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{{Featured article}}▼
{{Use American English|date=July 2022}}
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| description = Also attributed to an 1892 speech by President [[Grover Cleveland]]<br/>Recorded July 1896 (if authentic)
}}
|notes=[[s:Cross of Gold Speech|Transcript of speech]]
}} The '''Cross of Gold speech''' was delivered by [[William Jennings Bryan]], a former United States [[United States House of Representatives|Representative]] from [[Nebraska]], at the [[1896 Democratic National Convention|Democratic National Convention]] in [[Chicago]] on July 9, 1896. In his address, Bryan supported "[[free silver]]" (i.e. [[bimetallism]]), which he believed would bring the nation prosperity. He decried the [[gold standard]], concluding the speech, "you shall not crucify mankind upon a cross of gold".{{sfn|Kazin|p=61}} Bryan's address helped catapult him to the [[Democratic Party (United States)|Democratic Party
For twenty years, Americans had been bitterly divided over the nation's [[monetary standard]]. The gold standard, which the United States had effectively been on since 1873, limited the [[money supply]] but eased trade with other nations, such as the [[United Kingdom]], whose currency was also based on gold. Many Americans, however, believed that bimetallism (making both gold and silver [[legal tender]]) was necessary for the nation's economic health. The financial [[Panic of 1893]] intensified the debates, and when President [[Grover Cleveland]] (a Democrat) continued to support the gold standard against the will of much of his party, activists became determined to take over the Democratic Party organization and nominate a silver-supporting candidate in 1896.
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== Background ==
=== Monetary standards and the United States ===
In January 1791, at the request of Congress, [[United States Secretary of the Treasury|Secretary of the Treasury]] [[Alexander Hamilton]] issued a report on the currency. At the time, there was no mint in the United States; foreign coins were used. Hamilton proposed a monetary system based on [[bimetallism]], in which the new currency would be equal to a given amount of gold, or a larger amount of silver; at the time a given weight of gold was worth about 15 times as much as the same amount of silver. Although Hamilton understood that adjustment might be needed from time to time as precious metal prices fluctuated, he believed that if the nation's unit of value were defined only by one of the two precious metals used for coins, the other would descend to the status of mere merchandise, unusable as a store of value. He also proposed the establishment of a [[mint (coin)|mint]], at which citizens could present gold or silver, and receive it back, struck into money.{{sfn|Taxay|pp=48–49}} On April 2, 1792, Congress passed the [[Mint Act of 1792]]. This legislation defined a unit of value for the new nation, to be known as a [[United States dollar|dollar]]. The new unit of currency was defined to be equal to {{convert|24.75|gr}} of gold, or alternatively, {{convert|371.25|gr}} of silver, establishing a ratio of value between gold and silver of 15:1. The legislation also established the [[United States Mint|Mint of the United States]].{{sfn|Coin World Almanac|p=455}}
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=== Early attempts toward free silver ===
[[File:Richard P. Bland - Brady-Handy.jpg|thumb|left|upright|Representative [[Richard P. Bland]]]]
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=== Bryan seeks the nomination ===
{{for|additional detail on the political career of William Jennings Bryan before and during the 1896 campaign|William Jennings Bryan presidential campaign, 1896}}
Among those who spoke against the repeal of the Sherman Silver Purchase Act was [[Nebraska]] Representative [[William Jennings Bryan]]. Known as an orator even then ("the Boy Orator of the [[Platte River|Platte]]"), Bryan had not always favored free silver out of conviction, stating in 1892 that he was for it because the people of Nebraska were for it.{{sfn|Cherny|pp=52–53}} By 1893, his views on silver had evolved, and on the floor of the House of Representatives, he delivered a riveting three-hour address against repeal of the Silver Purchase Act.{{sfn|Kazin|pp=38–40}} In his conclusion, Bryan reached back in history:
{{quote|When a crisis like the present arose and the national bank of his day sought to control the politics of the nation, God raised up an Andrew Jackson, who had the courage to grapple with that great enemy, and by overthrowing it, he made himself the idol of the people and reinstated the Democratic party in public confidence. What will the decision be today? The Democratic party has won the greatest success in its history. Standing upon this victory-crowned summit, will it turn its face to the rising or the setting sun? Will it choose blessings or cursings—life or death—which? Which?{{sfn|Jones|p=68}}}}▼
▲When a crisis like the present arose and the national bank of his day sought to control the politics of the nation, God raised up an Andrew Jackson, who had the courage to grapple with that great enemy, and by overthrowing it, he made himself the idol of the people and reinstated the Democratic party in public confidence. What will the decision be today? The Democratic party has won the greatest success in its history. Standing upon this victory-crowned summit, will it turn its face to the rising or the setting sun? Will it choose blessings or cursings—life or death—which? Which?{{sfn|Jones|p=68}}
Despite the repeal of the act, economic conditions failed to improve. The year 1894 saw considerable labor unrest. President Cleveland sent federal troops to [[Illinois]] to end the [[Pullman
Bryan had long planned to run for president. Although he would only be 36 years old in 1896—one year above the constitutional minimum—he believed the silver question could carry him not only to the nomination, but to the presidency.{{sfn|Kazin|pp=42–44}} He traveled widely, speaking to audiences across the nation. His speeches impressed many; even some of his opponents later conceded that Bryan was the most compelling speaker they had ever heard. Bryan's speeches evolved over time; in December 1894, in a speech in Congress, he first used a phrase from which would come the conclusion to his most famous address: as originally stated, it was "I will not help to crucify mankind upon a cross of gold."{{sfn|Williams|pp=67–71}}{{sfn|Kazin|pp=46–48}}
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Historian James A. Barnes, in his historical journal article pointing out myths that have arisen about Bryan's candidacy and campaign, stated that Bryan's efforts bore fruit even before the convention:
{{quote|By April, 1896, many individuals were quietly working for Bryan's nomination. Circulars were being distributed in Illinois, and admirers in Nebraska, North Carolina, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, and other states were urging his selection among their friends. It was not in any concerted or open action, however, that Bryan had his strength; it was in the friendly predisposition of the mass of the delegates that he had hopes.{{sfn|Barnes|p=381}}}}▼
▲By April, 1896, many individuals were quietly working for Bryan's nomination. Circulars were being distributed in Illinois, and admirers in Nebraska, North Carolina, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, and other states were urging his selection among their friends. It was not in any concerted or open action, however, that Bryan had his strength; it was in the friendly predisposition of the mass of the delegates that he had hopes.{{sfn|Barnes|p=381}}
=== Selection of delegates ===
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The [[1896 Democratic National Convention]] followed events unique in post-Civil War American history. One after another, state conventions to elect delegates to the national convention in Chicago repudiated an incumbent elected president of their party, who had not declared whether he would be a candidate for renomination. According to Barnes:
{{quote|The people of the South and the West had for years been convinced of the enormity of the "crime of 1873", and they had long since come to regard silver as the sword that would cut the [[Gordian knot]] of privilege. Consciousness of grievances of years and not of months was reflected in the decisive action of the state Democratic conventions in the spring and early summer of 1896.{{sfn|Barnes|p=374}}}}▼
▲The people of the South and the West had for years been convinced of the enormity of the "crime of 1873", and they had long since come to regard silver as the sword that would cut the [[Gordian knot]] of privilege. Consciousness of grievances of years and not of months was reflected in the decisive action of the state Democratic conventions in the spring and early summer of 1896.{{sfn|Barnes|p=374}}
Many state conventions elected delegates pledged to support bimetallism in the party platform. [[Bourbon Democrats|Gold Democrats]] were successful in a few states in the Northeast, but had little luck elsewhere. Speakers in some states cursed Cleveland; the [[South Carolina]] convention denounced him. Cleveland issued a statement urging Democratic voters to support gold—the next convention to be held, in Illinois, unanimously supported silver; the keynote speaker prayed for divine forgiveness for Cleveland's 1892 nomination. Gold and silver factions in some states, such as Bryan's Nebraska, sent rival delegations to the convention.{{sfn|Williams|pp=72–74}}
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=== Silver advocates take control ===
Although Bryan had decided on a strategy to gain the nomination—to give a speech which would make him the logical candidate in the eyes of delegates—he faced obstacles along the way. For one thing, he began the 1896 convention without any official status—the Democratic National Committee, which made the initial determination of which delegations would be seated, had chosen the pro-gold Nebraskans to represent their state.{{sfn|Cherny|p=56}} Bryan had been waiting outside the committee room when his rivals were seated by a 27–23 vote; contemporary accounts state he was "somewhat surprised" at the result.{{sfn|Bensel|p=57}} The DNC's action could be reversed, but not until the convention's credentials committee reported.{{sfn|Cherny|p=59}} However, Barnes deemed the actions by the committee immaterial to the outcome due to the silver strength in the convention:
{{quote|Anyone who doubts the power the silverites were ready to unleash in a disciplined and irresistible attack needs only to read the results of the election of temporary chairman. The gold men, though they possessed the machinery of the party, had neither the power nor the strength to challenge their opponents. They could only beg them to spare the party the humiliation of broken traditions and the overthrowing of established control. Nevertheless, Senator [[John W. Daniel]] of Virginia was by an overwhelming vote elected temporary chairman, and a Committee on Credentials was appointed that seated Bryan and his contesting Nebraska delegation.{{sfn|Barnes|p=376}}}}▼
▲Anyone who doubts the power the silverites were ready to unleash in a disciplined and irresistible attack needs only to read the results of the election of temporary chairman. The gold men, though they possessed the machinery of the party, had neither the power nor the strength to challenge their opponents. They could only beg them to spare the party the humiliation of broken traditions and the overthrowing of established control. Nevertheless, Senator [[John W. Daniel]] of Virginia was by an overwhelming vote elected temporary chairman, and a Committee on Credentials was appointed that seated Bryan and his contesting Nebraska delegation.{{sfn|Barnes|p=376}}
{{quote box | align = right | width = 24em | quoted = true | salign = right
| quote = We demand the free and unlimited coinage of both silver and gold at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1 without waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation. We demand that the standard silver dollar shall be a full legal tender, equally with gold, for all debts, public and private, and we favor such legislation as will prevent for the future the demonitization of any kind of legal tender by private contract.
| source = From the money plank of the Democratic platform{{sfn|Official Proceedings of the 1896 Democratic National Convention|p=254}}}}
Good luck favored Bryan—he was considered for various convention roles by the silverites, but each time was not selected. The temporary chairmanship, for example, would have permitted him to deliver the [[keynote address]]. However, Bryan, lacking a seat at the start of the convention, could not be elected temporary chairman. Bryan considered this no loss at all; the focus of the convention was on the party platform and the debate which would precede its adoption. The platform would symbolize the repudiation of Cleveland and his policies after the insurgents' long struggle, and Bryan was determined to close the debate on the platform. Bryan, once seated, was Nebraska's representative to the Committee on Resolutions (generally called the "platform committee"), which allocated 80 minutes to each side in the debate and selected Bryan as one of the speakers. [[South Carolina]] Senator [[Benjamin Tillman]] was to be the other pro-silver speaker, and originally wished to close the debate. However, the senator wanted 50 minutes to speak, too long for a closing address, and at Bryan's request agreed to open the debate instead. Accordingly, Bryan became the final speaker on the platform.{{sfn|Williams|pp=80–81}}{{sfn|Bensel|pp=206–209}}
Delegates, as they waited for the committees to complete their work, spent much of the first two days listening to various orators. Of these, only Senator Blackburn, a silver supporter, sparked much reaction, and that only momentary. Delegates called for better-known speakers, such as Altgeld or Bryan, but were granted neither then; the Illinois governor declined, and the Nebraskan, once seated, spent much of his time away from the convention floor at the platform committee meeting at the [[Palmer House Hilton|Palmer House]].{{sfn|Bensel|pp=128–129}}
The debate on the platform opened at the start of the third day of the convention, July 9, 1896. The session was supposed to begin at 10:00 a.m., but as delegates, slowed by the long commute from the hotels to the Coliseum and fatigue from the first two days, did not arrive on time, proceedings did not begin until 10:45. Nevertheless, large crowds gathered outside the public entrances; the galleries were quickly packed. Once the convention came to order, [[Arkansas]] Senator [[James K. Jones]], chair of the Committee on Resolutions, read the proposed platform to cheers by many delegates; the reading of the pro-gold minority report attracted less applause.{{sfn|Bensel|pp=206–209}}
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Bryan began softly,
{{quote|I would be presumptuous, indeed, to present myself against the distinguished gentlemen to whom you have listened if this were a mere measuring of abilities; but this is not a contest between persons. The humblest citizen in all the land, when clad in the armor of a righteous cause, is stronger than all the hosts of error. I come to speak to you in defense of a cause as holy as the cause of liberty—the cause of humanity.{{sfn|Bensel|pp=224–225}}}}▼
▲I would be presumptuous, indeed, to present myself against the distinguished gentlemen to whom you have listened if this were a mere measuring of abilities; but this is not a contest between persons. The humblest citizen in all the land, when clad in the armor of a righteous cause, is stronger than all the hosts of error. I come to speak to you in defense of a cause as holy as the cause of liberty—the cause of humanity.{{sfn|Bensel|pp=224–225}}
Bryan's opening claimed no personal prestige for himself—but nevertheless placed him as the spokesman for silver.{{sfn|Bensel|pp=224–225}} According to Bensel, the self-deprecation helped disarm the delegates. As Bryan was not deemed a major contender for the nomination, even delegates committed to a candidate could cheer him without seeming to betray their allegiance.{{sfn|Bensel|pp=237–238}} Bryan then recounted the history of the silver movement; the audience, which had loudly demonstrated its approval of his opening statements, quieted.{{sfn|Bensel|pp=224–225}} Throughout the speech, Bryan had the delegates in the palm of his hand; they cheered on cue. The Nebraskan later described the audience as like a trained choir.{{sfn|Jones|p=227}} As he concluded his historical recitation, he reminded the silver delegates that they had come to crown their victory, "not to discuss, not to debate, but to enter up the judgment already rendered by the plain people of this country".{{sfn|Williams|p=84}}
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Bryan continued with language evoking the Civil War, telling his audience that "in this contest brother has been arrayed against brother, father against son."{{sfn|Harpine|p=49}} By then, as he spoke in a sincere tone, his voice sounded clearly and loudly through the hall.{{sfn|Kazin|p=60}} He denied, however that the contest was personal; he bore no ill-will towards those who supported the gold standard. However, he stated, facing towards the gold delegates, "when you come before us and tell us that we are about to disturb your business interests, we reply that you have disturbed our business interests by your course."{{sfn|Coletta|p=138}} The gold men, during the address, paid close attention and showed their appreciation for Bryan's oratory.{{sfn|Bensel|p=223}} Bryan then defended the right of silver supporters to make their argument against opposition from gold men, who were associated with financial interests, especially in the East. Although his statements nominally responded to a point made by Russell, Bryan had thought of the argument the previous evening, and had not used it in earlier speeches. He always regarded it as the best point he made during the speech, and only the ending caused more reaction from his listeners:
{{quote|We say to you that you have made the definition of a business man too limited in its application. The man who is employed for wages is as much a business man as his employer; the attorney in a country town is as much a business man as the corporation counsel in a great metropolis; the merchant at the cross-roads store is as much a business man as the merchant of New York; the farmer who goes forth in the morning and toils all day, who begins in spring and toils all summer, and who by the application of brain and muscle to the natural resources of the country creates wealth, is as much a business man as the man who goes upon the Board of Trade and bets upon the price of grain; the miners who go down a thousand feet into the earth, or climb two thousand feet upon the cliffs, and bring forth from their hiding places the precious metals to be poured into the channels of trade are as much business men as the few financial magnates who, in a back room, corner the money of the world. We come to speak of this broader class of business men.{{sfn|Williams|p=84}}{{sfn|Jones|p=228}}}}▼
▲We say to you that you have made the definition of a business man too limited in its application. The man who is employed for wages is as much a business man as his employer; the attorney in a country town is as much a business man as the corporation counsel in a great metropolis; the merchant at the cross-roads store is as much a business man as the merchant of New York; the farmer who goes forth in the morning and toils all day, who begins in spring and toils all summer, and who by the application of brain and muscle to the natural resources of the country creates wealth, is as much a business man as the man who goes upon the Board of Trade and bets upon the price of grain; the miners who go down a thousand feet into the earth, or climb two thousand feet upon the cliffs, and bring forth from their hiding places the precious metals to be poured into the channels of trade are as much business men as the few financial magnates who, in a back room, corner the money of the world. We come to speak of this broader class of business men.{{sfn|Williams|p=84}}{{sfn|Jones|p=228}}
Through this passage, Bryan maintained the contrast between the common man and the city-dwelling elite. It was clear to listeners as he worked his way through the comparisons that he would refer to the farmer, and when he did, the hall exploded with sound. His sympathetic comparison contrasted the hardworking farmer with the city businessman, whom Bryan cast as a gambler. The galleries were filled with white as spectators waved handkerchiefs, and it was several minutes before he could continue.{{sfn|Williams|pp=84–85}} The police in the convention hall, not sharing the enthusiasm for silver, were described by the press (some of whose members were caught up in the frenzy) as standing as if they thought the audience was about to turn on them.{{sfn|Bensel|p=233}} When Bryan resumed, his comparison of miner with miser again electrified the audience; the uproar prevented him from continuing for several minutes. One farmer in the gallery had been about to leave rather than listen to Bryan, whom he deemed a Populist; he had been persuaded to stay. At Bryan's words, he threw his hat into the air, slapped the empty seat in front of him with his coat, and shouted, "My God! My God! My God!"{{sfn|Jones|p=228}}{{sfn|Williams|pp=84–85}}{{sfn|Coletta|p=139}}
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Bryan, having established the right of silver supporters to petition, explained why that petition was not to be denied:
{{quote|It is for these that we speak. We do not come as aggressors. Our war is not a war of conquest; we are fighting in the defense of our homes, our families, and posterity. We have petitioned, and our petitions have been scorned; we have entreated, and our entreaties have been disregarded; we have begged, and they have mocked when our calamity came. We beg no longer; we entreat no more; we petition no more. We defy them!{{sfn|Bensel|p=227}}}}▼
▲It is for these that we speak. We do not come as aggressors. Our war is not a war of conquest; we are fighting in the defense of our homes, our families, and posterity. We have petitioned, and our petitions have been scorned; we have entreated, and our entreaties have been disregarded; we have begged, and they have mocked when our calamity came. We beg no longer; we entreat no more; we petition no more. We defy them!{{sfn|Bensel|p=227}}
With this call to action, Bryan abandoned any hint at compromise, and adopted the techniques of the radical, polarizing orator, finding no common ground between silver and gold forces. He then defended the remainder of the platform, though only speaking in general terms. He mocked McKinley, said by some to resemble [[Napoleon]], noting that he was nominated on the anniversary of the [[Battle of Waterloo]].{{sfn|Harpine|pp=51–52}} The lengthy passage as he discussed the platform and the Republicans helped calm the audience, ensuring he would be heard as he reached his [[peroration]]. But Bryan first wished to tie the silver question to a greater cause:{{sfn|Cherny|p=59}}{{sfn|Bensel|pp=230–232}}
{{quote|Upon which side will the Democratic Party fight; upon the side of "the idle holders of idle capital" or upon the side of "the struggling masses"? That is the question which the party must answer first, and then it must be answered by each individual hereafter. The sympathies of the Democratic Party, as shown by the platform, are on the side of the struggling masses, who have ever been the foundation of the Democratic Party.{{sfn|Official Proceedings of the 1896 Democratic National Convention|p=233}}}}▼
▲Upon which side will the Democratic Party fight; upon the side of "the idle holders of idle capital" or upon the side of "the struggling masses"? That is the question which the party must answer first, and then it must be answered by each individual hereafter. The sympathies of the Democratic Party, as shown by the platform, are on the side of the struggling masses, who have ever been the foundation of the Democratic Party.{{sfn|Official Proceedings of the 1896 Democratic National Convention|p=233}}}}
He faced in the direction of the gold-dominated state delegations:
{{quote|There are two ideas of government. There are those who believe that, if you will only legislate to make the well-to-do prosperous, their prosperity will leak through on those below. The Democratic idea, however, has been that if you legislate to make the masses prosperous, their prosperity will find its way up through every class which rests upon them. You come to us and tell us that the great cities are in favor of the gold standard; we reply that the great cities rest upon our broad and fertile prairies. Burn down your cities and leave our farms, and your cities will spring up again as if by magic; but destroy our farms and the grass will grow in the streets of every city in the country.{{sfn|Bensel|pp=230–232}}}}▼
▲There are two ideas of government. There are those who believe that, if you will only legislate to make the well-to-do prosperous, their prosperity will leak through on those below. The Democratic idea, however, has been that if you legislate to make the masses prosperous, their prosperity will find its way up through every class which rests upon them. You come to us and tell us that the great cities are in favor of the gold standard; we reply that the great cities rest upon our broad and fertile prairies. Burn down your cities and leave our farms, and your cities will spring up again as if by magic; but destroy our farms and the grass will grow in the streets of every city in the country.{{sfn|Bensel|pp=230–232}}
This statement attracted great cheering, and Bryan turned to rhetorically demolish the compromise position on bimetallism—that it should only be accomplished through international agreement:
{{quote|It is the issue of 1776 over again. Our ancestors, when but three millions in number, had the courage to declare their political independence of every other nation; shall we, their descendants, when we have grown to seventy millions, declare that we are less independent than our forefathers? No, my friends, that will never be the verdict of our people. Therefore, we care not upon what lines the battle is fought. If they say bimetallism is good, but that we cannot have it until other nations help us, we reply that, instead of having a gold standard because England has, we will restore bimetallism, and then let England have bimetallism because the United States has it. If they dare to come out in the open field and defend the gold standard as a good thing, we will fight them to the uttermost.{{sfn|Kazin|p=61}}{{sfn|Bensel|p=232}}}}▼
▲It is the issue of 1776 over again. Our ancestors, when but three millions in number, had the courage to declare their political independence of every other nation; shall we, their descendants, when we have grown to seventy millions, declare that we are less independent than our forefathers? No, my friends, that will never be the verdict of our people. Therefore, we care not upon what lines the battle is fought. If they say bimetallism is good, but that we cannot have it until other nations help us, we reply that, instead of having a gold standard because England has, we will restore bimetallism, and then let England have bimetallism because the United States has it. If they dare to come out in the open field and defend the gold standard as a good thing, we will fight them to the uttermost.{{sfn|Kazin|p=61}}{{sfn|Bensel|p=232}}
Now, Bryan was ready to conclude the speech, and according to his biographer, Michael Kazin, step "into the headlines of American history".{{sfn|Kazin|p=61}}
{{quote|Having behind us the producing masses of this nation and the world, supported by the commercial interests, the laboring interests, and the toilers everywhere, we will answer their demand for a gold standard by saying to them: "You shall not press down upon the brow of labor this crown of thorns; you shall not crucify mankind upon a cross of gold."{{sfn|Kazin|p=61}}}}▼
▲Having behind us the producing masses of this nation and the world, supported by the commercial interests, the laboring interests, and the toilers everywhere, we will answer their demand for a gold standard by saying to them: "You shall not press down upon the brow of labor this crown of thorns; you shall not crucify mankind upon a cross of gold."{{sfn|Kazin|p=61}}
As Bryan spoke his final sentence, recalling the [[Crucifixion of Jesus]], he placed his hands to his temples, fingers extended; with the final words, he extended his arms to his sides straight out to his body and held that pose for about five seconds as if offering himself as sacrifice for the cause, as the audience watched in dead silence. He then lowered them, descended from the podium, and began to head back to his seat as the stillness held.{{sfn|Kazin|p=61}}
== Reception and nomination ==
=== Convention events ===
Bryan later described the silence as "really painful" and momentarily thought he had failed.{{sfn|Williams|p=86}} As he moved towards his seat, the Coliseum burst into pandemonium. Delegates threw hats, coats, and handkerchiefs into the air.{{sfn|Williams|p=86}} Others took up the standards with the state names on them with each delegation, and planted them by Nebraska's.{{sfn|Jones|p=229}} Two alert police officers had joined Bryan as he left the podium, anticipating the crush. The policemen were swept away by the flood of delegates, who raised Bryan to their shoulders and carried him around the floor. ''[[The Washington Post]]'' newspaper recorded, "bedlam broke loose, delirium reigned supreme."{{sfn|Bensel|pp=232–234}}
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=== Press reaction ===
[[File:Cross of gold speech cartoon.jpg|thumb|upright|''Judge'' magazine criticized Bryan for sacrilege in his speech. He is shown with crown and cross, but trampling the Bible.]]
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=== Anti-Semitism controversy ===
Biographer Paolo E. Coletta wrote that after the speech, an [[anti-Semitic]]
▲Biographer Paolo E. Coletta wrote that after the speech, an [[anti-Semitic]] went up from a spectator: "Down with the hooked-nosed Shylocks of Wall Street! Down with the Christ-killing gold bugs!" This quote, noted by many later commentators, is traced to a profile of famous German anti-Semite [[Hermann Ahlwardt]] (who had endorsed Bryan) in ''[[The Sun (New York City)|The Sun]]''. Author [[James Ledbetter]] notes various circumstances that suggest this quote may be fiction or parody, and points out the level of anti-Semitic sentiment in the Populist movement is disputed by historians. The newspaper supported McKinley and the gold standard, the story was published anonymously two months after the speech, and it is unclear the author of the piece attended the speech. The quote was mentioned offhandedly and not reported in news accounts from the time of the convention.<ref>{{cite web |title=Has the Famous Populist "Cross of Gold" Speech Been Unfairly Tarred by Anti-Semitism? |url=https://daily.jstor.org/william-jennings-bryan-cross-of-gold/ |publisher=[[JSTOR]] Daily |author=James Ledbetter |date=July 6, 2016}}</ref>
== Campaign and aftermath ==
{{main|William Jennings Bryan presidential campaign, 1896#General election campaign}}
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== Legacy ==
[[File:1896 Bryan dollar obverse.jpg|thumb|
▲[[File:1896 Bryan dollar obverse.jpg|thumb|right|A "Bryan dollar" issued by his opponents to illustrate the difference between the size of a [[Morgan dollar|silver dollar]] and the amount of bullion that could be purchased with a dollar.]]
Bryan's speech is considered one of the most powerful political addresses in American history.{{sfn|Harpine|p=1}} Stanley Jones, however, suggested that even if Bryan had never delivered it, he would still have been nominated. Jones deemed the Democrats likely to nominate a candidate who would appeal to the Populist Party, and Bryan had been elected to Congress with Populist support.{{sfn|Jones|p=239}} According to rhetorical historian William Harpine in his study of the rhetoric of the 1896 campaign, "Bryan's speech cast a net for the true believers, but only for the true believers."{{sfn|Harpine|p=49}} Harpine suggested that, "by appealing in such an uncompromising way to the agrarian elements and to the West, Bryan neglected the national audience who would vote in the November election".{{sfn|Harpine|p=55}} Bryan's emphasis on agrarian issues, both in his speech and in his candidacy, may have helped cement voting patterns which kept the Democrats largely out of power until the 1930s.{{sfn|Woods|pp=9–10}}{{sfn|Jones|p=346}}
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Bensel ties the delegates' response to Bryan's address to their uncertainty in their own beliefs:
{{quote |In a very real sense, adoption of the silver plank in the platform was akin to a millennial expectation that the "laws of economics" would henceforth be suspended and that the silver men could simply "will" that silver and gold would, in fact, trade on financial markets at a ratio of sixteen to one. The silver men were thus in the hunt for a charismatic leader who would underpin what they already desperately wanted to believe. They manufactured that leader in the convention, a fabrication in which Bryan was only too happy to assist.{{sfn|Bensel|pp=310–311}}}}▼
{{Clear}}
▲In a very real sense, adoption of the silver plank in the platform was akin to a millennial expectation that the "laws of economics" would henceforth be suspended and that the silver men could simply "will" that silver and gold would, in fact, trade on financial markets at a ratio of sixteen to one. The silver men were thus in the hunt for a charismatic leader who would underpin what they already desperately wanted to believe. They manufactured that leader in the convention, a fabrication in which Bryan was only too happy to assist.{{sfn|Bensel|pp=310–311}}
== References ==
{{reflist|20em}}
=== References cited ===
* {{cite journal
| doi = 10.2307/1898096
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== External links ==
* [http://www.historymatters.gmu.edu/d/5354/ Full text and audio version of "Cross of Gold" at History Matters
▲{{wikisourcepar|Cross of Gold Speech}}
▲* [http://www.historymatters.gmu.edu/d/5354/ Full text and audio version of "Cross of Gold" at History Matters.]
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