Revolt of the Comuneros: Difference between revisions

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In the 18th century, the comuneros were not held in high regard by the [[Spanish Empire]]. The government was not amenable to encouraging rebellions, and only used the term to condemn opposition. In the [[Revolt of the Comuneros (Paraguay)|Revolt of the Comuneros in Paraguay]], the rebels did not take the name willingly; it was only meant to disparage them as traitors.<ref>{{cite book |title=The Colonial History of Paraguay: The Revolt of the Comuneros, 1721–1735 |last=López |first=Adalberto |year=2005 |publisher=Transaction Publishers |isbn=0-87073-124-6|page=12 }}</ref> Another [[Revolt of the Comuneros (New Granada)|Revolt of the Comuneros in New Granada]] (modern Colombia) was similarly unrelated to the original except in name.<ref>{{cite book |title=Military reform and society in New Granada, 1773–1808 |last=Kuethe |first=Allan J. |author-link=Allan J. Kuethe |year=1978 |publisher=University Presses of Florida |pages=[https://archive.org/details/militaryreformso00kuet/page/79 79–101] |isbn=0-8130-0570-1 |url-access=registration |url=https://archive.org/details/militaryreformso00kuet/page/79 }}</ref>
 
At the beginning of the 19th century, the image of the comuneros began to be rehabilitated by scholars such as Manuel Quintana as precursors of freedom and martyrs against [[Absolutism (European history)|absolutism]].<ref>[[#Per01|Pérez 2001]], p. 238.</ref> The decline of Castilian liberty was linked to the later decline of Spain.<ref name="nietoviahal">[[#Hal81|Haliczer 1981]], p. 7. Haliczer is citing [[#Nie73|Gutiérrez Nieto 1973]], ppp. 57–58 for Quintana's views; p. 84 for Danvila's views; and p. 98 for Marañón's views.</ref> The first major commemorative event came in 1821, the third [[wikt:centenary|centenary]] of the [[Battle of Villalar]]. [[Juan Martín Díez]], a nationalistic liberal military leader who had fought in the [[Peninsular war#Guerrilla war|resistance against Napoleon]], led an expedition to find and exhume the remains of the three leaders executed in 1521. Díez praised the comuneros on behalf of the [[Trienio Liberal|liberal government in power at the time]], likely the first positive governmental recognition for their cause. This view was challenged by conservatives who viewed a centralized state as modern and progressive, especially after the anarchy and fragmentation of the [[Glorious Revolution (Spain)|1868 Revolution in Spain]].<ref name="nietoviahal" /> [[Manuel Danvila]], a conservative government minister, published the six-volume ''Historia critica y documentada de las Comunidades de Castilla'' from 1897 to 1900, one of the most important works of scholarship on the revolt.<ref>[[#Sea28|Seaver 1928]], p. 376.</ref> Drawing on collected original sources, Danvila emphasized the fiscal demands of the comuneros, and cast them as traditionalist, reactionary, medieval, and feudal.<ref name="nietoviahal" /> Though a liberal, intellectual [[Gregorio Marañón]] shared the dim view of the comuneros that again prevailed in Spain; he cast the conflict as one between a modern, progressive state open to beneficent foreign influence against a conservative, reactionary, and xenophobic Spain hypersensitive to religious and cultural deviance with an insistence on spurious racial purity.<ref name="nietoviahal" />
 
[[File:Monolito-villalar.jpg|thumb|left|alt=People celebrating.|A floral offering at Villalar, on [[Castile and León Day]], April 23, 2006]]
 
[[Francisco Franco|General Franco]]'s government from 1939 to 1975 also encouraged an unfavorable interpretation of the comuneros.<ref name="clavero" /> According to approved historians such as [[José María Pemán]], the revolt was fundamentally an issue of petty [[Nationalisms and regionalisms of Spain|Spanish regionalism]], something which Franco did his best to discourage. Additionally, the comuneros did not properly appreciate Spain's "imperial destiny."<ref>[[#Nie73|Gutiérrez Nieto 1973]], p. 96. Nieto is referring to Pemán's ''Breve Historia a España'', ppp. 208–211.</ref>
 
Since the mid-twentieth century, others have sought more materialist reasons for the revolt. Historians such as [[José Antonio Maravall]] and [[Joseph Pérez]] portray the developing revolt as alliances of different social coalitions around shifting economic interests, with the "industrial bourgeoisie" of artisans and woolworkers combining with the intellectuals and the low nobility against the aristocrats and the merchants.<ref>[[#Hal81|Haliczer 1981]], p. 8. Haliczer is citing [[#Per70|Pérez 1970]], p. 19.</ref> Maravall, who views the revolt as one of the first modern revolutions, especially stresses the ideological conflict and intellectual nature of the revolt, with features such as the first proposed written constitution of Castile.<ref>[[#Hal81|Haliczer 1981]], p. 8.</ref>