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{{Short description|Iranian empire (1501–1736)}}
{{other uses|Safavi (disambiguation)}}▼
{{pp-vandalism|small=yes}}
▲{{other uses|Safavi (disambiguation)}}
| conventional_long_name = Expansive Realm of Iran<br>{{nobold|{{lang|fa|ملک وسیعالفضای ایران}}}}<br>State of Iran<br>{{nobold|{{lang|fa|مملکت ایران}}}}<br>[[Guarded Domains of Iran]]<br>{{nobold|{{lang|fa|ممالک محروسهٔ ایران}}}}
▲</noinclude>{{Infobox former country
|
* {{lang|fa|مملکت ایران}}{{efn|{{transliteration|fa|Mamlekate Irân}}}}<br/>The State of Iran<ref>{{cite journal |author=[[Roger Savory]] |title=The Safavid state and polity|journal=Iranian Studies|date=2 January 2007|volume=7|issue=1–2|page=206|doi=10.1080/00210867408701463|quote=The somewhat vague phrase used during the early Safavid period, mamalik-i mahrusa, had assumed more concrete forms: mamālik-i īrān; mamālik-i 'ajam; mamlikat-i īrān; mulk-i īrān; or simply īrān. The royal throne was variously described as sarīr-i saltanat-i īrān; takht-i īrān; and takht-i sultān (sic)-i īrān. The inhabitants of the Safavid empire are referred to as ahl-i īrān, and Iskandar Beg describes himself as writing the history of the Iranians (sharh-i ahvāl-i īrān va īrāniān). Shah Abbas I is described as farmānravā-yi īrān and shahryār-i īrān; his seat is pāyitakht-i pādishāhān-i īrān, takhtgāh-i salātin-i īrān, or dār al-mulk-i īrān. His sovereign power is referred to as farmāndahi-yi mulk-i īrān, saltanat va pādishāhi-yi īrān, pādishāhi-yi īrān. The cities of Iran (bilād-i īrān) are thought of as belonging to a positive entity or state: Herat is referred to as a'zam-i bilād-i īrān (the greatest of the cities of Iran) and Isfahan as khulāsa-yi mulk-i īrān (the choicest part of the realm of Iran). ... The sense of geographical continuity referred to earlier is preserved by a phrase like kull-i vilāyat-i īrānzamīn. ... Affairs of state are referred to as muhimmāt-i īrān. To my mind however, one of the clearest indications that the Safavid state had become a state in the full sense of the word is provided by the revival of the ancient title of sipahsālār-i īrān or "commander-in-chief of the armed forces of Iran".}}</ref>▼
▲| common_name = Safavid Iran
| era = <!-- Use: "Napoleonic Wars", "Cold War", etc. -->Early modern period
| status = [[Empire]]
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* [[Persian language|Persian]]{{ref label|b-Persian|b}}
* [[Azerbaijani language|Azerbaijani]]{{ref label|c-Azerbaijani|c}}
* [[Georgian language|Georgian]]
}}
| religion = [[Twelver Shi'ism|Twelver]] [[Shia Islam|Shīʿa Islam]] (official)
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| year_deputy2 = 1729–1736
| legislature = [[Council of State]]||<!-- Area and population of a given year -->
| stat_year1 = 1630<ref name="OxfordArea">{{Cite book|last1=Bang|first1=Peter Fibiger|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=9mkLEAAAQBAJ&pg=PA92|title=The Oxford World History of Empire: Volume One: The Imperial Experience|last2=Bayly|first2=C. A.|last3=Scheidel|first3=Walter|
| stat_area1 = 2900000
| stat_pop1 = <!-- population (w/o commas or spaces), population density is calculated if area is also given -->
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| stat_area4 =
| stat_pop4 =
| stat_year5 = 1650<ref>Blake, Stephen P., ed. (2013), "Safavid, Mughal, and Ottoman Empires", Time in Early Modern Islam: Calendar, Ceremony, and Chronology in the Safavid, Mughal and Ottoman Empires, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 21–47, {{doi
| stat_area5 =
| stat_pop5 = 8–10 million
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{{note label|b-Persian|b}} Official language,<ref name="Roemer 189" /> coinage,<ref name="MatheeIranica">Rudi Matthee, "[http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/safavids Safavids] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220901053617/https://iranicaonline.org/articles/safavids |date=2022-09-01 }}" in ''Encyclopædia Iranica'', accessed on April 4, 2010. "The Persian focus is also reflected in the fact that theological works also began to be composed in the Persian language and in that Persian verses replaced Arabic on the coins." "The political system that emerged under them had overlapping political and religious boundaries and a core language, Persian, which served as the literary tongue, and even began to replace Arabic as the vehicle for theological discourse".</ref><ref>Ronald W Ferrier, ''The Arts of Persia''. Yale University Press. 1989, p. 9.</ref> civil administration,<ref name="Perry">John R Perry, "Turkic-Iranian contacts", ''Encyclopædia Iranica'', January 24, 2006: "... written Persian, the language of high literature and civil administration, remained virtually unaffected in status and content"</ref> court (since Isfahan became capital),<ref name="Cyril Glassé 2003, pg 392"/> literary,<ref name="MatheeIranica" /><ref name="Perry"/><ref>Arnold J. Toynbee, ''A Study of History'', V, pp. 514–515. Excerpt: "in the heyday of the Mughal, Safawi, and Ottoman regimes New Persian was being patronized as the language of ''literae humaniores'' by the ruling element over the whole of this huge realm, while it was also being employed as the official language of administration in those two-thirds of its realm that lay within the Safawi and the Mughal frontiers"</ref> theological discourse,<ref name="MatheeIranica"/> diplomatic correspondence, historiography,<ref name="mazzaoui" /> court-based religious posts,<ref>Ruda Jurdi Abisaab. "Iran and Pre-Independence Lebanon" in Houchang Esfandiar Chehabi, ''Distant Relations: Iran and Lebanon in the Last 500 Years'', IB Tauris 2006, p. 76: "Although the Arabic language was still the medium for religious scholastic expression, it was precisely under the Safavids that hadith complications and doctrinal works of all sorts were being translated to Persian. The ʻAmili (Lebanese scholars of Shiʻi faith) operating through the Court-based religious posts, were forced to master the Persian language; their students translated their instructions into Persian. Persianization went hand in hand with the popularization of 'mainstream' Shiʻi belief."</ref> poetry<ref>{{cite encyclopedia |title=ESMĀʿĪL I ṢAFAWĪ: His poetry |encyclopedia=Encyclopaedia Iranica |first1=Roger M. |last1=Savory |first2=Ahmet T. |last2=Karamustafa |year=2012 |url=https://iranicaonline.org/articles/esmail-i-safawi#ii }}</ref>
{{note label|c-Azerbaijani|c}} Court,<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Floor|first1=Willem|last2=Javadi|first2=Hasan|title=The Role of Azerbaijani Turkish in Safavid Iran|journal=Iranian Studies|date=2013|volume=46|issue=4|pages=569–581|doi=10.1080/00210862.2013.784516|s2cid=161700244}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|last1=Hovannisian|first1=Richard G.|last2=Sabagh|first2=Georges|author-link1=Richard G. Hovannisian|title=The Persian Presence in the Islamic World|date=1998|publisher=Cambridge University Press|location=Cambridge|isbn=978-0521591850|page=240}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|last1=Axworthy|first1=Michael|title=The Sword of Persia: Nader Shah, from Tribal Warrior to Conquering Tyrant|date=2010|publisher=I.B. Tauris|isbn=978-0857721938|page=33}}</ref> religious dignitaries, military,<ref name="mazzaoui" /><ref name="savory07">{{cite book |author=[[Roger Savory]] |title=Iran Under the Safavids|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=v4Yr4foWFFgC&pg=PA213|year=2007|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=978-0-521-04251-2|page=213|quote=qizilbash normally spoke Azari brand of Turkish at court, as did the Safavid shahs themselves; lack of familiarity with the Persian language may have contributed to the decline from the pure classical standards of former times}}</ref><ref name="cambridgesafa" /><ref>{{Cite book|last=Price|first=Massoume|year=2005|title=Iran's Diverse Peoples: A Reference Sourcebook|publisher=ABC-CLIO|isbn=978-1-57607-993-5|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=gzpdq679oJwC&pg=PA66|page=66|quote=The Shah was a native Turkic speaker and wrote poetry in the Azerbaijani language.}}</ref> mother tongue,<ref name="mazzaoui" /> poetry.<ref name="mazzaoui" />
{{note label|d-Georgian|d}} Court.<ref>{{harvnb|Blow|2009|pp=165–166}} "Georgian, Circassian and Armenian were also spoken [at the court], since these were the mother-tongues of many of the ghulams, as well as of a high proportion of the women of the harem. Figueroa heard Abbas speak Georgian, which he had no doubt acquired from his Georgian ghulams and concubines."</ref>
}}
The '''
An [[Iran]]ian dynasty rooted in the [[Sufi]] [[Safavid order]]<ref name="Matthee 2021">{{cite book |author-last=Baltacıoğlu-Brammer |author-first=Ayşe |year=2021 |chapter=The emergence of the Safavids as a mystical order and their subsequent rise to power in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=gWBCEAAAQBAJ&pg=PA15 |editor-first=Rudi |editor-last=Matthee |title=The Safavid World |location=[[New York City|New York]] and [[London]] |publisher=[[Routledge]] |edition=1st |series=Routledge Worlds |pages=15–36 |doi=10.4324/9781003170822 |isbn=978-1-003-17082-2|s2cid=236371308 }}</ref> founded by [[Kurds|Kurdish]] [[sheikh]]s,<ref>
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* Amoretti, Biancamaria Scarcia; Matthee, Rudi. (2009). "Ṣafavid Dynasty". In Esposito, John L. (ed.) ''The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Islamic World''. Oxford University Press. "''Of Kurdish ancestry, the Ṣafavids started as a Sunnī mystical order (...)"''</ref> it heavily intermarried with [[Turkoman (ethnonym)|Turkoman]],<ref>
*Roemer, H.R. (1986). "The Safavid Period" in Jackson, Peter; Lockhart, Laurence. ''The Cambridge History of Iran, Vol. 6: The Timurid and Safavid Periods''. Cambridge University Press. pp. 214, 229
*Blow, David (2009). ''Shah Abbas: The Ruthless King Who Became an Iranian Legend''. I.B. Tauris. p. 3
*Savory, Roger M.; Karamustafa, Ahmet T. (1998) ''ESMĀʿĪL I ṢAFAWĪ''. ''Encyclopaedia Iranica Vol. VIII, Fasc. 6'', pp. 628–636
*Ghereghlou, Kioumars (2016). ''ḤAYDAR ṢAFAVI''. ''Encyclopaedia Iranica''</ref> [[Georgians|Georgian]],<ref>Aptin Khanbaghi (2006) ''The Fire, the Star and the Cross: Minority Religions in Medieval and Early''. London & New York. IB Tauris. {{ISBN|1-84511-056-0}}, pp.
The Safavids ruled from 1501 to 1722 (experiencing a brief restoration from 1729 to 1736 and 1750 to 1773) and, at their height, they controlled all of what is now [[Iran]], [[Azerbaijan|Republic of Azerbaijan]], [[Bahrain]], [[Armenia]], eastern [[Georgia (country)|Georgia]], parts of the [[North Caucasus]] including [[Russia]], [[Iraq]], [[Kuwait]], and [[Afghanistan]], as well as parts of [[Turkey]], [[Syria]], [[Pakistan]], [[Turkmenistan]], and [[Uzbekistan]].
Despite their demise in 1736, the legacy that they left behind was the revival of Iran as an economic stronghold between [[Eastern world|East]] and [[Western world|West]], the establishment of an efficient state and [[bureaucracy]] based upon "[[Separation of powers#Checks and balances|checks and balances]]", their [[Safavid art|architectural innovations]], and [[Mecenate|patronage for fine arts]].<ref name="Iranica"/> The Safavids have also left their mark down to the present era by [[Safavid conversion of Iran to Shia Islam|establishing Twelver Shīʿīsm as the state religion of Iran]], as well as spreading Shīʿa Islam in major parts of the [[Middle East]], [[Central Asia]], [[Caucasus]], [[Anatolia]], the [[Persian Gulf]], and [[Mesopotamia]].<ref name="Iranica"/><ref name="savoryeiref"/>
== Names ==
▲
==Background==
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==History==
===Founding of the dynasty by Shāh Ismāʻil I (''r.''
{{Main|Ismail I}}
====Iran prior to Ismāʻil's rule====
[[File:Ismail declares himself shah by entering Tabriz, Chingiz Mehbaliyev.jpg|thumbnail|right|[[Ismail I|Ismail]] declares himself "Shah" by entering [[Tabriz]]; his troops in front of [[Arg of Tabriz]], painter ''Chingiz Mehbaliyev'', in private collection.]]
After the decline of the [[Timurid Empire]] (1370–1506), Iran was politically splintered, giving rise to a number of religious movements. The demise of Tamerlane's political authority created a space in which several religious communities, particularly Shiʻi ones, could come to the fore and gain prominence. Among these were a number of Sufi brotherhoods, the [[Hurufism|Hurufis]], [[Nuqtavi]]s and [[Musha'sha'iyyah]]. Of these various movements, the Safavid Qizilbash was the most politically resilient, and due to its success Shah Isma'il I gained political prominence in 1501.<ref>Virani, Shafique N. ''The Ismailis in the Middle Ages: A History of Survival, A Search for Salvation'' (New York: Oxford University Press), 2007, p. 113.</ref> There were many local states prior to the Iranian state established by Ismāʻil.<ref>The writer Ṛūmlu documented the most important of them in his history.</ref> The most important local rulers about 1500 were:
* [[Husayn Bayqarah|Huṣayn Bāyqarā]], the [[Timurid dynasty|Timurid]] ruler of [[Herat|Herāt]]
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[[File:Сефи 1-й 1629-42.jpg|thumb|right|One of the first actions performed by [[List of monarchs of Persia|Shāh]] [[Ismail I|Ismā'īl I]] of the [[Safavid dynasty]] was the proclamation of the [[Twelver]] denomination of [[Shia Islam|Shīʿa Islam]] as the [[Safavid conversion of Iran to Shia Islam|official religion]] of his newly-founded Persian Empire, causing sectarian tensions in the [[Middle East]] when he destroyed the tombs of the [[List of Abbasid caliphs|Abbasid caliphs]], the Sunnī Imam [[Abu Hanifa an-Nu'man|Abū Ḥanīfa al-Nuʿmān]], and the [[Sufism|Ṣūfī Muslim]] ascetic [[Abdul Qadir Gilani|ʿAbdul Qādir Gīlānī]] in 1508.<ref name="Masters 2009">{{cite encyclopedia |author-last=Masters |author-first=Bruce |year=2009 |chapter=Baghdad |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=QjzYdCxumFcC&pg=PA71 |editor1-last=Ágoston |editor1-first=Gábor |editor2-first=Bruce |editor2-last=Masters |encyclopedia=Encyclopedia of the Ottoman Empire |location=[[New York City|New York]] |publisher=[[Facts On File]] |page=71 |isbn=978-0-8160-6259-1 |lccn=2008020716 |access-date=21 June 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160516202344/https://books.google.com/books?id=QjzYdCxumFcC&pg=PA71 |archive-date=16 May 2016 |url-status=live}}</ref>]]
The Safavid dynasty was founded about 1501 by [[List of monarchs of Persia|Shāh]] [[Ismail I|Ismā'īl I]].<ref name="ismailsafaviiranica">"Ismail Safavi" ''Encyclopædia Iranica''</ref> His background is disputed: the language he used is not identical with that of his "race" or "nationality" and he was bilingual from birth.<ref name="Mino">V. Minorsky, "The Poetry of Shāh Ismā‘īl I", ''Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies'', University of London 10/4 (1942):
* Roemer, H.R. (1986). "The Safavid Period" in Jackson, Peter; Lockhart, Laurence. ''The Cambridge History of Iran, Vol. 6: The Timurid and Safavid Periods''. Cambridge University Press. pp. 214, 229
* Blow, David (2009). ''Shah Abbas: The Ruthless King Who Became an Iranian Legend''. I.B. Tauris. p. 3
* Savory, Roger M.; Karamustafa, Ahmet T. (1998) ''ESMĀʿĪL I ṢAFAWĪ''. ''Encyclopaedia Iranica Vol. VIII, Fasc. 6'', pp.
* Ghereghlou, Kioumars (2016). ''ḤAYDAR ṢAFAVI''. ''Encyclopaedia Iranica''</ref> As such, he was the last in the line of hereditary Grand Masters of the Safaviyeh order, prior to its ascent to a ruling dynasty. Ismāʻil was known as a brave and charismatic youth, zealous with regards to his faith in [[Shia Islam|Shīʿa Islam]], and believed himself to be of divine
In 1500, Ismāʻil I [[Safavid conquest of Shirvan|invaded]] neighboring [[Shirvan]] to avenge the death of his father, Sheik Haydar, who had been murdered in 1488 by the ruling Shirvanshah, Farrukh Yassar. Afterwards, Ismail went on a conquest campaign, capturing [[Tabriz]] in July 1501, where he enthroned himself the Shāh of [[Azerbaijan (Iran)|Azerbaijan]],<ref>Richard Tapper. "Shahsevan in Safavid Persia", ''Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies'', University of London, Vol. 37, No. 3, 1974, p. 324.</ref><ref>Lawrence Davidson, Arthur Goldschmid, ''A Concise History of the Middle East'', Westview Press, 2006, p. 153.</ref><ref>[http://concise.britannica.com/ebc/article-9377424/Safavid-dynasty ''Britannica Concise''] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080120194533/http://concise.britannica.com/ebc/article-9377424/Safavid-dynasty |date=2008-01-20 }}. "Safavid Dynasty", Online Edition 2007.</ref> proclaimed himself [[King of Kings]] (''[[shah]]anshah'') of Iran<ref>George Lenczowski, "Iran under the Pahlavis", Hoover Institution Press, 1978, p. 79: "Ismail Safavi, descendant of the pious Shaykh Ishaq Safi al-Din (d. 1334), seized Tabriz assuming the title of Shahanshah-e-Iran".</ref><ref>Stefan Sperl, C. Shackle, Nicholas Awde, "Qasida poetry in Islamic Asia and Africa", Brill Academic Pub; Set Only edition (February 1996), p. 193: "Like Shah Ni'mat Allah-i Vali he hosted distinguished visitors among them Ismail Safavi, who had proclaimed himself Shahanshah of Iran in 1501 after having taken Tabriz, the symbolic and political capital of Iran".</ref><ref>Heinz Halm, Janet Watson, Marian Hill, ''Shiʻism'', translated by Janet Watson, Marian Hill, Edition: 2, illustrated, published by Columbia University Press, 2004, p. 80: "...he was able to make his triumphal entry into Alvand's capital Tabriz. Here he assumed the ancient Iranian title of King of Kings (Shahanshah) and setup up Shiʻi as the ruling faith"</ref> and minted coins in his name, proclaiming [[Twelver|Twelver Shīʿīsm]] as the [[Safavid conversion of Iran to Shia Islam|official religion of his domain]].<ref name="savoryeiref" /> The establishment of Twelver Shīʿīsm as the state religion of Safavid Iran led to various [[Tariqa|Ṣūfī orders]] (''tariqa'') openly declaring their Shīʿīte position, and others to promptly assume Shīʿa Islam. Among these, the founder of one of the most successful Ṣūfī orders, [[Shah Nimatullah Wali|Shāh Ni'matullāh Walī]] (d. 1431), traced his descent from the [[List of Isma'ili imams|first Ismāʿīlī Imam]], [[Muhammad ibn Isma'il|Muhammad ibn Ismāʿīl]], as evidenced in a poem as well as another unpublished literary composition. Although Shāh Ni'matullāh was apparently a Sunnī Muslim, the [[Ni'matullāhī]] order soon declared its adherence to Shīʿa Islam after the rise of the Safavid dynasty.<ref>Virani, Shafique N. ''The Ismailis in the Middle Ages: A History of Survival, A Search for Salvation'' (New York: Oxford University Press), 2007, 113.</ref>
[[File:Map Safavid persia.png|thumb|250px|left|Extent of Shāh Ismāʻil's empire in [[Western Asia]]]]
Although Ismāʻil I initially gained mastery over Azerbaijan alone, the Safavids ultimately won the struggle for power over all of Iran, which had been going on for nearly a century between various dynasties and political forces. A year after his victory in Tabriz, Ismāʻil I claimed [[Greater Iran|most of Iran as part of his territory]],<ref name="savoryeiref"/> and within 10 years established a complete control over all of it. Ismāʻil followed the line of Iranian and Turkmen rulers prior to his assumption of the title "Padishah-i-Iran", previously held by Uzun Hasan and many other Iranian kings.<ref>H.R. Roemer, The Safavid Period, in Cambridge History of Iran, Vol. VI, Cambridge University Press 1986, p. 339: "Further evidence of a desire to follow in the line of Turkmen rulers is Ismail's assumption of the title "Padishah-i-Iran"</ref> The Ottoman sultans addressed him as ''the king of Iranian lands and the heir to [[Jamshid]] and [[Kai Khosrow]]''.<ref>"Iranian identity iii. Medieval Islamic period" in [http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/iranian-identity-iii-medieval-islamic-period Encyclopædia Iranica] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20191025192310/http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/iranian-identity-iii-medieval-islamic-period |date=2019-10-25 }}: "The Safavid kings called themselves, among other appellations, the "heart of the shrine of ʿAli" (''kalb-e āstān-e ʿAli''), while assuming the title of ''Šāhanšāh'' (the king of kings) of [[Persia]]/[[Iran]]". Quote 2: "Even Ottoman sultans, when addressing the Āq Quyunlu and Safavid kings, used such titles as the "king of Iranian lands" or the "sultan of the lands of Iran" or "the king of kings of Iran, the lord of the Persians" or the "holders of the glory of Jamšid and the vision of Faridun and the wisdom of Dārā." They addressed Shah Esmaʿil as: "the king of Persian lands and the heir to Jamšid and Kay-ḵosrow" (Navāʾi, pp. 578,
Having started with just the possession of Azerbaijan, [[Shirvan]], southern [[Safavid Daghestan|Dagestan]] (with its important city of [[Derbent]]), and [[Armenia]] in 1501,<ref>{{cite book|last=Ward|first=Steven R.|author-link=Steven R. Ward|title=Immortal, Updated Edition: A Military History of Iran and Its Armed Forces|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=MOuVAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA43|year=2014|publisher=Georgetown University Press|isbn=978-1-62616-032-3|page=43}}</ref> [[Erzincan]] and [[Erzurum]] fell into his power in 1502,<ref>{{cite book|last=Sinclair|first=T.A.|author-link=Thomas Alan Sinclair|title=Eastern Turkey: An Architectural & Archaeological Survey, Volume II|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=LKpEBAAAQBAJ&pg=PA289|year=1989|publisher=Pindar Press|isbn=978-1-904597-75-9|page=289}}</ref> [[Hamadan]] in 1503, [[Shiraz]] and [[Kerman]] in 1504, [[Diyarbakır]], [[Najaf]], and [[Karbala]] in 1507, [[Van Province|Van]] in 1508, [[Baghdad]] in 1509, and [[Herat]], as well as other parts of [[Greater Khorasan|Khorasan]], in 1510. In 1503, the kingdoms of [[Kingdom of Kartli|Kartli]] and [[Kingdom of Kakheti|Kakheti]] were made his vassals as well.<ref>{{cite book|last=Rayfield|first=Donald|author-link=Donald Rayfield|title=Edge of Empires: A History of Georgia|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=PxQpmg_JIpwC&pg=PA165|year=2013|publisher=Reaktion Books|isbn=978-1-78023-070-2|page=165}}</ref> By 1511, the [[Uzbeks]] in the north-east, led by their Khan [[Muhammad Shaybani|Muhammad Shaybāni]], were driven far to the north, across the [[Oxus River]], where they continued to attack the Safavids. Ismāʻil's decisive victory over the Uzbeks, who had occupied most of Khorasan, ensured Iran's eastern borders, and the Uzbeks never since expanded beyond the [[Hindu Kush]]. Although the Uzbeks continued to make occasional raids into Khorasan, the Safavid empire was able to keep them at bay throughout its reign.
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====Start of clashes with the Ottomans====
{{Main|Battle of Chaldiran|Qizilbash}}
[[File:The Battle between Shah Ismail and
[[File:Battle of Chaldiran (1514).jpg|thumb|upright|Artwork of the Battle of Chaldiran.]]
More problematic for the Safavids was the powerful neighboring [[Ottoman Empire]]. The Ottomans, a [[Sunni Islam|Sunni]] dynasty, considered the active recruitment of Turkmen tribes of [[Anatolia]] for the Safavid cause as a major threat. To counter the rising Safavid power, in 1502, [[Bayezid II|Sultan Bayezid II]] forcefully deported many Shiʻite Muslims from Anatolia to other parts of the Ottoman realm. In 1511, the [[Şahkulu rebellion]] was a widespread pro-Shia and pro-Safavid uprising directed against the Ottoman Empire from within the empire.<ref>{{cite book|author1=Christine Woodhead|title=The Ottoman World|date=
In 1514, Sultan Selim I marched through Anatolia and reached the plain of Chaldiran near the city of [[Khoy]], where a [[Battle of Chaldiran|decisive battle]] was fought. Most sources agree that the Ottoman army was at least double the size of that of [[Ismail I|Ismāʻil]];<ref name="ismailsafaviiranica" /> furthermore, the Ottomans had the advantage of artillery, which the Safavid army lacked. According to historian [[Roger Savory]], "Salim's plan was to winter at Tabriz and complete the conquest of Persia the following spring. However, a mutiny among his officers who refused to spend the winter at Tabriz forced him to withdraw across territory laid waste by the Safavid forces, eight days later".<ref name="ismailsafaviiranica" /> Although Ismāʻil was defeated and his capital was captured, the Safavid empire survived. The war between the two powers continued under Ismāʻil's son, Emperor [[Tahmasp I]], and the Ottoman Sultan [[Suleiman the Magnificent]], until Shah Abbās retook the area lost to the Ottomans by 1602.
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Early Safavid power in Iran was based on the military power of the Qizilbash. Ismāʻil exploited the first element to seize power in Iran. But eschewing politics after his defeat in Chaldiran, he left the affairs of the government to the office of the ''wakīl'' (chief administrator, ''vakil'' in Turkish). Ismāʻil's successors, most manifestly Shāh Abbās I, successfully diminished the influence of the Qizilbash on the affairs of the state.
=== Shāh Tahmāsp (''r.''
{{Main|Tahmasp I}}
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[[File:Tahmasb-1.jpg|thumb|upright|Shah Tahmasp, fresco on the walls of the [[Chehel Sotoun]] Palace]]
Shāh Tahmāsp, the young titular governor of [[Greater Khorasan|Khorasan]],<ref>Colin P. Mitchell, [http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/tahmasp-i "Ṭahmāsp I"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150517061306/http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/tahmasp-i |date=2015-05-17 }} ''Encyclopædia Iranica'' (July 15, 2009).</ref> succeeded his father Ismāʻil in 1524, when he was ten years and three months old. The succession was evidently undisputed.<ref name="Streu 146">Streusand, p. 146.</ref> Tahmāsp was the [[Ward (law)|ward]] of the powerful Qizilbash ''amir'' Ali Beg Rūmlū (titled ''"[[Div Sultan Rumlu|Div Soltān Rumlu]]"'') who saw himself as the ''de facto'' ruler of the state. Rūmlū and Kopek Sultān Ustajlu (who had been Ismail's last ''wakīl'') established themselves as co-regents of the young shah.<ref name="Streu 146"/> The Qizilbash, which still suffered under the legacy of the battle of Chaldiran, was engulfed in internal rivalries. The first two years of Tahmāsp's reign was consumed with Div Sultān's efforts to eliminate Ustajlu from power.<ref name="Streu 146"/> This court intrigue lead directly to tribal conflict. Beginning in 1526 periodic battles broke out, beginning in northwest Iran but soon involving all of Khorasan.<ref>H.R. Roemer, "The Safavid Period" in ''The Timurid and Safavid Periods'' ed. by Peter Jackson and Laurence Lockhart, volume 6 of ''The Cambridge History of Iran'' (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1968–1991) ("Roemer"),
Thus Div Soltān emerged victorious in the first palace struggle, but he fell victim to Chuha Sultān of the Takkalu, who turned Tahmāsp against his first mentor. In 1527 Tahmāsp demonstrated his desire by shooting an arrow at Div Soltān before the assembled court. The Takkalu replaced the Rumlu as the dominant tribe. They in turn would be replaced by the Shamlu, whose amir, Husain Khan, became the chief adviser. This latest leader would only last until 1534, when he was deposed and executed.<ref>Roemer, p. 234.</ref>
At the downfall of Husain Khan, Tahmāsp asserted his rule. Rather than rely on another Turkmen tribe, he appointed a Persian ''wakīl''. From 1553 for forty years the shah was able to avoid being ensnared in tribal treacheries. But the decade of civil war had exposed the empire to foreign danger and Tahmāsp had to turn his attention to the repeated raids by the Uzbeks.<ref>Romer, pp.
====Foreign threats to the Empire====
{{Main|Ottoman–Safavid War (1532–1555)|Peace of Amasya}}
The Uzbeks, during the reign of Tahmāsp, attacked the [[Greater Khorasan|eastern provinces of the kingdom]] five times, and the Ottomans under [[Suleiman the Magnificent|Soleymān I]] invaded Iran four times.<ref>[[Roger Savory]], ''Iran under the Safavids'', pp. 60–64.</ref> Decentralized control over Uzbek forces was largely responsible for the inability of the Uzbeks to make territorial inroads into Khorasan.<ref>Streusand, pp.
Notwithstanding the success with firearms at Jām, Tahmāsp still lacked the confidence to engage their archrivals the Ottomans, choosing instead to cede territory, often using [[scorched earth]] tactics in the process.<ref>Mikheil Svanidze, "The Amasya Peace Treaty between the Ottoman Empire and Iran (June 1, 1555) and Georgia," ''Bulletin of the Georgian National Academy of Sciences'', Vol. 3, pp. 191–97 (2009) ("Svanidze"), p. 191.</ref> The goal of the Ottomans in the 1534 and 1548–1549 campaigns, during the [[Ottoman–Safavid War (1532–1555)|1532–1555 Ottoman–Safavid War]], was to install Tahmāsp's brothers (Sam Mirza and [[Alqas Mirza]], respectively) as shah in order to make Iran a vassal state. Although in those campaigns (and in 1554) the Ottomans captured [[Tabriz]], they lacked a communications line sufficient to occupy it for long.<ref name="Streusand, p. 147"/> Nevertheless, given the insecurity in Iraq and its northwest territory, Tahmāsp moved his court from Tabriz to [[Qazvin]].
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When the young Shah Tahmāsp took the throne, Iran was in a dire state. But in spite of a weak economy, a civil war and foreign wars on two fronts, Tahmāsp managed to retain his crown and maintain the territorial integrity of the empire (although much reduced from Ismail's time). During the first 30 years of his long reign, he was able to suppress the internal divisions by exerting control over a strengthened central military force. In the war against the Uzbeks he showed that the Safavids had become a [[Gunpowder empires|gunpowder empire]]. His tactics in dealing with the [[Ottoman Empire|Ottoman]] threat eventually allowed for a treaty which preserved peace for twenty years.
In cultural matters, Tahmāsp presided the revival of the fine arts, which flourished under his patronage. Safavid culture is often admired for the large-scale city planning and architecture, achievements made during the reign of later shahs, but the arts of [[persian miniature]], [[book-binding]] and [[calligraphy]], in fact, never received as much attention as they did during his time.<ref>Savory, pp.
Tahmāsp also planted the seeds that would, unintentionally, produce change much later. During his reign he had realized while both looking to his own empire and that of the neighboring Ottomans, that there were dangerous rivalling factions and internal family rivalries that were a threat to the heads of state. Not taken care of accordingly, these were a serious threat to the ruler, or worse, could bring the fall of the former or could lead to unnecessary court intrigues. According to ''Encyclopædia Iranica'', for Tahmāsp, the problem circled around the military tribal elite of the empire, the [[Qizilbash|Qezelbāš]], who believed that physical proximity to and control of a member of the immediate Safavid family guaranteed spiritual advantages, political fortune, and material advancement.<ref name="Tahmāsp I">{{cite web|url=http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/tahmasp-i|title=Tahmāsp I|access-date=12 May 2015}}</ref> Despite that Tahmāsp could nullify and neglect some of his consternations regarding potential issues related to his family by having his close direct male relatives such as his brothers and sons routinely transferred around to various governorships in the empire, he understood and realized that any long-term solutions would mainly involve minimizing the political and military presence of the Qezelbāš as a whole. According to ''Encyclopædia Iranica'', his father and founder of the Empire, Ismail I, had begun this process on a bureaucratic level as he appointed a number of prominent Persians in powerful bureaucratic positions, and one can see this continued in Tahmāsp's lengthy and close relationship with the [[List of Safavid grand viziers|chief vizier]], Qāżi Jahān of Qazvin, after 1535.<ref name="Tahmāsp I"/> While Persians continued to fill their historical role as administrators and clerical elites under Tahmāsp, little had been done so far to minimize the military role of the Qezelbāš.<ref name="Tahmāsp I"/> Therefore, in 1540, Shah Tahmāsp started the first of a series of invasions of the [[Caucasus]] region, both meant as a training and drilling for his soldiers, as well as mainly bringing back massive numbers of [[Christianity|Christian]] [[Circassians|Circassian]] and [[Georgians|Georgian]] slaves, who would form the basis of a military slave system,<ref name="Streusand, p. 148">Streusand, p. 148.</ref> alike to the [[janissaries]] of the neighbouring Ottoman Empire,<ref name="iranicaonline.org">{{cite web|url=http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/barda-v|title=BARDA and BARDA-DĀRI v. Military slavery in Islamic Iran|access-date=15 April 2014}}</ref> as well as at the same time forming a new layer in Iranian society composed of ethnic [[Ethnic groups in the Caucasus|Caucasians]].
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Although the first slave soldiers would not be organized until the reign of Abbas I, during Tahmāsp's time Caucasians would already become important members of the royal household, [[Harem]] and in the civil and military administration,<ref name="Manz">{{cite encyclopedia|url=http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/carkas-cherkes-term-used-in-persian-arabic-and-turkic-for-the-circassian-people-of-the-northwest-caucasus-who-call-thems|title=Čarkas|encyclopedia=Encyclopædia Iranica|last=Manz|first=Beatrice|access-date=1 April 2014|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141102192506/http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/carkas-cherkes-term-used-in-persian-arabic-and-turkic-for-the-circassian-people-of-the-northwest-caucasus-who-call-thems|archive-date=2 November 2014}}</ref><ref name="books.google.nl">{{cite book|last=Lapidus|first=Ira M.|author-link=Ira M. Lapidus|title=Islamic Societies to the Nineteenth Century: A Global History|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=qcPZ1k65pqkC&pg=PA494|year=2012|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=978-0-521-51441-5|page=494}}</ref> and by that becoming their way of eventually becoming an integral part of the society. One of Tahmāsp's sisters married a Circassian, who would use his court office to team up with Tahmāsp's daughter, [[Pari Khān Khānum]] to assert themselves in succession matters after Tahmāsp's death.
After the [[Peace of Amasya]], Tasmāsp underwent what he called a "sincere repentance." Tasmāsp at the same time removed his son Ismail from his Qizilbash followers and imprisoned him at Qahqaha. Moreover, he began to strengthen Shiʻi practice by such things as forbidding in the new capital of Qazvin poetry and music which did not esteem Ali and the Twelve Imams. He also reduced the taxes of districts that were traditionally Shiʻi, regulated services in mosques and engaged Shiʻi propagandists and spies. Extortion, intimidation and harassment were practiced against Sunnis.<ref>Rosemary Stanfield Johnson, "Sunni Survival in Safavid Iran: Anti-Sunni Activities during the Reign of Tahmasp I," ''Iranian Studies,'' vol. 27, pp.
When Tahmāsp died in 984/1576, Iran was calm domestically, with secure borders and no imminent threat from either the Uzbeks or the Ottomans. What remained unchanged, however, was the constant threat of local disaffection with the weak central authority. That condition would not change (and in fact it would worsen) until Tahmāsp's grandson, Abbas I, assumed the throne.
===Chaos under Tahmasp's sons===
On Tahmāsp's death support for a successor coalesced around two of his nine sons; the support divided on ethnic lines—[[Ismail II|Ismail]] was supported by most of the Turkmen tribes as well as his sister [[Pari Khān Khānum]], her Circassian uncle [[Shamkhal Sultan]] as well as the rest of the Circassians, while Haydar was mostly supported by the Georgians at court although he also had support from the Turkmen Ustajlu.<ref>Roemer. pp. 250–51.</ref> Ismail had been imprisoned at Qahqaha since 1556 by his father on charges of plotting a coup, but his selection was ensured when 30,000 Qizilbash supporters demonstrated outside the prison.<ref>{{cite book|last=Farrokh|first=Kaveh|author-link=Kaveh Farrokh|title=Iran at War:
====Ismail II (''r.''
{{Main|Ismail II}}
Ismail's 14-month reign was notable for two things: continual bloodletting of his relatives and others (including his own supporters) and his reversal on religion. He had all his relatives killed except for his older brother, Mohammad Khudabanda, who, being nearly blind, was not a real candidate for the throne, and Mohammad's three sons, Hamza Mirza, Abbas Mirza and Abu Talib Mirza.<ref>Streusand, p. 149.</ref> While the murderous actions of Ismail might be explained by political prudence (Ottoman sultans occasionally purged the bloodline to prevent succession rivals<ref>Roemer, p. 251.</ref>), his actions against Shi’a suggest retaliation against his father, who saw himself as a pious practitioner. Ismail sought to reintroduce Sunni orthodoxy. But even here there may have been practical political considerations; namely, "concern about the excessively powerful position of Shiʻi dignitaries, which would have been undermined by a reintroduction of the Sunna."<ref>Roemer, p. 252.</ref> His conduct might also be explained by his drug use. In any event, he was ultimately killed (according to some accounts) by his Circassian half-sister, [[Pari Khan Khanum|Pari Khān Khānum]], who championed him over Haydar. She is said to have poisoned his opium.<ref>Savory, p. 70.</ref>
====Mohammad Khodabanda (''r.''
{{Main|Mohammad Khodabanda}}
[[File:Jealousy among Rivals.png|thumb|upright|"Jealousy among Rivals" attributed to Muhammadi. Miniature painting contained in a Persian volume entitled ''Busta'' by Sa'di in 1579, possibly under the patronage of Vizier [[Mirza Salman Jaberi]]. E.M. Soudavar Trust, Houston, Texas.]]
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On the death of Ismail II there were three candidates for succession: Shāh Shujā', the infant son of Ismail (only a few weeks old), Ismail's brother, Mohammad Khodabanda; and Mohammad's son, Sultan Hamza Mirza, 11 years old at the time. Pari Khān Khānum, sister of Ismail and Mohammad, hoped to act as regent for any of the three (including her older brother, who was nearly blind). Mohammad was selected and received the crown on February 11, 1579.<ref>Roemer, p. 253.</ref> Mohammad would rule for 10 years, and his sister at first dominated the court, but she fell in the first of many intrigues which continued even though the Uzbeks and Ottomans again used the opportunity to threaten Safavid territory.
Mohammad allowed others to direct the affairs of state, but none of them had either the prestige, skill or ruthlessness of either Tahmāsp or Ismail II to rein in the ethnic or palace factions, and each of his rulers met grim ends. Mohammad's younger sister, who had a hand in elevating and deposing Ismail II and thus had considerable influence among the Qizilbash, was the first. She did not last much longer than Mohammad's installation at Qazvin, where she was murdered.<ref name="Roem 255">Roemer, p. 255.</ref> She was done in by intrigues by the vizier [[Mirza Salman Jaberi]] (who was a holdover from Ismail II's reign) and Mohammad's chief wife [[Khayr al-Nisa Begum]], known as Mahd-i ‘Ulyā. There is some indication that Mirza Salman was the chief conspirator.<ref>Roemer, p. 354</ref> [[Pari Khan Khanum|Pari Khān Khānum]] could master strong support among the Qizilbash, and her uncle, [[Shamkhal Sultan]], was a prominent [[Circassians|Circassian]] who held a high official position.<ref>Streusand, P. 149.</ref> Mirza Salman left the capital before Pari Khān Khānum closed the gates and was able to meet Mohammad Khodabanda and his wife in Shiraz, to whom he offered his services.<ref>Abolala Soudavar, "The Patronage of Vizier Mirza Salman," ''Muqarmas.'' Vol. 30, pp.
<blockquote> She was by no means content to exercise a more or less indirect influence on affairs of state: instead, she openly carried out all essential functions herself, including the appointment of the chief officers of the realm. In place of the usual royal audience, these high dignitaries had to assemble each morning at the entrance to the women's apartments in order to receive the Begum's orders. On these occasions the royal edicts were drawn up and sealed.<ref name="Roem 255" /></blockquote>
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The amirs demanded that she be removed, and Mahd-i Ulya was strangled in the harem in July 1579 on the ground of an alleged affair with the brother of the [[Crimean Khanate|Crimean khan]], Adil Giray,<ref name="Roem 255" /> who was captured during the 1578–1590 Ottoman war and held captive in the capital, Qazvin.{{sfn|Sicker|2001|pp=2–3}} None of the perpetrators were brought to justice, although the shah lectured the assembled amirs on how they departed from the old ways when the shah was master to his Sufi disciples. The shah used that occasion to proclaim the 11-year-old Sultan Hamza Mirza (Mahd-i ‘Ulyā's favorite) crown-prince.<ref>Roemer, p. 256.</ref>
The palace intrigues reflected ethnic unrest which would soon erupt into open warfare. Iran's neighbors seized the opportunity to attack. The Uzbeks struck in the Spring of 1578 but were repelled by Murtaza Quli Sultan, governor of Mashhad.<ref>Roemer, p. 257.</ref> More seriously the Ottomans ended the [[Peace of Amasya]] and commenced [[Ottoman–Safavid War (1578–90)|a war with Iran that would last until 1590]] by invading Iran's territories of [[Georgia (country)|Georgia]] and [[Shirvan]]. While the initial attacks were repelled, the Ottomans continued and grabbed considerable territory in [[Transcaucasia]], [[Dagestan]], [[Safavid Kurdistan|Kurdistan]] and [[Safavid Lorestan|Lorestan]] and in 993/1585 they even took [[Tabriz]].<ref>Roemer, pp.
{{Continental Asia in 1600 CE|right|{{center|The Safavid Empire and contemporary Asian polities circa 1588}}|{{Annotation|0|0|[[File:Continental Asia date mask.png|300px]]}}{{Annotation|270|05|[[1588 CE|<span style="color:#4F311CFF">1588</span>]]|text-align=center|font-weight=bold|font-style=normal|font-size=10|color=#000000}}|Map_of_Safavid_Empire_circa_1588.png}}
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====Restoration of central authority====
Whether Abbas had fully formed his strategy at the onset, at least in retrospect his method of restoring the shah's authority involved three phases: (1) restoration of internal security and law and order; (2) recovery of the eastern territories from the Uzbeks; and (3) recovery of the western territories from the Ottomans.<ref>Savory, p. 76.</ref> Before he could begin to embark on the first stage, he needed relief from the most serious threat to the empire: the military pressure from the Ottomans. He did so by taking the humiliating step of coming to peace terms with the Ottomans by making, for now, permanent their territorial gains in Iraq and the territories in the north, including Azerbaijan, [[Safavid Karabakh|Karabakh]], [[Ganja, Azerbaijan|Ganja]], eastern [[Georgia (country)|Georgia]] (comprising the [[Kingdom of Kartli]] and [[Kingdom of Kakheti|Kakheti]]), [[Dagestan]], and Kurdistan.<ref>Savory, p. 177</ref><ref>Streusand, pp.
[[File:Matthaus 1598.jpg|thumb|left|Safavid Persia, 1598]]
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[[File:Hondius 1610.jpg|thumb|left|Safavid Persia, 1610]]
What effectively fully severed Abbas's dependence on the Qizilbash, however, was how he constituted this new army. In order not to favor one Turkic tribe over another and to avoid inflaming the Turk-Persian enmity, he recruited his army from the "third force", a policy that had been implemented in its ''baby-steps'' since the reign of Tahmasp
Abbas also greatly increased the number of cannons at his disposal, permitting him to field 500 in a single battle.<ref name=BN142/> Ruthless discipline was enforced and looting was severely punished. Abbas was also able to draw on military advice from a number of European envoys, particularly from the English adventurers Sir [[Anthony Shirley]] and his brother [[Robert Shirley]], who arrived in 1598 as envoys from the [[Robert Devereux, 2nd Earl of Essex|Earl of Essex]] on an unofficial mission to induce Iran into an anti-Ottoman alliance.<ref>{{harvnb|Bomati|Nahavandi|1998|p=143}}</ref> As mentioned by the ''[[Encyclopaedia Iranica]]'', lastly, from 1600 onwards, the Safavid statesman [[Allahverdi Khan|Allāhverdī Khan]], in conjunction with Robert Sherley, undertook further reorganizations of the army, which meant among other things further dramatically increasing the number of ''ghulams'' to 25,000.<ref name="ALLĀHVERDĪ KHAN 1">{{cite web|last1=R.M.|first1=Savory|title=ALLĀHVERDĪ KHAN (1)|url=http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/allahverdi-khan-d-1|website=Encyclopaedia Iranica|access-date=1 January 2016}}</ref>
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[[File:Abbas I of Persia.jpg|thumb|upright|Abbas I as shown on one of the paintings in the [[Chehel Sotoun]] pavilion.]]
Abbas I first fought the Uzbeks, recapturing [[Herat]] and Mashhad in 1598. Then he turned against Iran's archrival, the [[Ottoman Empire|Ottomans]], recapturing [[Baghdad]], eastern [[Iraq]] and the [[Caucasus|Caucasian]] provinces by 1616, all through the 1603–1618, marking the first grand Safavid pitched victory over the Ottomans. He also used his new force to dislodge the Portuguese from [[Bahrain]] (1602) and, with English help, from [[Ormus|Hormuz]] (1622), in the [[Persian Gulf]] (a vital link in Portuguese trade with India). He expanded commercial links with the
The [[Ottoman Turks]] and Safavids fought over the fertile plains of Iraq for more than 150 years. The capture of Baghdad by Ismail I in 1509 was only followed by its loss to the Ottoman Sultan [[Suleiman the Magnificent|Suleiman I]] in 1534. After subsequent campaigns, the Safavids [[Capture of Baghdad (1624)|recaptured Baghdad in 1624]] during the [[Ottoman–Safavid War (1623–39)]] yet lost it again to [[Murad IV]] in 1638 after Abbas had died. Henceforth a treaty, signed in [[Qasr-e Shirin]] known as the [[Treaty of Zuhab]] was established delineating a border between Iran and Turkey in 1639, a border which still stands in northwest Iran/southeast Turkey. The 150-year tug-of-war accentuated the Sunni and Shi'a rift in [[Iraq]].
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[[File:Husain Ali Beg.jpg|thumb|upright|The ambassador [[Hossein Ali Beg Bayat|Husain Ali Beg]] led the first [[Persian embassy to Europe (1599–1602)]].]]
Abbas's tolerance towards Christians was part of his policy of establishing diplomatic links with European powers to try to enlist their help in the fight against their common enemy, the Ottoman Empire. The idea of such an anti-Ottoman alliance was not a new
[[File:Embassy to Europe.jpg|thumb|left|Fresco in the [[Doge's Palace]], depicting [[Marino Grimani (doge)|Doge Marino Grimani]] receiving the Persian Ambassadors, 1599]]
In 1599, Abbas sent his [[Persian embassy to Europe (1599–1602)|first diplomatic mission to Europe]]. The group crossed the [[Caspian Sea]] and spent the winter in Moscow before proceeding through Norway and Germany (where it was received by [[Emperor Rudolf II]]) to Rome, where [[Pope Clement VIII]] gave the travellers a long audience. They finally arrived at the court of [[Philip III of Spain]] in 1602. Although the expedition never managed to return to Iran, being shipwrecked on the journey around Africa, it marked an important new step in contacts between Iran and Europe. The Europeans began to be fascinated by the Iranians and their culture
[[File:Abbas I as a new Caesar being honoured by the trumpets of fame and the Persian embassy in Allegorie de l Occasion by Frans II Francken 1628.jpg|thumb|upright|Abbas I as a new [[Caesar (title)|Caesar]] being honoured by the Trumpets of Fame, together with the [[Persian embassy to Europe (1609–15)|1609–1615 Persian embassy]], in ''[[:File:Allegorie de l Occasion Frans II Francken 1628.jpg|Allégorie de l'Occasion]]'', by [[Frans II Francken]], 1628]]
The shah had set great store on an alliance with Spain, the chief opponent of the Ottomans in Europe. Abbas offered trading rights and the chance to preach Christianity in Iran in return for help against the Ottomans. But the stumbling block of Hormuz remained, a vassal kingdom that had fallen into the hands of the [[Spanish Habsburgs]] when the King of Spain inherited the throne of Portugal in 1580. The Spanish demanded Abbas break off relations with the English before they would consider relinquishing the town. Abbas was unable to comply. Eventually Abbas became frustrated with Spain, as he did with the [[Holy Roman Empire]], which wanted him to make his over 400,000 [[Armenians|Armenian]] subjects swear allegiance to the Pope but did not trouble to inform the shah when the Emperor Rudolf signed a peace treaty with the Ottomans. Contacts with the Pope, Poland and [[Tsardom of Russia|Moscow]] were no more fruitful.<ref>Nahavandi, Bomati, pp.
More came of Abbas's contacts with the English, although England had little interest in fighting against the Ottomans. The Shirley brothers arrived in 1598 and helped reorganize the Iranian army, which proved to be crucial in the [[Ottoman–Safavid War (1603–18)]], which resulted in Ottoman defeats in all stages of the war and the first clear pitched Safavid victory of their archrivals. One of the Shirley brothers, [[Robert Shirley]], would lead Abbas's [[Persian embassy to Europe (1609–15)|second diplomatic mission to Europe]] from 1609 to 1615.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Olson|first1=James S.|author-link1=James S. Olson|last2=Shadle|first2=Robert|author-link2=Robert Shadle|title=Historical Dictionary of the British Empire|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=-YwDfm1pFF8C&pg=PA1005|year=1996|publisher=Greenwood Publishing Group|isbn=978-0-313-29367-2|page=1005}}</ref> The
====Succession and legacy of Abbas I====
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In 1659, the [[Kingdom of Kakheti]] rose up against the Safavid Iranian rule due to a change of policy that included the mass settling of [[Qizilbash]] Turkic tribes in the region in order to repopulate the province, after Shah Abbas' [[Abbas I's Kakhetian and Kartlian campaigns|earlier]] mass deportations of between 130,000<ref>{{harvnb|Munshī|1978|p=1116}}</ref> – 200,000{{sfn|Mikaberidze|2015|pp=291, 536}}{{sfn|Blow|2009|p=174}}<ref>{{harvnb|Sīstānī|p=509}}{{Full citation needed|date=May 2015}}</ref> [[Georgians|Georgian]] subjects to Iran's mainland and massacre of another thousand in 1616 virtually left the province without any substantial population. This [[Bakhtrioni Uprising]] was successfully defeated under personal direction of Shah [[Abbas II of Persia|Abbas II]] himself. However, strategically it remained inconclusive.<ref>{{harvnb|Javakhishvili|1970}}{{page needed|date=May 2015}}</ref> The Iranian authority was restored in Kakheti, but the Qizilbash Turkics were prevented from settling in Kakheti, which undermined the planned Iranian policies in the respective province.
More importantly,
[[File:Persia,_Caspian_Sea,_part_of_Independent_Tartary.png|thumb|Map of the Safavid Empire, published 1736.]]
The country was repeatedly raided on its
[[File:Moll 1720 Persian Empire.JPG|thumb|left|A map of Safavid Empire in 1720, showing different states of [[Persia]]]]
The tribal Afghans rode roughshod over their conquered territory for seven years but were prevented from making further gains by [[Nader Shah]], a former slave who had risen to military leadership within the [[Afshar tribe]] in Khorasan, a vassal state of the Safavids. Quickly making a name as a military genius both feared and respected amongst the empire's friends and enemies (including Iran's archrival the Ottoman Empire, and Russia; both empires Nader would deal with soon afterwards), Nader Shah easily defeated the Afghan Hotaki forces in the 1729 [[Battle of Damghan (1729)|Battle of Damghan]]. He had removed them from power and banished them from Iran by 1729. In 1732 by the [[Treaty of Resht]] and in 1735 [[Treaty of Ganja]], he negotiated an agreement with the government of Empress [[Anna of Russia|Anna Ioanovna]] that resulted in the return of the recently annexed Iranian territories, making most of the [[Caucasus]] fall back into Iranian hands, while establishing an [[Iran-Russia relations|Irano-Russian]] alliance against the common neighbouring Ottoman enemy.<ref>{{cite book|last=Mikaberidze|first=Alexander|title=Conflict and Conquest in the Islamic World: A Historical Encyclopedia|year=2011|location=ABC-CLIO|isbn=978-1598843361|page=329|editor=Mikaberidze, Alexander|chapter=Treaty of Ganja (1735)}}</ref><ref>{{iranica|nader-shah}}</ref> In the [[Ottoman–Persian War (1730–35)|Ottoman–Iranian War (1730–35)]], he retook all territories lost by the Ottoman invasion of the 1720s, as well as beyond. With the Safavid state and its territories secured, in 1738 Nader [[Siege of Kandahar|conquered the Hotaki's last stronghold in Kandahar]]; in the same year, in need of fortune to aid his military careers against his Ottoman and Russian imperial rivals, he started his invasion of the wealthy but weak Mughal Empire accompanied by his Georgian subject [[Erekle II]],<ref>{{cite book|last=Lang|first=David Marshall|author-link=David Marshall Lang|title=The Last Years of the Georgian Monarchy,
[[File:Safavid Persian Empire.jpg|thumb|Part of the Safavid Persian Empire (on right), the Ottoman Empire, and [[West Asia]] in general, Emanuel Bowen, 1744–52]]
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While large in terms of land area, the large proportion of deserts and mountains in its territory meant density was very low; the empire's population is estimated to have probably numbered between eight and ten million in 1650, as compared to {{circa|20 million}} for the Ottoman Empire in 1600.<ref>[https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/time-in-early-modern-islam/safavid-mughal-and-ottoman-empires/9D55F0A0262017473EC8A9A7ED86C508/core-reader#:~:text=In%201600%20the%20population%20of%20the%20empire%20was%20about%20twenty%20million Safavid, Mughal, and Ottoman Empires.] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210927203951/https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/time-in-early-modern-islam/safavid-mughal-and-ottoman-empires/9D55F0A0262017473EC8A9A7ED86C508/core-reader#:~:text=In%201600%20the%20population%20of%20the%20empire%20was%20about%20twenty%20million|date=2021-09-27}} Cambridge Core. See also [[List of Countries by population in 1700]].</ref>
Safavid society was a [[meritocracy]] where officials were appointed on the basis of worth and merit, and not on the basis of birth. It was certainly not an [[oligarchy]], nor was it an [[aristocracy]]. Sons of nobles were considered for the succession of their fathers as a mark of respect, but they had to prove themselves worthy of the position. This system avoided an entrenched aristocracy or a caste society.<ref>[[Roger Savory]], ''Iran under the Safavids'', p. 183.</ref> There are numerous recorded accounts of laymen that rose to high official posts as a result of their merits.<ref>Sir E. Denison Ross, Sir Anthony Sherley and his Persian Adventure, pp.
Nevertheless, the Iranian society during the Safavids was that of a hierarchy, with the Shah at the apex of the hierarchical pyramid, the common people, merchants and peasants at the base, and the aristocrats in between. The term ''dowlat'', which in modern Persian means "government", was then an abstract term meaning "bliss" or "felicity", and it began to be used as concrete sense of the Safavid state, reflecting the view that the people had of their ruler, as someone elevated above humanity.<ref name="Savory 177">[[Roger Savory]], ''Iran under the Safavids'', p. 77.</ref>
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===Turks and Tajiks===
The power structure of the Safavid state was mainly divided into two groups: the Turkic-speaking military/ruling
===The third force: Caucasians===
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The series of campaigns that Tahmāsp subsequently waged after realising this in the wider [[Caucasus]] between 1540 and 1554 were meant to uphold the morale and the fighting efficiency of the Qizilbash military,<ref>[[Roger Savory]]; ''Iran under the Safavids''; p. 65</ref> but they brought home large numbers (over 70,000)<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=2BMVnw9JQh8C|title=Slaves of the Shah:New Elites of Safavid Iran|year=2004|access-date=1 April 2014|isbn=9781860647215|last1=Babayan|first1=Associate Professor of Iranian History Culture Kathryn|last2=Babaie|first2=Sussan|last3=Babayan|first3=Kathryn|last4=McCabe|first4=Ina|last5=Farhad|first5=Massumeh|publisher=Bloomsbury Academic |author-link5=
Massumeh Farhad}}</ref> of Christian [[Georgians|Georgian]], Circassian and Armenian slaves as its main objective, and would be the basis of this third force; the new (Caucasian) layer in society.<ref name="Streusand, p. 148"/> According to the ''Encyclopædia Iranica'', this would be as well the starting point for the corps of the ''ḡolāmān-e ḵāṣṣa-ye-e šarifa'', or ''royal slaves'', who would dominate the Safavid military for most of the empire's length, and would form a crucial part of the ''third force''. As non-Turcoman converts to Islam, these Circassian and Georgian [[ghilman|ḡolāmān]]s (also written as ''ghulams'') were completely unrestrained by clan loyalties and kinship obligations, which was an attractive feature for a ruler like Tahmāsp whose childhood and upbringing had been deeply affected by Qizilbash tribal politics.<ref name="Tahmāsp I"/> Their formation, implementation, and usage was very much alike to the [[janissaries]] of the neighbouring Ottoman Empire.<ref name="iranicaonline.org"/> In turn, many of these transplanted women became wives and concubines of Tahmasp, and the Safavid harem emerged as a competitive, and sometimes lethal, arena of ethnic politics as cliques of Turkmen, Circassian, and Georgian women and courtiers vied with each other for the king's attention.<ref name="Tahmāsp I"/> Although the first slave soldiers would not be organized until the reign of Abbas I, during Tahmasp's reign, Caucasians already became important members of the royal household, [[Harem]] and in the civil and military administration,<ref name="Manz"/><ref name="books.google.nl"/> and were on their way of becoming an integral part of society. Tahmasp I's successor, [[Ismail II]], brought another 30,000 Circassians and Georgians to Iran of which many joined the ghulam force.<ref>Oberling, Pierre, ''Georgians and Circassians in Iran'', The Hague, 1963; pp. 127–143</ref>
Following the full implementation of this policy by Abbas I, the women (only Circassian and Georgian) now very often came to occupy prominent positions in the harems of the Safavid elite, while the men who became part of the ghulam "class" as part of the powerful third force were given special training on completion of which they were either enrolled in one of the newly created ''ghilman'' regiments, or employed in the royal household.<ref>Blow, D; Shah Abbas: The ruthless king who became an Iranian legend, p. 9.</ref> The rest of the masses of deportees and importees, a significant portion numbering many hundreds of thousands, were settled in various regions of mainland Iran, and were given all kinds of roles as part of society, such as craftsmen, farmers, cattle breeders, traders, soldiers, generals, governors, woodcutters, etc., all also part of the newly established layer in Iranian society.<ref>Matthee, Rudolph P. (1999), ''[https://books.google.com/books?id=5U0yECMV--wC The Politics of Trade in Safavid Iran: Silk for Silver, 1600–1730] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221020172718/https://books.google.com/books?id=5U0yECMV--wC |date=2022-10-20 }}.''</ref>
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====Emergence of a clerical aristocracy====
An important feature of the Safavid society was the alliance that emerged between the [[ulama]] (the religious class) and the merchant community. The latter included merchants trading in the bazaars, the trade and artisan guilds (''asnāf'') and members of the quasi-religious organizations run by [[dervish]]es (''futuvva''). Because of the relative insecurity of property ownership in Iran, many private landowners secured their lands by donating them to the clergy as so called ''vaqf''. They would thus retain the official ownership and secure their land from being confiscated by royal commissioners or local governors, as long as a percentage of the revenues from the land went to the ulama. Increasingly, members of the religious class, particularly the [[mujtahid]]s and the [[seyyed]]s, gained full ownership of these lands, and, according to contemporary historian [[Iskandar Beg Munshi|Iskandar Munshi]], Iran started to witness the emergence of a new and significant group of landowners.<ref>Savory, pp.
=====Akhbaris versus Usulis=====
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==Government==
The Safavid state was one of checks and balance, both within the government and on a local level. At the apex of this system was the Shah, with total power over the state, legitimized by his bloodline as a [[sayyid]], or descendant of [[Muhammad]]. So absolute was his power, that the French merchant, and later ambassador to Iran, [[Jean Chardin]] thought the Safavid Shahs ruled their land with an iron fist and often in a despotic manner.<ref>Ferrier, R. W.; A Journey to Persia: Jean Chardin's Portrait of a Seventeenth-century Empire; pp. 71–71.</ref> To ensure transparency and avoid decisions being made that circumvented the Shah, a complex system of bureaucracy and departmental procedures had been put in place that prevented fraud. Every office had a deputy or superintendent, whose job was to keep records of all actions of the state officials and report directly to the Shah. The Shah himself exercised his own measures for keeping his ministers under control by fostering an atmosphere of rivalry and competitive surveillance. And since the Safavid society was meritocratic, and successions seldom were made on the basis of heritage, this meant that government offices constantly felt the pressure of being under surveillance and had to make sure they governed in the best interest of their leader, and not merely their own.
===Structure===
There probably did not exist any [[parliament]], as we know them today. But the Portuguese ambassador to the Safavids, [[García de Silva Figueroa|De Gouvea]], still mentions the ''[[Council of State]]''<ref>Blow, p. 173.</ref> in his records, which perhaps was a term for governmental gatherings of the time.
The highest level in the government was that of the Prime Minister, or [[Vizier#In Islamic states|Grand Vizier]] (''Etemad-e Dowlat''), who was always chosen from among doctors of law. He enjoyed tremendous power and control over national affairs as he was the immediate deputy of the Shah. No act of the Shah was valid without the counter seal of the Prime Minister. But even he stood accountable to a deputy (''vak’anevis''), who kept records of his decision-makings and notified the Shah. Second to the Prime Minister post were the General of the Revenues (''mostoufi-ye mamalek''), or finance minister,<ref name="Blow 165">Blow, David. Shah Abbas: the ruthless king who became an Iranian legend, p. 165.</ref> and the ''Divanbegi'', Minister of Justice. The latter was the final appeal in civil and criminal cases, and his office stood next to the main entrance to the [[Ālī Qāpū|Ali Qapu]] palace. In earlier times, the Shah had been closely involved in judicial proceedings, but this part of the royal duty was neglected by [[Shah Safi]] and the later kings.<ref name="Ferrier; pp. 80-82">Ferrier, pp.
Next in authority were the generals: the General of the Royal Troops (the ''Shahsevans''), General of the Musketeers, General of the Ghulams and The Master of Artillery. A separate official, the Commander-in-Chief, was appointed to be the head of these officials.<ref name="Ferrier; pp. 80-82"/>
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[[File:49 Chardin Safavid Legal system Karkan.jpg|thumb|upright|The ''Karkan'', a tool used for punishment of state criminals]]
In Safavid Iran there was little distinction between theology and jurisprudence, or between divine justice and human justice, and it all went under ''Islamic jurisprudence'' ([[fiqh]]). The legal system was built up of two branches: [[Civil law (legal system)|civil law]], which had its roots in [[sharia]], ''received wisdom'', and [[urf]], meaning ''traditional experience'' and very similar to the Western form of [[common law]]. While the imams and judges of law applied civil law in their practice, urf was primarily exercised by the local commissioners, who inspected the villages on behalf of the Shah, and by the Minister of Justice (''Divanbegi''). The latter were all secular functionaries working on behalf of the Shah.<ref name="Ferrier 90-4">Ferrier, RW, A journey to Persia: Jean Chardin's Portrait of a Seventeenth-century Empire, pp.
The highest level in the legal system was the Minister of Justice, and the law officers were divided into senior appointments, such as the magistrate (''darughah''), inspector (''visir''), and recorder (''vak’anevis''). The lesser officials were the [[Qadi|qazi]], corresponding a civil lieutenant, who ranked under the local governors and functioned as judges in the provinces.
According to [[Jean Chardin|Chardin]]:<ref name="Ferrier; p. 91">Ferrier p. 91.</ref>
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[[File:Safavid-helmet.jpg|thumb|upright|A Safavid helmet]]
The Qizilbash were a wide variety of Shiʻi Muslims (''[[ghulat|ghulāt]]'') and mostly [[Oghuz Turks|Turcoman]] militant groups who helped found the Safavid Empire. Their military power was essential during the reign of the Shahs Ismail and Tahmasp. The Qizilbash tribes were essential to the military of Iran until the rule of [[Abbas I of Persia|Shah Abbas I]]
A major problem faced by [[Ismail I]] after the establishment of the Safavid state was how to bridge the gap between the two major ethnic groups in that state: the [[Qizilbash]] ("Redhead") Turcomans, the "men of sword" of classical Islamic society whose military prowess had brought him to power, and the [[Persia]]n elements, the "men of the pen", who filled the ranks of the bureaucracy and the religious establishment in the Safavid state as they had done for centuries under previous rulers of Iran, be they [[Arabs]], [[Mongols]], or [[Turkmen people|Turkmen]]s. As [[Vladimir Minorsky]] put it, friction between these two groups was inevitable, because the Qizilbash "were no party to the national Persian tradition".
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====Reforms in the military====
[[File:Persian Musketeer.jpg|thumb|upright|Persian Musketeer in time of Abbas I by Habib-Allah Mashadi after Falsafi (Berlin Museum of Islamic Art).]]
Shah Abbas realized that in order to retain absolute control over his empire without antagonizing the Qizilbash, he needed to create reforms that reduced the dependency that the shah had on their military support. Part of these reforms was the creation of [[Safavid dynasty#Society|the 3rd force]] within the aristocracy and all other functions within the empire, but even more important in undermining the authority of the Qizilbash was the introduction of the Royal Corps into the military. This military force would serve the shah only and eventually consisted of four separate branches:<ref>Blow, David; Shah Abbas: The ruthless king who became an Iranian legend, pp.
* Shahsevans: these were 12,000 strong and built up from the small group of ''qurchis'' that Shah Abbas had inherited from his predecessor. The [[Shahsevan]]s, or "Friends of the King", were Qizilbash tribesmen who had forsaken their tribal allegiance for allegiance to the shah alone.<ref>[http://www.events.ir/no002/002d.htm "Shahsavan Tribes"] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071008114155/http://www.events.ir/no002/002d.htm |date=2007-10-08 }}, Dr P. Shahsavand, Professor of Sociology at Islamic Azad
* Ghulams: Tahmasp I had started introducing huge amounts of [[Georgian people|Georgian]], [[Circassians|Circassian]] and [[Armenians|Armenian]] slaves and deportees from the [[Caucasus]], of whom a sizeable amount would become part of the future ghulam system. Shah Abbas expanded this program significantly and fully implemented it, and eventually created a force of 15,000 ghulam cavalrymen and 3,000 ghulam royal bodyguards. With the advent of the brother's Shirley at Abbas' court and by the efforts of statesman [[Allahverdi Khan]], from 1600 onwards, the ghulam fighting regiments were further dramatically expanded under Abbas reaching 25,000.<ref name="ALLĀHVERDĪ KHAN 1"/> Under Abbas, this force amounted to a total of near 40,000 soldiers paid for and beholden to the Shah.<ref name="Savory 1980 79"/><ref name="BN142"/><ref>{{Harvard citation no brackets|Roemer|1986|p=265}}</ref> They would become the elite soldiers of the Safavid armies (like the Ottoman [[Janissary]]).<ref name="iranicaonline.org"/>
* Musketeers: realizing the advantages that the Ottomans had because of their firearms, Shah Abbas was at pains to equip both the qurchi and the ghulam soldiers with up-to-date weaponry. More importantly, for the first time in Iranian history, a substantial infantry corps of musketeers (''tofang-chis''), numbering 12 000, was created.
* Artillery Corps: with the help of Westerners, he also formed an artillery corps of 12 000 men, although this was the weakest element in his army. According to [[Sir Thomas Herbert, 1st Baronet|Sir Thomas Herbert]], who accompanied
Despite the reforms, the Qizilbash would remain the strongest and most effective element within the military, accounting for more than half of its total strength.<ref name="Blow 38" /> But the creation of this large standing army, that, for the first time in Safavid history, was serving directly under the Shah, significantly reduced their influence, and perhaps any possibilities for the type of civil unrest that had caused havoc during the reign of the previous shahs.
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===Agriculture===
According to the historian [[Roger Savory]], the twin bases of the domestic economy were [[pastoralism]] and agriculture. And, just as the higher levels of the social hierarchy was divided between the Turkish "men of the sword" and the Persian "men of the pen"; so were the lower level divided between the Turcoman tribes, who were cattle breeders and lived apart from the surrounding population, and the Persians, who were settled agriculturalists.<ref>Savory, R.; Iran under the Safavids; pp.
The Safavid economy was to a large extent based on agriculture and taxation of agricultural products. According to the French jeweller [[Jean Chardin]], the variety in agricultural products in Iran was unrivaled in Europe and consisted of fruits and vegetables never even heard of in Europe. Chardin was present at some feasts in Isfahan were there were more than fifty different kinds of fruit. He thought that there was nothing like it in France or Italy:<ref>Ferrier, R. W.; ''A journey to Persia: Jean Chardin's portrait of a seventeenth-century Empire''; p. 24.</ref>
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Despite this, he was disappointed when travelling the country and witnessing the abundance of land that was not irrigated, or the fertile plains that were not cultivated, something he thought was in stark contrast to Europe. He blamed this on misgovernment, the sparse population of the country, and lack of appreciation of agriculture amongst the Persians.<ref>Ferrier; p. 23.</ref>
In the period prior to Shah Abbas I, most of the land was assigned to officials (civil, military and religious). From the time of Shah Abbas onwards, more land was brought under the direct control of the shah. And since agriculture accounted for by far largest share of tax revenue, he took measures to expand it. What remained unchanged, was the "''crop-sharing agreement''" between whoever was the landlord, and the farmer. This agreement concisted of five elements: land, water, plough-animals, seed and labour. Each element constituted 20 percent of the crop production, and if, for instance, the farmer provided the labour force and the animals, he would be entitled to 40 percent of the earnings.<ref>Savory; p. 187.</ref><ref>Blow, D.; Shah Abbas: The ruthless king who became an Iranian legend; p. 211.</ref> According to contemporary historians, though, the landlord always had the worst of the bargain with the farmer in the crop-sharing agreements. In general, the farmers lived in comfort, and they were well paid and wore good clothes, although it was also noted that they were subject to forced labour and lived under heavy demands.<ref>Lambton, A. K. S.; ''Landlord and Peasant in Persia'' (Oxford 1953);
===Travel and caravanserais===
[[File:Hotel Shah Abbas Sahn.jpg|thumb|right|The Mothers Inn caravanserai in Isfahan, that was built during the reign of [[Abbas II of Persia|Shah Abbas II]], was a luxury resort meant for the wealthiest merchants and selected guests of the shah. Today it is a luxury hotel and goes under the name of [[Abbasi Hotel|Hotel Abassi]].]]
Horses were the most important of all the beasts of burden, and the best were brought in from Arabia and Central-Asia. They were costly because of the widespread trade in them, including to Turkey and India. The next most important mount, when traveling through Iran, was the mule. Also, the camel was a good investment for the merchant, as they cost nearly nothing to feed, carried a lot weight and could travel almost anywhere.<ref>Ferrier; pp.
Under the governance of the strong shahs, especially during the first half of the 17th century, traveling through Iran was easy because of good roads and the [[caravanserai]]s, that were strategically placed along the route. [[Jean de Thévenot|Thévenot]] and [[Jean-Baptiste Tavernier|Tavernier]] commented that the Iranian caravanserais were better built and cleaner than their Turkish counterparts.<ref>Savory; p. 190.</ref> According to Chardin, they were also more abundant than in the Mughal or Ottoman Empires, where they were less frequent but larger.<ref>Ferrier; p. 31.</ref> Caravanserais were designed especially to benefit poorer travelers, as they could stay there for as long as they wished, without payment for lodging. During the reign of Shah Abbas I, as he tried to upgrade the Silk Road to improve the commercial prosperity of the Empire, an abundance of caravanserais, bridges, bazaars and roads were built, and this strategy was followed by wealthy merchants who also profited from the increase in trade. To uphold the standard, another source of revenue was needed, and road toll, that were collected by guards (''rah-dars''), were stationed along the trading routes. They in turn provided for the safety of the travelers, and both Thevenot and Tavernier stressed the safety of traveling in 17th century Iran, and the courtesy and refinement of the policing guards.<ref>Savory; p. 191.</ref> The Italian traveler [[Pietro Della Valle]] was impressed by an encounter with one of these road guards:<ref>Blow; p. 210.</ref>
{{cquote| He examined our baggage, but in the most obliging manner possible, not opening our trunks or packages, and was satisfied with a small tax, which was his due...}}
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[[File:Chehel Sotoon.jpg|thumb|left|The [[Chehel Sotoun]] Palace in Isfahan was where the Shah would meet foreign dignitaries and embassies. It is famous for the frescoes that cover its walls.]]
The [[Portuguese Empire]] and the discovery of the trading route around the [[Cape of Good Hope]] in 1487 not only hit a death blow to [[Venice]] as a trading nation, but it also hurt the trade that was going on along the Silk Road and especially the [[Persian Gulf]]. They correctly identified the three key points to control all seaborne trade between Asia and Europe: The [[Gulf of Aden]], The Persian Gulf and the [[Straits of Malacca]] by cutting off and controlling these strategic locations with high taxation.<ref>[[Roger Savory]], ''Iran under the Safavids''; pp.
Furthermore, the Safavids maintained a sizeable sphere of influence overseas, particularly in the [[Deccan Plateau|Deccan]] region of India. The Sultanates of [[Ahmadnagar Sultanate|Ahmednagar]], [[Adil Shahi dynasty|Bijapur]], and [[Golconda Fort|Golconda]] all sought Persian suzerainty not just because of religious or cultural ties, but also because of the need for a counterweight to Mughal expansion.<ref>{{Cite journal |first=M.
[[File:Silk route.jpg|thumb|right|The Silk Road]]
In the long term, however, the seaborne trade route was of less significance to the Persians than was the traditional Silk Road. Lack of investment in ship building and the navy provided the Europeans with the opportunity to monopolize this trading route. The land-borne trade would thus continue to provide the bulk of revenues to the Iranian state from transit taxes. The revenue came not so much from exports, as from the custom charges and transit dues levied on goods passing through the country.<ref>Blow; p. 212.</ref> Shah Abbas was determined to greatly expand this trade, but faced the problem of having to deal with the Ottomans, who controlled the two most vital routes: the route across Arabia to the Mediterranean ports, and the route through [[Anatolia]] and Istanbul. A third route was therefore devised which circumvented Ottoman territory. By travelling across the [[Caspian
By the end of the 17th century, the Dutch had become dominant in the trade that went via the Persian Gulf, having won most trade agreements, and managed to strike deals before the
==Culture==
{{Culture of Iran}}
[[Jean Chardin]], the 17th-
Unlike Europeans, they much disliked physical activity, and were not in favor of exercise for its own sake, preferring the leisure of repose and luxuries that life could offer. Travelling was valued only for the specific purpose of getting from one place to another, not interesting themselves in seeing new places and experiencing different cultures. It was perhaps this sort of attitude towards the rest of the world that accounted for the ignorance of Persians regarding other countries of the world. The exercises that they took part in were for keeping the body supple and sturdy and to acquire skills in handling of arms. [[Archery]] took first place. Second place was held by [[fencing]], where the wrist had to be firm but flexible and movements agile. Thirdly there was horsemanship. A very strenuous form of exercise which the Persians greatly enjoyed was hunting.<ref>Ferrier; pp.
===Art===
{{Main|Safavid art}}
Abbas I recognized the commercial benefit of promoting the
[[File:Riza-yi-Abbasi 008.jpg|thumb|upright|left|[[Reza Abbasi]], ''Youth reading'', 1625–26]]
Using traditional forms and materials, [[Reza Abbasi]] (1565–1635) introduced new subjects to Persian
====Architecture====
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A new age in [[Iranian architecture]] began with the rise of the Safavid dynasty. Economically robust and politically stable, this period saw a flourishing growth of theological sciences. Traditional architecture evolved in its patterns and methods leaving its impact on the architecture of the following periods.
Indeed, one of the greatest legacies of the Safavids is the architecture. In 1598, when Shah Abbas decided to move the capital of his Iranian empire from the north-western city of [[Qazvin]] to the central city of [[Isfahan]], he initiated what would become one of the greatest programmes in Iranian history; the complete remaking of the city. By choosing the central city of Isfahan, fertilized by the [[Zayanderud|Zāyande roud]] ("The ''life-giving river''"), lying as an oasis of intense cultivation in the midst of a vast area of arid landscape, he both distanced his capital from any future assaults by the [[Ottoman Empire|Ottomans]] and the [[Uzbeks]], and at the same time gained more control over the [[Persian Gulf]], which had recently become an important trading route for the Dutch and
[[File:Qazvin - Chehel Sotun.jpg|thumb|The 16th-century Chehel Sotun pavilion in Qazvin, Iran. It is the last remains of the palace of the second Safavid king, Shah Tahmasp; it was heavily restored by the Qajars in the 19th century.]]
The Chief architect of this colossal task of urban planning was [[Shaykh Bahai]] (Baha' ad-Din al-`Amili), who focused the programme on two key features of Shah Abbas's master plan: the [[Charbagh, Isfahan|Chahar Bagh]] avenue, flanked at either side by all the prominent institutions of the city, such as the residences of all foreign dignitaries. And the [[Naqsh-e Jahan Square]] ("''Examplar of the World''").<ref>Sir Roger Stevens; ''The Land of the Great Sophy'', p. 172.</ref> Prior to the Shah's ascent to power, Iran had a decentralized power-structure, in which different institutions battled for power, including both the military (the [[Qizilbash]]) and governors of the different provinces making up the empire. Shah Abbas wanted to undermine this political structure, and the recreation of Isfahan, as a Grand capital of Iran, was an important step in centralizing the power.<ref>Savory; chpt: ''The Safavid empire at the height of its power under Shāh Abbas the Great (1588–1629)''</ref> The ingenuity of the square, or ''Maidān'', was that, by building it, Shah Abbas would gather the three main components of power in Iran in his own backyard; the power of the clergy, represented by the [[Shah mosque|Masjed-e Shah]], the power of the merchants, represented by the Imperial Bazaar, and of course, the power of the Shah himself, residing in the [[Ālī Qāpū|Ali Qapu]] Palace.
Distinctive monuments like the [[Lotfollah mosque|Sheikh Lotfallah]] (1618), [[Hasht Behesht]] (Eight Paradise Palace) (1469) and the [[Chahar Bagh School]] (1714) appeared in Isfahan and other cities. This extensive development of architecture was rooted in Persian culture and took form in the design of schools, baths, houses, caravanserai and other urban spaces such as bazaars and squares. It continued until the end of the Qajar reign.<ref>Jodidio, Philip, ''Iran: Architecture For Changing Societies'': Umberto Allemandi (August 2, 2006).</ref>
====Literature====
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The arguably most renowned historian from this time was [[Iskandar Beg Munshi]]. His ''History of Shah Abbas the Great'' written a few years after its subject's death, achieved a nuanced depth of history and character.
===The Isfahan
{{See also|School of Isfahan|Mulla Sadra|Mir Damad|Mir Fendereski|Shaykh Bahai|Mohsen Fayz Kashani}}
[[File:Chahar bagh school drawing.jpg|thumb|left|19th-century painting of the [[Chahar Bagh School]] in Isfahan, built during the time of Soltan Hossein to serve as a theological and clerical school]]
Islamic philosophy<ref>Dabashi, H. (1996) 'Mir Damad and the Founding of the School of Isfahan', in SH Nasr and O. Leaman (eds) History of Islamic Philosophy, London: Routledge, ch. 34, 597–634.</ref> flourished in the Safavid era in what scholars commonly refer to the School of Isfahan. [[Mir Damad]] is considered the founder of this school. Among luminaries of this school of philosophy, the names of Iranian philosophers such as Mir Damad, [[Mir Fendereski]], [[Shaykh Bahai]] and [[Mohsen Fayz Kashani]] standout. The school reached its apogee with that of the Iranian philosopher [[Mulla Sadra]] who is arguably the most significant Islamic philosopher after Avicenna. Mulla Sadra has become the dominant philosopher of the Islamic East, and his approach to the nature of philosophy has been exceptionally influential up to this day.<ref>{{Cite book |last= Rizvi |first= Sajjad |contribution= Mulla Sadra |title= The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy |date=
According to the [[Iranologist]] [[Richard Nelson Frye]]:<ref>RN Frye, ''The Golden Age of Persia'', Phoenix Press, 2000, p. 234</ref>
{{blockquote |They were the continuers of the classical tradition of Islamic thought, which after Averroes died in the Arab west. The Persians schools of thought were the true heirs of the great Islamic thinkers of the golden age of Islam, whereas in the Ottoman empire there was an intellectual stagnation, as far as the traditions of Islamic philosophy were concerned
===Medicine===
[[File:Canons of medicine.JPG|thumb|A [[Latin language|Latin]] copy of ''The Canon of Medicine'', dated 1484, located at the P.I. Nixon Medical Historical Library of The [[University of Texas Health Science Center at San Antonio]],
The status of physicians during the Safavids stood as high as ever. Whereas neither the [[ancient Greeks]] nor the [[Ancient Rome|Romans]] accorded high social status to their doctors, Iranians had from ancient times honored their physicians, who were often appointed counselors of the Shahs. This would not change with the [[Muslim conquest of Persia|Arab conquest of Iran]], and it was primarily the Persians that took upon them the works of [[Persian philosophy|philosophy]], logic, medicine, mathematics, [[astronomy]], [[astrology]], music and [[alchemy]].<ref>Savory, Roger: Iran under the Safavids, pp.
By the sixteenth century, [[Islamic science]], which to a large extent meant [[Persian science]], was resting on its laurels. The works of [[Muhammad ibn Zakariya al-Razi|al-Razi]] (
The only field within medicine where some progress were made was pharmacology, with the compilement of the "Tibb-e Shifa’i" in 1556. This book was translated into French in 1681 by [[Ange de Saint Joseph|Angulus de Saint]], under the name "Pharmacopoea Persica".<ref>Savory, p. 222.</ref>
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{{cquote| The two wrestlers were covered in grease. They are present on the level ground, and a small drum is always playing during the contest for excitement. They swear to a good fight and shake hands. That done, they slap their thighs, buttocks and hips to the rhythm of the drum. That is for the women and to get themselves in good form. After that they join together in uttering a great cry and trying to overthrow each other.}}
As well as wrestling, what gathered the masses was fencing, tightrope dancers, puppet-players and acrobats, performing in large squares, such as the [[Naqsh-e Jahan Square|Royal square]]. A leisurely form of amusement was to be found in the [[cabaret]]s, particularly in certain districts, like those near the mausoleum of Harun-e Velayat. People met there to drink liqueurs or coffee, to smoke tobacco or opium, and to chat or listen to poetry.<ref>Ferrier; pp.
===Clothes and appearances===
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[[File:73 Chardin Safavid Persia men customs.jpg|thumb|Men's clothing in the 1600s]]
[[File: Atlas_cloth_iran_17th_century.jpg|thumb|A brocade garment, Safavid era]]
As noted before, a key aspect of the Persian character was its love of luxury, particularly on keeping up appearances. They would adorn their clothes, wearing stones and decorate the harness of their horses. Men wore many rings on their fingers, almost as many as their wives. They also placed jewels on their arms, such as on daggers and swords. Daggers were worn at the waist. In describing the lady's clothing, he noted that Persian dress revealed more of the figure than did the European, but that women appeared differently depending on whether they were at home in the presence of friends and family, or if they were in the public. In private they usually wore a veil that only covered the hair and the back, but upon leaving the home, they put on ''[[manteaus]]'', large cloaks that concealed their whole bodies except their faces. They often dyed their feet and hands with [[henna#Traditions of henna as body art|henna]]. Their hairstyle was simple, the hair gathered back in tresses, often adorned at the ends with pearls and clusters of jewels. Women with slender waists were regarded as more attractive than those with larger figures. Women from the provinces and slaves pierced their left nostrils with rings, but well-born Persian women would not do this.<ref>Ferrier; pp.
The most precious accessory for men was the [[turban]]. Although they lasted a long time it was necessary to have changes for different occasions like weddings and the [[Nowruz]], while men of status never wore the same turban two days running. Clothes that became soiled in any way were changed immediately.<ref>Ferrier; p. 124.</ref>
==Language==
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| isbn = 978-0-521-52291-5
| chapter-url = https://books.google.com/books?id=qwwoozMU0LMC&pg=PA86
| pages =
| quote = Safavid power with its distinctive Persian-Shiʻi culture, however, remained a middle ground between its two mighty Turkish neighbors. The Safavid state, which lasted at least until 1722, was essentially a "Turkish" dynasty, with Azeri Turkish (Azerbaijan being the family's home base) as the language of the rulers and the court as well as the Qizilbash military establishment. Shah Ismail wrote poetry in Turkish. The administration nevertheless was Persian, and the Persian language was the vehicle of diplomatic correspondence (insha'), of belles-lettres (adab), and of history (tarikh).}}</ref><ref name="cambridgesafa"/> But the official<ref name="Roemer 189">Roemer, H. R. (1986). "The Safavid Period". ''The Cambridge History of Iran'', Vol. 6: The Timurid and Safavid Periods. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 189–350. {{ISBN|0-521-20094-6}}, p. 331: "Depressing though the condition in the country may have been at the time of the fall of Safavids, they cannot be allowed to overshadow the achievements of the dynasty, which was in many respects to prove essential factors in the development of Persia in modern times. These include the maintenance of Persian as the official language and of the present-day boundaries of the country, adherence to the Twelever Shiʻi, the monarchical system, the planning and architectural features of the urban centers, the centralised administration of the state, the alliance of the Shiʻi Ulama with the merchant bazaars, and the symbiosis of the Persian-speaking population with important non-Persian, especially Turkish speaking minorities".</ref> language of the empire as well as the administrative language, language of correspondence, literature and historiography was Persian.<ref name="mazzaoui" /> The inscriptions on Safavid currency were also in Persian.<ref>Ronald W. Ferrier, ''The Arts of Persia'', Yale University Press, 1989, p. 199.</ref>
[[File:The Mantiq al-tair.jpg|thumb|upright|Scene from [[Attar of Nishapur|Attar]]'s ''[[The Conference of the Birds]]'', by Habibulla Meshedi (1600).]]
Safavids also used [[Persian language|Persian]] as a cultural and administrative language throughout the empire and were bilingual in Persian.<ref name="Mino"/> According to Arnold J. Toynbee,<ref>Arnold J. Toynbee, ''A Study of History'', V, pp.
{{blockquote |In the heyday of the Mughal, Safawi, and Ottoman regimes New Persian was being patronized as the language of litterae humaniores by the ruling element over the whole of this huge realm, while it was also being employed as the official language of administration in those two-thirds of its realm that lay within the Safawi and the Mughal frontiers}}
According to John R. Perry,<ref>John R. Perry, "Turkic-Iranian contacts", ''[[Encyclopædia Iranica]]''
{{blockquote |In the 16th century, the Turcophone Safavid family of Ardabil in Azerbaijan, probably of Turkicized Iranian, origin, conquered Iran and established Turkic, the language of the court and the military, as a high-status vernacular and a widespread contact language, influencing spoken Persian, while written Persian, the language of high literature and civil administration, remained virtually unaffected in status and content.}}
According to Zabiollah Safa,<ref name="cambridgesafa">Zabiollah Safa (1986), "Persian Literature in the Safavid Period", ''The Cambridge History of Iran'', vol. 6: The Timurid and Safavid Periods. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, {{ISBN|0-521-20094-6}}, pp.
{{blockquote |In day-to-day affairs, the language chiefly used at the Safavid court and by the great military and political officers, as well as the religious dignitaries, was Turkish, not Persian; and the last class of persons wrote their religious works mainly in Arabic. Those who wrote in Persian were either lacking in proper tuition in this tongue, or wrote outside Iran and hence at a distance from centers where Persian was the accepted vernacular, endued with that vitality and susceptibility to skill in its use which a language can have only in places where it truly belongs.}}
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According to É. Á. Csató et al.,<ref name="csatoetal">É. Á. Csató, B. Isaksson, C Jahani. ''Linguistic Convergence and Areal Diffusion: Case Studies from Iranian, Semitic and Turkic'', Routledge, 2004, p. 228, {{ISBN|0-415-30804-6}}.</ref>
{{blockquote |A specific Turkic language was attested in Safavid Persia during the 16th and 17th centuries, a language that Europeans often called Persian Turkish ("Turc Agemi", "lingua turcica agemica"), which was a favourite language at the court and in the army because of the Turkic origins of the Safavid dynasty. The original name was just turki, and so a convenient name might be Turki-yi Acemi. This variety of Persian Turkish must have been also spoken in the Caucasian and Transcaucasian regions, which during the 16th century belonged to both the Ottomans and the Safavids, and were not fully integrated into the Safavid empire until 1606. Though that language might generally be identified as Middle Azerbaijanian, it is not yet possible to define exactly the limits of this language, both in linguistic and territorial respects. It was certainly not
According to Rula Jurdi Abisaab,<ref>Ruda Jurdi Abisaab. "Iran and Pre-Independence Lebanon" in Houchang Esfandiar Chehabi, ''Distant Relations: Iran and Lebanon in the Last 500 Years'', I.B. Tauris (2006), p. 76.</ref>
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During the Safavid period Azerbaijani Turkish, or, as it was also referred to at that time, Qizilbash Turkish, occupied an important place in society, and it was spoken both atcourt and by the common people. Although Turkish was widely spoken in Safavid Iran this fact is rarely mentioned. Usually neither Persian nor European authors mention in which language people communicated with each other. The Turkish spoken in Safavid Iran was mostly what nowadays is referred to as Azeri or Azerbaijani Turkish. However, at that time it was referred to by various other names. It would seemthat the poet and miniaturist Sadeqi Afshar (1533–1610), whose mother tongue was not Azerbaijani Turkish, but Chaghatay (although he was born in Tabriz), was the first to refer to speakers of Qizilbashi (motakallemin-e Qizilbash), but he, and one century later ‘Abdol-Jamil Nasiri, were the exception to this general rule of calling the language "Turki".}}
According to [[Stephen Dale]],<ref>{{cite book |last1=Dale |first1=Stephen Frederic |author1-link=Stephen Dale |editor1-last=Peacock |editor1-first=A.C.S. |editor2-last=McClary |editor2-first=Richard Piran |editor1-link=A. C. S. Peacock |title=Turkish History and Culture in India: Identity, Art and Transregional Connections |date=2020 |publisher=Brill |
{{Blockquote|Shah Ismail's Azeri dialect never became a state language and its use remained largely confined to [[Azerbaijan (Iran)|Azerbaijan]], where it is still spoken by many Iranians. Otherwise, Turkic speech in Iran largely remained a tribal/Qizilbash and provincial Azerbaijani phenomenon, subordinate to Persian as the language of formal education and the dominant literary culture.}}
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==Bibliography==
*{{cite book|last1=Blow|first1=David|title=Shah Abbas: The Ruthless King Who Became an Iranian Legend|date=2009|publisher=I.B. Tauris|isbn=978-0857716767}}
* {{The Cambridge History of Iran | volume = 6 }}
*{{cite book|last=Khanbaghi|first=Aptin|title=The Fire, the Star and the Cross: Minority Religions in Medieval and Early Modern Iran|publisher=I.B. Tauris|year=2006|isbn=978-1845110567}}
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*[http://www.iranchamber.com/history/articles/reflections_safavid_history_historiography1.php Why is Safavid history important?] (Iran Chamber Society)
*[https://web.archive.org/web/20100616060412/http://imamreza.net/eng/imamreza.php?id=3021 Historiography During the Safawid Era]
*[http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/iran-ix23-shiism-in-iran-since-the-safavids "
{{Safavid Iran}}
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