 1947–1962,'' Harvard University Press (1966)
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* Schickler, Eric. ''Disjointed Pluralism: Institutional Innovation and the Development of the U.S. Congress'' (2001)
* Schickler, Eric; Pearson, Kathryn. "Agenda Control, Majority Party Power, and the House Committee on Rules, 1937–52," ''Legislative Studies Quarterly'' (2009) 34#4 pp.&nbsp;455–91
* Shelley II, Mack C. ''The Permanent Majority: The Conservative Coalition in the United States Congress'' (1983) [https://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=106092311 online edition] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090604174516/http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=106092311 |date=2009-06-04 }}
* Shelley, Mack C. "Presidents and the Conservative Coalition in the U.S. Congress." ''Legislative Studies Quarterly'' (1983): 79-96 [https://www.jstor.org/stable/439472 online]
* Rohde, David W. ''Parties and Leaders in the Postreform House'' (1991)