Anglo-Norman invasion of Ireland: Difference between revisions

The '''Anglo-Norman invasion of Ireland''' took place during the late 12th century, when [[Anglo-Normans]] gradually conquered and acquired large swathes of land fromin the Irish,[[Ireland]] over which the [[kingsList of English monarchs|monarchs of England]] then claimed sovereignty,. allThe allegedlyAnglo-Normans claimed the invasion was sanctioned by the papal bull ''[[Laudabiliter]]''.<ref name=":0">{{Cite news|last=Johnston|first=Elva|title=The Irish Church, Its Reform and the English Invasion review|url=https://www.irishtimes.com/culture/books/the-irish-church-its-reform-and-the-english-invasion-review-1.3164152|url-status=live|access-date=2021-09-26|newspaper=The Irish Times|language=en|archive-date=2021-09-26|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210926071513/https://www.irishtimes.com/culture/books/the-irish-church-its-reform-and-the-english-invasion-review-1.3164152?mode=sample&auth-failed=1&pw-origin=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.irishtimes.com%2Fculture%2Fbooks%2Fthe-irish-church-its-reform-and-the-english-invasion-review-1.3164152}}</ref> At the time, [[Gaelic Ireland]] was made up of several kingdoms, with a [[High King of Ireland|High King]] claiming lordship over most of the other kings. The Anglo-Norman invasion was a watershed in Ireland's history, marking the beginning of more than 800 years of direct English and, later, [[British, conquest and colonialismrule in Ireland]].

The Normans [[Norman conquest of England|conquered England]] between 1066 and 1075, with all earldoms thereafter held by Normans, as were all [[bishopric]]s after 1096. In parallel, the [[Treaty of Abernethy]] created a limited settlement between the Norman conquerors and Scotland, with lands in [[Cumbria]] exchanged for peace. Over the following decades, Norman lords [[Norman invasion of Wales|conquered much of south Wales]] and established their own semi-independent lordships there. According to historian [[John Gillingham]], after the Norman conquest, an imperialist attitude emerged among England's new [[Oïl languages|French-speaking]] ruling elite, and they came to view their Celtic neighbours as inferior and barbarous.<ref>{{cite book |last=Gillingham |first=John |title=The English in the Twelfth Century |publisher=Boydell & Brewer Ltd |year=2000 |pages=42–43, 145}}</ref>

From at least 1144, the [[List of kings of Leinster|king of Leinster]], [[Dermot MacMurrough]], had been on good terms with the future [[Henry II of England|Henry II]]. After becoming king of England in December 1154, Henry II had allied with [[Somerled]], [[Lord of Argyll]], and [[Muirchertach Mac Lochlainn]], king of the [[Cenél nEógain]], to put pressure on the new king of Scotland, [[Malcolm IV of Scotland|Malcolm IV]].<ref name="ANHOIpg62"/> The fruits of this alliance saw Malcolm cede parts of Scotland to England in 1157 and make peace with Somerled in 1160. In Ireland, Mac Lochlainn invaded the [[Kingdom of Breifne]], forced the submission [[Ruaidrí Ua Conchobair|Rory O'Connor]], [[king of Connacht]], and in 1161 gave MacMurrough eastern [[Kingdom of Meath|Meath]].<ref name="ANHOIpg62"/> For six months in 1165, the fleet of Dublin, which was under the control of Dermot MacMurrough, was used to aid Henry II's forces in an abortive campaign in north Wales.<ref name="DuffyPg15-6"/><ref name="ANHOIpg62"/>

Some of the initiative for political and military intervention came from Anglo-Norman church leaders – especially [[Theobald of Bec|Theobald]], [[Archbishop of Canterbury]] – who wanted to control the Irish church and fully implement the [[Gregorian Reform]]s.<ref name="church reform">Martin (2008), pp. 57–60</ref><ref>{{cite book |last=Crooks |first=Peter |year=2005 |chapter=Anglo-Irish Relations |editor=Seán Duffy |title=Medieval Ireland: An Encyclopedia |publisher=[[Routledge]] |pages=27}}</ref><ref name=carpenter>{{cite book |last=Carpenter|first=David|title=The Struggle for Mastery: Britain 1066–1284|publisher=Oxford University Press|year=2003|pages=218–219}}</ref> Irish church leaders had legislated for reform, notably at the synods of [[Synod of Cashel|Cashel]] (1101), [[Synod of Ráth Breasail|Ráth Breasail]] (1111) and [[Synod of Kells|Kells]] (1152). HoweverThese reforms, implementingintended theto reformstighten wasattitudes slowtowards marriage, clerical celibacy, the sacramental system, and difficult.control Itof church lands and offices, "would demand the abandonment of features of Gaelic society going back to pre-Christian times and of practises which had been accepted for centuries by the church in Ireland." These included attitudes towards marriage, clerical celibacy,Implementing the sacramentalreforms system,was slow and control of church landsdifficult.<ref name="church reform"/>

Several [[Marcher Lord]]s agreed to help: [[Richard de Clare, 2nd Earl of Pembroke|Richard FitzGilbert de Clare]] (also known as Strongbow), [[Robert FitzStephen]], [[Maurice FitzGerald, Lord of Lanstephan|Maurice FitzGerald]], and [[Maurice de Prendergast]]. Diarmait promised Strongbow his daughter [[Aoife MacMurrough|AífeAoífe]] in marriage and the kingship of Leinster upon Diarmait's death. He promised Robert and Maurice the town of Wexford and two neighbouring [[cantred]]s. Under Irish law, Diarmait had no right to do this. Having secured their help, he returned to his home territory of [[Uí Ceinnselaig]] (Hy Kinsella) in 1167 with one knight, Richard FitzGodebert, and a small number of soldiers. He smoothly resumed power as chief and awaited the arrival of his allies. King Ruaidrí and Tigernán confronted him with a small force and there was a skirmish at Killistown. Diarmait gave hostages to Ruaidrí and a hundred ounces of gold to Tigernán, and FitzGodebert left Ireland.<ref>Martin (2008), pp. 65–66</ref>

Diarmait returned to Ferns and died there suddenly in May 1171.<ref name=martin79>Martin (2008), p. 79</ref> Strongbow then claimed Leinster, as Diarmait had promised Strongbow he would inherit the kingdom upon his death, as his son-in-law through AífeAoífe. However, Strongbow would not have been deemed Diarmait's heir under either Irish or English law, with Diarmait having two wives, as well as sons and other daughters. It is suggested that Strongbow's succession was justified in English law by having AífeAoífe's mother deemed to be his only legitimate wife, leaving AífeAoífe as his only legitimate heir.<ref name=Duffy66>Duffy, Seán. ''Ireland in the Middle Ages''. Macmillan Press, 1997. p. 66</ref> Furthermore, Strongbow's succession was not justified in [[Early Irish law|Irish law]], as [[Tanistry|succession to kingship was elective]], and could only be passed on through the male line.<ref name=Duffy66/> Diarmait's son [[Domhnall Caomhánach|Domnall Cáemánach]] (Donal Cavanagh) backed Strongbow, perhaps because he felt it gave his family their best chance of holding on to power.<ref name=martin86>Martin (2008), p. 86</ref> Strongbow gave Domnall jurisdiction over his Irish subjects in most of Leinster.<ref name=martin86/>

Shortly after Diarmait's death, the Anglo-Normans came under attack, both from within Leinster and from outside.<ref name=martin80-85>Martin (2008), pp. 80–85</ref> Diarmait was succeeded as ruler of Uí Ceinnselaig (his home territory) by his brother Murchad,<ref name=martin86/> who opposed Strongbow along with other Leinster rulers.<ref name=martin80-85/> The Irish of [[Kingdom of Desmond|Desmond]] launched a devastating attack on Norman-held Waterford.<ref name=martin80-85/> At about the same time, a Norse-Gaelic army, in a fleet of at least 60 ships, landed outside Dublin. Led by Ascall, they tried to re-take the town, but were repulsed by de Cogan's forces. Ascall was captured and publicly executed.<ref name=martin80-85/>

The Irish church hierarchy also submitted to Henry, believing his intervention would bring greater political stability.<ref name="Flanagan 2005, p.30"/> Henry "used the church as a vehicle of conquest".<ref name=daniell>{{cite book |last=Daniell|first=Christopher|title=From Norman Conquest to Magna Carta: England 1066–1215|publisher=Routledge|year=2013|pages=65–66}}</ref> He organised the [[synod of Cashel]], at which Irish church leaders acknowledged him as their "temporal overlord". This may have been due to their realisation that the [[Gregorian Reform]]s were not compatible with Gaelic society.<ref>Martin (2008), p. 58</ref> Pope Adrian's successor, [[Pope Alexander III]], sent letters to the Irish bishops, telling them to accept Henry as their overlord in accordance with the oaths sworn by its kings, or face ecclesiastical censure.<ref>Martin (2008), p. 92</ref> He ratified the ''Laudabiliter'' and purported to give Henry dominion over Ireland, to ensure religious reform and ensure the Irish paid their [[Peter's Pence|tax to Rome]].<ref>[[Eleanor Hull|Hull, Eleanor]]. [http://www.libraryireland.com/HullHistory/Appendix1a.php "POPEPope ADRIANAdrian'Ss BULLBull "LAUDABILITER"'Laudabiliter' ANDand NOTENote UPONUpon ITIt"], from ''A History of Ireland and Her People'' (1931).</ref> The synod sought to bring Irish church practices into line with those of England, and new monastic communities and military orders (such as the Templars) were introduced into Ireland.<ref name=daniell/>

Another economic effect was the widespread usage of coinage, originally introduced by the Vikings. In the late 1180s, during John's lordship, the first Norman coins in Ireland were minted. Other mints operated in the major towns, with De Courcy in Ulster even minting coins in his own name.<ref name="DuffyPg66-8"/>

Whether as a direct consequence of the arrival of the Normans or not, the commoner's independence decreased in both Norman and Gaelic controlled areas. Where once they could serve more than one lord or even transfer from one lord to another, they were now unfree tenants bound to the land.<ref name="DuffyPg7-9"/>

The Normans also instigated the widespread building of castles by aristocrats, a key component of the [[Feudalism|feudal system]] they brought to Ireland, and [[round tower]]s. From 1169 until the mid-fourteenth century, castles were mostly associated with Norman lordships<ref name="DuffyPg66-8"/> and formed the basis of new settlements.<ref name="DuffyPg66-8"/> Not until after 1205, during the reign of king John, was a royal castle built in Ireland.<ref name="DuffyPg66-8"/>

De Courcy, who had conquered Ulaid, instigated a large-scale program of ecclesiastic patronage from 1179. This included the building of new abbeys and priories. He formally reburied in Downpatrick the recently "found" bodies of three prominent Irish saints, saints—[[Saint Patrick|Patrick]], [[Brigid of Kildare|Brigit]] and [[Columba]], as well as—and commissioned as a "Life of Patrick".<ref name="DuffyPg106-9"/>

Whilst some Irish kings had charters recording transactions to monasticmonasteries foundations prior tobefore the arrival of the Normans, charters for all land transactions would become commonplace.<ref name="DuffyPg776"/>

Whilst elements of English Common[[common Lawlaw]] had been used by some ofAnglo-Normans thein colonistsIreland, a charter drawn up by John in 1210 introduced the principle of it being applied to Ireland.<ref name="DuffyPg101"/>

TheRivalries Normansgrew in Ireland inamongst the yearsNormans afterin their arrival developed competing rivalries amongst themselves in the desire for land,. resultingThis inled thethem manipulationto ofmanipulate the "factious Gaelic political system"., Thisbacking saw them backcompeting Gaelic lords competingto withundermine thosetheir alliedown to theirNorman rivals. Despite a king in this time being notionally seen as symbol of justice and arbiter, Henry II seems to have unofficially adopted a system of promotingfostered inter-Norman rivalry, possibly as a means to rein in the power of his subordinates in Ireland so they posed him no threat whilst he was occupied with continental European affairs.<ref name="DuffyPg161"/> This was exemplified in 1172 by Henry II's granting of the Irish [[kingdom of Meath]] to [[Hugh de Lacy, Lord of Meath|Hugh I de Lacy]], to counterbalance Strongbow's domain in Leinster.<ref name="DuffyPg161"/> De Lacy however had to seize it for himself, though his grant was not recognised by [[Tiernan O'Rourke]], [[Kingdom of Breifne|king of Breifne]], and after stalled negotiations which saw an attempt to kill de Lacy, [[Tigernán Ua Ruairc#Death|O'Rourke was killed]].

During Lord John's 1193–1194 revolt against his brother [[Richard I of England|Richard I]] between 1193 and 1194, the Normans in Ireland were divided in their allegiance. De Courcy, [[Walter de Lacy, Lord of Meath]], along with [[Cathal Crobhdearg Ua Conchobair|Cathal Crobderg O'Connor]], [[King of Connacht]], (who remained loyal to the English king), joined forces against [[William de Burgh]].<ref name="DuffyPg106-9"/> DespiteAlthough de Courcy and [[Hugh de Lacy, 1st Earl of Ulster|Hugh II de Lacy]] of Meath combiningunited to invade Connacht on behalf of O'Connor in 1200, de Courcy and de Lacy would becomebecame enemies. and afterAfter several battles saw, de Lacy was granted de Courcy's possessions in [[earldom of Ulster|Ulster]]. De Courcy rebelled and took refuge in the Irish [[Tír Eoghain|kingdom of Tyrone]].<ref name="DuffyPg106-9"/> In 1196, de Courcy and [[McMahon clans|Niall MacMahon]] of [[Airgíalla|Oriel]] attacked [[County Louth|English UrielOriel]]. A year later, Irishmen assisted de Courcy in wasting the north-west after his brother had been killed by an Irishman in his company.<ref name="DuffyPg106-9"/>

In contemporary or near-contemporary sources, the invaders are overwhelmingly described as English.<ref>[[#B4|Bartlett (2010)]] p. 34; [[#F9|Flanagan (2005)]] pp. 17–18; [[#G2|Gillingham (2000)]] pp. 151–153.</ref> This was merely because they were vassals of the [[List of English monarchs|king of England]], and not because they were culturally [[Anglo-Saxon]]. ''[[Expugnatio Hibernica]]'' almost always describes them as English; so too does ''[[The Song of Dermot and the Earl]]'', a source which uses the term "English" about eighty times, whilst using "[[French people|French]]", "[[Flemish people|Flemings]]", and "[[Normans]]" in only one particular line.<ref>[[#G2|Gillingham (2000)]] pp. 151–154.</ref> Despite the modern employment of terms such as "Normans", "[[Anglo-Normans]]"<ref name="normans1">[[#B4|Bartlett (2010)]] p. 34; [[#F9|Flanagan (2005)]] pp. 17–18; [[#G2|Gillingham (2000)]] pp. 151–155, 152 n. 36.</ref> (itself an eighteenth-century construct),<ref>[[#B4|Bartlett (2010)]] p. 34; [[#G2|Gillingham (2000)]] p. vx.</ref> and "[[Cambro-Normans]]", contemporary sources virtually never use "Norman" in an Irish context.<ref name="normans1"/> Irish sources usually describe the men as "foreigners" and "grey foreigners", or else as ''Saxain'' ("Saxons" or "English").<ref>[[#B4|Bartlett (2010)]] p. 34; [[#F9|Flanagan (2005)]] pp. 17–18; [[#G2|Gillingham (2000)]] pp. 152–153.</ref> In consequence, it is apparent that contemporaries regarded the incomers as English,<ref>[[#F9|Flanagan (2005)]] pp. 17–18; [[#G2|Gillingham (2000)]] pp. 152–153.</ref> regardless of their actual mother tongue, ethnicity or geographic origin. In the nineteenth century, however, during a period of intense and sensitive political debate, the term was dropped by historians and replaced with ahistorical terms.<ref>[[#B4|Bartlett (2010)]] p. 34; [[#G2|Gillingham (2000)]] p. 153.</ref> In modern historiography on [[History of Ireland|Irish history]], historians differ in describing the Anglo-Norman invasion as being carried out by "Normans" or the "English".<ref>[[#G2|Gillingham (2000)]] pp. 153 n. 45, 157–158, 157 n. 62.</ref><ref>[[Carmel McCaffrey]]. ''In Search of Ireland's Heroes''. p. 3</ref>