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{{Short description|Bolivian political movement}}
'''Katarism''' ({{lang-es|Katarismo}}) is a political tendency in [[Bolivia]], named after the 18th century indigenous leader [[Túpaj Katari]]. The ''katarista'' movement began to articulate itself publicly in the early 1970s, recovering a political identity of the [[Aymara]] people. The movement was centered around two key understandings, that the colonial legacy continued in the Latin American republics after independence and that the indigenous population constituted the demographic (and thus essentially, the political) majority in Bolivia.<ref name="p14"/> ''Katarismo'' stresses that the indigenous peoples of Bolivia suffer both from class oppression (in the Marxist, economic, sense) and ethnic oppression.<ref>Sanjinés C., Javier. ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=Xk6sbUJNR_cC Mestizaje Upside-Down: Aesthetic Politics in Modern Bolivia]''. Illuminations. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2004. p. 160</ref>
'''Katarism''' ({{lang-es|Katarismo}}) is a political movement in [[Bolivia]], named after the 18th-century indigenous leader [[Túpac Katari]].
The agrarian reform of 1953 had enabled a group of Aymara youth to begin university studies in [[La Paz]] in the 1960s. In the city they faced prejudices, and ''katarista'' thoughts began to emerge amongst the students. They were inspired by the rhetoric of the national revolution as well as Fausto Reinaga (writer and founder of the Indian Party of Bolivia).<ref>Sanjinés C., Javier. ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=Xk6sbUJNR_cC Mestizaje Upside-Down: Aesthetic Politics in Modern Bolivia]''. Illuminations. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2004. p. 155</ref> The group formed the Julian Apansa University Movement, MUJA. Its most prominent leader was [[Jenaro Flores Santos]] (who in 1965 returned to the countryside, to lead peasants struggles). Another prominent figure was Raimundo Tambo.<ref>Stern, Steve J. ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=vRd3T0IY_nMC&pg=PA390 Resistance, Rebellion, and Consciousness in the Andean Peasant World, 18th to 20th Centuries]''. Madison, Wis: University of Wisconsin Press, 1987. pp. 390-391</ref>


==Origins==
At the 1971 Sixth National Peasant Congress, the congress of the National Peasants Confederation, the ''kataristas'' emerged as a major oppositional faction against the pro-government forces.<ref>Stern, Steve J. ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=vRd3T0IY_nMC&pg=PA394 Resistance, Rebellion, and Consciousness in the Andean Peasant World, 18th to 20th Centuries]''. Madison, Wis: University of Wisconsin Press, 1987. p. 394</ref> The 1973 Tolata massacre (in which at least 13 [[Quechua]] peasants were killed) radicalized the ''katarista'' movement.<ref>Van Cott, Donna Lee. ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=g6n40IdN85oC&pg=PA55 From Movements to Parties in Latin America: The Evolution of Ethnic Politics]''. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007. p. 55</ref>


The katarist movement began in the early 1970s, recovering a political identity of the [[Aymara people|Aymara]] people. The movement was centered on two key understandings, that the colonial legacy continued in the Latin American republics after independence and that the indigenous population constituted the demographic (and thus essentially, the political) majority in Bolivia.<ref name="p14"/> Katarism stresses that the [[Indigenous peoples of the Americas|indigenous]] peoples of Bolivia suffer both from class oppression (in the Marxist, economic sense) and ethnic oppression.<ref>Sanjinés, p. 160</ref>
''Katarismo'' made its political breakthrough in the late 1970s, through the leading role ''kataristas'' played in [[CSUTCB]]. A political wing of the movement, the [[Tupaj Katari Revolutionary Movement]] (MRTK) was also launched.<ref name="p14">Sanjinés C., Javier. ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=Xk6sbUJNR_cC Mestizaje Upside-Down: Aesthetic Politics in Modern Bolivia]''. Illuminations. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2004. pp. 14-15</ref> A radical strem of ''katarismo'' has been represented by [[Felipe Quispe]] (aka El Mallku), who took part in founding the [[Tupaj Katari Guerrilla Army]] in the 1980s.<ref>Sanjinés C., Javier. ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=Xk6sbUJNR_cC Mestizaje Upside-Down: Aesthetic Politics in Modern Bolivia]''. Illuminations. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2004. p. 163</ref>


The agrarian reform of 1953 had enabled a group of Aymara youth to begin university studies in [[La Paz]] in the 1960s. In the city, this group faced prejudices, and katarist thoughts began to emerge among the students. The movement was inspired by the rhetoric of the national revolution as well as by [[Fausto Reinaga]], writer and founder of the Indian Party of Bolivia.<ref>Sanjinés, p. 155</ref> The group formed the Julian Apansa University Movement (MUJA), which organized around cultural demands, including bilingual education. Its most prominent leader was [[Jenaro Flores Santos]] (who in 1965 returned to the countryside to lead peasants). Another prominent figure was Raimundo Tambo.<ref>Stern, pp. 390-391</ref>
''Katarista'' organization were instutionally weakened during the 1980s. In this context [[NGO]]s began to appropriate ''katarista'' symbols. Populist parties, such as [[CONDEPA]], also began to integrate ''katarista'' symbols in their discourse.<ref>Van Cott, Donna Lee. ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=g6n40IdN85oC&pg=PA84 From Movements to Parties in Latin America: The Evolution of Ethnic Politics]''. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007. p. 84</ref> After the [[Revolutionary Nationalist Movement]] (MNR) had incorporated ''katarista'' themes in its 1993 election campaign, other mainstream parties followed suit (most notably the [[Revolutionary Left Movement (Bolivia)|Revolutionary Left Movement]]).<ref>Van Cott, Donna Lee. ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=g6n40IdN85oC&pg=PA85 From Movements to Parties in Latin America: The Evolution of Ethnic Politics]''. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007. p. 85</ref>


==Emergence==
In 1993 the ''katarista'' leader [[Víctor Hugo Cárdenas]] was elected [[Vice President of Bolivia]]. However the broader ''katarista'' movement was divided on how to perceive Cárdenas taking office as Vice-President, some sectors were vehemethly opposed his alliance with [[Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada]].<ref>Schelling, Vivian. ''[http://books.google.com/books?id=05e2yHgi-e8C&pg=PA237 Through the Kaleidoscope: The Experience of Modernity in Latin America]''. Critical studies in Latin American and Iberian cultures. London [u.a.]: Verso, 2001. p. 237</ref>

At the 1971 Sixth National Peasant Congress, the congress of the National Peasants Confederation, the katarists emerged as a major faction against the pro-government forces.<ref>Stern, p. 394</ref> The 1973 [[Tolata, Cochabamba|Tolata]] massacre (in which at least 13 [[Quechua people|Quechua]] peasants were killed) radicalized the katarist movement.<ref>Van Cott, p. 55</ref> Following the massacre, the katarists issued the 1973 Tiwanaku Manifesto, which viewed Quechua people as economically exploited and culturally and politically oppressed. In this vision, peasant class consciousness and Aymara and Quechua ethnic consciousness were complementary because capitalism and colonialism were the root of exploitation.

==Political recognition==

Katarism made its political breakthrough in the late 1970s through the leading role katarists played in [[CSUTCB]]. The katarists pushed the CSUTCB to become more indigenized. Eventually, the katarists split into two groups. The first, a more reformist strain, was led by Victor Hugo Cardenas, who later served as vice president under Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada, heading efforts to institutionalize a neoliberal, state-led multiculturalism. A second strain articulated a path of Aymara nationalism. A political wing of the movement, the [[Tupaj Katari Revolutionary Movement]] (MRTK) was launched.<ref name="p14">Sanjinés, pp. 14-15</ref> This radical stream of katarism has been represented by [[Felipe Quispe]] (aka El Mallku), who took part in founding the [[Tupac Katari Guerrilla Army]] in the 1980s.<ref>Sanjinés, p. 163</ref> This group later became the MIP (Indigenous Movement Pachakuti), which became outspoken critics of the neoliberal Washington Consensus and which coalesced around ethnic-based solidarity. Quispe advocated the creation of a new sovereign country, the Republic of Quillasuyo, named after one of the four regions of the old empire where the Incas conquered the Aymaras. The ex Vice President of Bolivia under Evo Morales, Alvaro Garcia Linera, was a member of this group.

==Decline==

Katarist organizations were weakened during the 1980s. In this context [[NGO]]s began to appropriate katarist symbols. Populist parties, such as [[CONDEPA]], also began to integrate katarist symbols in their discourse.<ref>Van Cott, p. 84</ref> After the [[Revolutionary Nationalist Movement]] (MNR) had incorporated katarist themes in its 1993 election campaign, other mainstream parties followed suit (most notably the [[Revolutionary Left Movement (Bolivia)|Revolutionary Left Movement]]).<ref>Van Cott, p. 85</ref>

==See also ==
* LAVAUD, Jean-Pierre. [https://web.archive.org/web/20070818204119/http://www.aportescriticos.com.ar/docs/Katarisme%20en%20Bolivie.pdf Le courant Tupac Katari en Bolivie]. Document de Travail n° 24 1982. [[Centre national de la recherche scientifique]] {{in lang|fr}}.


==References==
==References==
{{Reflist|colwidth=30em}}
{{reflist}}

==Works cited==
*Sanjinés C., Javier. ''[https://books.google.com/books?id=Xk6sbUJNR_cC Mestizaje Upside-Down: Aesthetic Politics in Modern Bolivia]''. Illuminations. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2004.
*Schelling, Vivian. ''[https://books.google.com/books?id=05e2yHgi-e8C&pg=PA237 Through the Kaleidoscope: The Experience of Modernity in Latin America]''. Critical studies in Latin American and Iberian cultures. London [u.a.]: Verso, 2001.
*Stern, Steve J. ''[https://books.google.com/books?id=vRd3T0IY_nMC&pg=PA390 Resistance, Rebellion, and Consciousness in the Andean Peasant World, 18th to 20th Centuries]''. Madison, Wis: University of Wisconsin Press, 1987.
*Van Cott, Donna Lee. ''[https://books.google.com/books?id=g6n40IdN85oC&pg=PA55 From Movements to Parties in Latin America: The Evolution of Ethnic Politics]''. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007.

==External links ==
*[http://www.katari.org Cultura wiphala quechua aymara]
*[https://web.archive.org/web/20140107053953/http://faustoreinaga.org/ Comunidad Amáutica]

{{Authority control}}

[[Category:Katarism| ]]
[[Category:Eponymous political ideologies]]
[[Category:Political movements in Bolivia]]
[[Category:Political theories]]
[[Category:Politics of Bolivia]]
[[Category:Politics of Bolivia]]

Latest revision as of 11:31, 10 August 2023

Katarism (Spanish: Katarismo) is a political movement in Bolivia, named after the 18th-century indigenous leader Túpac Katari.

Origins[edit]

The katarist movement began in the early 1970s, recovering a political identity of the Aymara people. The movement was centered on two key understandings, that the colonial legacy continued in the Latin American republics after independence and that the indigenous population constituted the demographic (and thus essentially, the political) majority in Bolivia.[1] Katarism stresses that the indigenous peoples of Bolivia suffer both from class oppression (in the Marxist, economic sense) and ethnic oppression.[2]

The agrarian reform of 1953 had enabled a group of Aymara youth to begin university studies in La Paz in the 1960s. In the city, this group faced prejudices, and katarist thoughts began to emerge among the students. The movement was inspired by the rhetoric of the national revolution as well as by Fausto Reinaga, writer and founder of the Indian Party of Bolivia.[3] The group formed the Julian Apansa University Movement (MUJA), which organized around cultural demands, including bilingual education. Its most prominent leader was Jenaro Flores Santos (who in 1965 returned to the countryside to lead peasants). Another prominent figure was Raimundo Tambo.[4]

Emergence[edit]

At the 1971 Sixth National Peasant Congress, the congress of the National Peasants Confederation, the katarists emerged as a major faction against the pro-government forces.[5] The 1973 Tolata massacre (in which at least 13 Quechua peasants were killed) radicalized the katarist movement.[6] Following the massacre, the katarists issued the 1973 Tiwanaku Manifesto, which viewed Quechua people as economically exploited and culturally and politically oppressed. In this vision, peasant class consciousness and Aymara and Quechua ethnic consciousness were complementary because capitalism and colonialism were the root of exploitation.

Political recognition[edit]

Katarism made its political breakthrough in the late 1970s through the leading role katarists played in CSUTCB. The katarists pushed the CSUTCB to become more indigenized. Eventually, the katarists split into two groups. The first, a more reformist strain, was led by Victor Hugo Cardenas, who later served as vice president under Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada, heading efforts to institutionalize a neoliberal, state-led multiculturalism. A second strain articulated a path of Aymara nationalism. A political wing of the movement, the Tupaj Katari Revolutionary Movement (MRTK) was launched.[1] This radical stream of katarism has been represented by Felipe Quispe (aka El Mallku), who took part in founding the Tupac Katari Guerrilla Army in the 1980s.[7] This group later became the MIP (Indigenous Movement Pachakuti), which became outspoken critics of the neoliberal Washington Consensus and which coalesced around ethnic-based solidarity. Quispe advocated the creation of a new sovereign country, the Republic of Quillasuyo, named after one of the four regions of the old empire where the Incas conquered the Aymaras. The ex Vice President of Bolivia under Evo Morales, Alvaro Garcia Linera, was a member of this group.

Decline[edit]

Katarist organizations were weakened during the 1980s. In this context NGOs began to appropriate katarist symbols. Populist parties, such as CONDEPA, also began to integrate katarist symbols in their discourse.[8] After the Revolutionary Nationalist Movement (MNR) had incorporated katarist themes in its 1993 election campaign, other mainstream parties followed suit (most notably the Revolutionary Left Movement).[9]

See also[edit]

References[edit]

  1. ^ a b Sanjinés, pp. 14-15
  2. ^ Sanjinés, p. 160
  3. ^ Sanjinés, p. 155
  4. ^ Stern, pp. 390-391
  5. ^ Stern, p. 394
  6. ^ Van Cott, p. 55
  7. ^ Sanjinés, p. 163
  8. ^ Van Cott, p. 84
  9. ^ Van Cott, p. 85

Works cited[edit]

External links[edit]