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[[Anglo-Americans|Anglo-American]] immigrants, primarily from the [[Southern United States]], began emigrating to [[Mexican Texas]] in the early 1820s at the invitation of the Texas faction of the [[Coahuila y Tejas]] state government, which sought to populate the sparsely inhabited lands of its northern frontier for [[Cotton production in the United States|cotton production]].<ref>Crapol, 2006, p. 176:"... Texans, mostly Americans who had emigrated to the province ..."</ref><ref>Merk, 1978, p. 270: "The Anglo-Americans who went to Texas were attracted by the prospect of beautiful agricultural lands virtually free.", Meacham, 2008, p. 315, Ray Allen Billington,''The Far Western Frontier, 1830–1860'' (New York: Harper & Row, 1956), p. 116.</ref> Colonizing [[empresario]] [[Stephen F. Austin]] managed the regional affairs of the mostly American-born population – 20% of them slaves<ref>Freehling, 1991, pp. 368–369<br>Merry, 2009, p. 70: "Stephen [Austin] arrived in 1821 and established sway over 100,000 acres of [Mexican land grants] with the assistance of Tejano elites who sought to partner in his enterprise."</ref> – under the terms of the generous government land grants.<ref>Malone, 1960, p. 543: "Stephen F. Austin ... the chief promoter of colonization [in Texas]" and "... the basic reason for the migration of Americans" was the "liberal colonization law under which a league [7 square miles] of land was made available to each married settler ... for less than $200."</ref> Mexican authorities were initially content to govern the remote province through [[salutary neglect]], "permitting slavery under the legal fiction of 'permanent indentured servitude', similar to Mexico's [[peon]]age system.<ref>Freehling, 1991, p. 365: "The Mexican government ... considered southwestern [US] entrepreneurs the most likely migrants" and invited them "to bring along their despotic alternative to Mexican economic peonage, black slavery ..."</ref>
A general lawlessness prevailed in the vast Texas frontier, and Mexico's civic laws went largely unenforced among the Anglo-American settlers. In particular, the prohibitions against slavery and forced labor were ignored. The requirement that all settlers be Catholic or convert to Catholicism was also subverted.<ref>Malone, 1960, p. 543: "The vast distances in Texas, the premium that space paid to the individualism" contributed to "the disrespect of settlers for Mexican authority" and "Private violence was common ... and public violence was endemic."</ref><ref>Merk, 1978, p. 270: "The Texan revolt was the result primarily of the initial Mexican error of admitting into the rich prairies of Texas a race of aggressive and unruly American frontiersmen who were contemptuous of Mexico and Mexican authority."</ref> Mexican authorities, perceiving that they were losing control over Texas and alarmed by the unsuccessful [[Fredonian Rebellion]] of 1826, abandoned the policy of benign rule. New restrictions were imposed in 1829–1830, outlawing slavery throughout the nation and terminating further American immigration to Texas.<ref>Merk, 1978, p. 270: Mexican authorities feared that "... Texas was developing into an American state ...", Malone, 1960, p. 544: "... the Colonization Law of 1830 ... forbade further American migration to Texas."</ref><ref>Freehling, 1991, p.545: "Neglected sovereign power [in Texas] was creating a vacuum" and Mexico "accordingly emancipated slaves" nationwide on "September 15, 1829"</ref> Military occupation followed, sparking local uprisings and a civil war. Texas conventions in 1832 and 1833 submitted petitions for redress of grievances to overturn the restrictions, with limited success.<ref>Varon, 2008, p. 127: "Texans had earned the reputation as defenders of slavery – they had vehemently protested efforts by successive Mexican administrations to restrict and gradually dismantle the institution, winning concessions such as the 1828 decree that allowed Texans to register their slaves, in name only, as 'indentured servants'".<br>Malone, 1960, p. 544</ref> In 1835, an army under Mexican President [[Antonio López de Santa Anna|Santa Anna]] entered its territory of Texas and abolished self-government.
In the years following independence, the migration of white settlers and importation of black slave labor into the vast republic was deterred by Texas's unresolved international status and the threat of renewed warfare with Mexico.<ref>Merry, 2009, p. 71: "... an official state of war existed between the two entities, although it never erupted into full scale fighting."</ref> American citizens who considered migrating to the new republic perceived that "life and property were safer within the United States" than in an independent Texas.<ref>Freehling, 1991, p. 365: "... prospective American settlers [did not] have to be told that life and property were safer in the United States than in Texas ..." and slave-owners "considered slave property particularly unsafe across the border."</ref> In the 1840s, global oversupply had also caused a crash in the price of cotton, the country's main export commodity.<ref name="seeds">{{cite book |title=Seeds of Empire: Cotton, Slavery, and the Transformation of the Texas Borderlands, 1800–1850 |year=2015 |isbn=978-1469624242 |publisher=The University of North Carolina Press |author=Andrew J. Torget}}</ref> The situation led to labor shortages, reduced tax revenue, large national debts and a diminished Texas militia.<ref>Freehling, 1991, p. 365: "Imminent war hung heavily over the Texas Republic's prospects": though "Few Texans feared that Mexico might win such a war," it would disrupt Texas's economy and society, making "slave property particularly unsafe." p. 367: "Texas's population shortage victimized more than the economy. Slim populations made for low tax revenue, a large national debt, and an undermanned army."</ref><ref>Finkelman, 2011, pp. 29–30: "As long as Texas remained an independent republic, the Mexican government had no strong incentive to actively assert its claim of ownership. In the years since declaring independence, Texas had hardly prospered; its government was weak, its treasury was empty, and its debt was mounting every year. Mexico knew that eventually the independent government would fail."</ref>
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The Anglo-American immigrants residing in newly independent Texas overwhelmingly desired immediate annexation by the United States.<ref>Malone, 1960, p. 545: Texans "avidly desired annexation by the United States.", Crapol, 2006, p. 176: Texans "overwhelmingly supported immediate annexation by the United States."</ref> But, despite his strong support for Texas independence from Mexico,<ref>Freehling, 1991, p. 367: "President Jackson was indeed a partisan of Texas annexation ... He recognized the independence of Texas ... on the last day of his administration ..." and "later claimed his greatest mistake was in failing to celebrate annexation as well as recognition."</ref> then-President [[Andrew Jackson]] delayed recognizing the new republic until the last day of his presidency to avoid raising the issue during the 1836 general election.<ref>Freehling, 1991, p. 367: "On the last day of his administration ... he recognized the independence of Texas."</ref><ref>Malone, 1960, p. 545: Jackson maintained "correct neutrality" towards Texas independence., Crapol, 2006, p. 53: "Unwilling to jeopardize the election of Van Buren ... Jackson had not sought immediate annexation ... although recognition was granted in early 1837 after Van Buren was safely elected ..." Merk, 1978, p. 279</ref> Jackson's political caution was dictated by northern concerns that Texas could potentially form several new slave states and undermine the North-South balance in Congress.<ref>Crapol, 2006, p. 53: "... a widespread northern uneasiness that taking Texas would add a number of slave states and upset the congressional balance between North and South." Malone, 1960, p. 545: "... the American Anti-Slavery Society" charged that "Texas would make half a dozen [slave] states ... and annexation would give the South dominance in the Union." Merk, 1978, p. 279: "... it would precipitate a clash over the extension of slavery in the United States."</ref>
Jackson's successor, President [[Martin Van Buren]], viewed Texas annexation as an immense political liability that would empower the anti-slavery northern Whig opposition – especially if annexation provoked a war with Mexico.<ref>Merry, 2009, p. 71: Van Buren "particularly feared any sectional flare-ups over slavery that would ensue from an annexation effort."</ref> Presented with a formal annexation proposal from Texas minister [[Memucan Hunt Jr.]] in August 1837, Van Buren summarily rejected it.<ref>Freehling, 1991, pp. 367–368: Van Buren "considered Texas potentially poisonous to American Union", and Whigs "could generate mammoth political capital out of any war with Mexico which was fought to gain a huge slaveholding republic and still more land for the Slavepower." "Van Buren would not even allow the Texas [minister to the US] to present an annexation proposal ... until months after his inauguration, then swiftly turned it down."<br>Crapol, 2006, p. 177: "... in August 1837, the Texans officially requested annexation, but Van Buren, fearing an anti-slavery backlash and domestic turmoil, rebuffed them.", Malone, 1960, p. 545: Van Buren "facing a financial crisis [Panic of 1837] ... did not want to add to his diplomatic and political difficulties, rebuffed it." Merk, 1978, pp. 279–280</ref> Annexation resolutions presented separately in each house of Congress were either soundly defeated or tabled through [[filibuster]]. In 1838, Texas President [[Mirabeau B. Lamar]] withdrew his republic's offer of annexation over these failures.<ref>Richard Bruce Winders, [https://books.google.com/books?id=mcc9EciebFYC ''Crisis in the Southwest: The United States, Mexico, and the Struggle over Texas''] (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2002), p. 41.<br>Malone, 1960, p. 545: "In 1838, an annexation resolution that was presented in the Senate by a South Carolinian was voted down, while another that had been similarly introduced in the House was smothered by three-weeks filibustering speech by John Quincy Adams ... soon after the Texans withdrew their offer and turned their eyes toward Great Britain."<br>Crapol, 2006, p. 177: "Texas withdrew their [annexation] offer in October 1838."</ref>
==Tyler administration==
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