Anti-Stalinist left: Difference between revisions
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{{Short description|Opposition to Stalinism by left-wing political movements}} |
{{Short description|Opposition to Stalinism by left-wing political movements}} |
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{{use dmy dates|date=May 2016}} |
{{use dmy dates|date=May 2016}} |
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The '''anti-Stalinist left''' is a term that refers to various kinds of [[Marxism|Marxist]] political movements that oppose [[Joseph Stalin]], [[Stalinism]], [[Neo-Stalinism]] and the [[History of the Soviet Union (1927–1953)|system of governance that Stalin implemented]] as leader of the [[Soviet Union]] between 1924 and 1953. This term also refers to the high ranking political figures and governmental programs that opposed Joseph Stalin and his form of communism, such as [[Leon Trotsky]] and other traditional [[Marxism|Marxists]] within the [[Left Opposition]]. |
The '''anti-Stalinist left''' is a term that refers to various kinds of [[Marxism|Marxist]] political movements that oppose [[Joseph Stalin]], [[Stalinism]], [[Neo-Stalinism]] and the [[History of the Soviet Union (1927–1953)|system of governance that Stalin implemented]] as leader of the [[Soviet Union]] between 1924 and 1953. This term also refers to the high ranking political figures and governmental programs that opposed Joseph Stalin and his form of communism, such as [[Leon Trotsky]] and other traditional [[Marxism|Marxists]] within the [[Left Opposition]]. In Western [[historiography]], Stalin is considered one of the worst and most notorious figures in modern [[history]].<ref>{{cite book |last1=Dunn |first1=Dennis J. |title=Caught Between Roosevelt & Stalin: America's Ambassadors to Moscow |date=1 January 1998 |publisher=University Press of Kentucky |isbn=978-0-8131-7074-9 |pages=6, 271 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Cm6IH1a4oksC&pg=PR3 |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1=Creveld |first1=Martin van |title=The Rise and Decline of the State |date=26 August 1999 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-0-521-65629-0 |page=402 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=FdhnbrZJ3ZQC&dq=joseph+stalin+%C2%A0one+of+the+worst+dictators%C2%A0&pg=PA402 |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1=Taylor |first1=Jeremy E. |title=Visual Histories of Occupation: A Transcultural Dialogue |date=28 January 2021 |publisher=Bloomsbury Academic |isbn=978-1-350-14220-6 |page=239 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=baIyEAAAQBAJ&dq=joseph+stalin+%C2%A0one+of+the+worst+dictators+of+the+20th+century%C2%A0&pg=PA239 |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1=Service |first1=Robert |title=Stalin: A Biography |date=2005 |publisher=Harvard University Press |isbn=978-0-674-01697-2 |page=3 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=hSWK6Dh4wRgC&q=Stalin+notorious+figures |language=en}}</ref> |
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In recent years, it may also refer to left and centre-left wing opposition to [[dictatorships]], [[cults of personality]], [[totalitarianism]] and [[police state]]s, all being features commonly attributed to [[Marxist-Leninist]] regimes that took inspiration from |
In recent years, it may also refer to left and centre-left wing opposition to [[dictatorships]], [[cults of personality]], [[totalitarianism]] and [[police state]]s, all being features commonly attributed to [[Marxist-Leninist]] regimes that took inspiration from Stalinism such as the regimes of [[Kim Il Sung]], [[Enver Hoxha]] and others, including in the former [[Eastern Bloc]].<ref>Dennis H Wrong [https://www.commentarymagazine.com/articles/the-american-left-and-cuba/ The American Left and Cuba] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180523011148/https://www.commentarymagazine.com/articles/the-american-left-and-cuba/ |date=23 May 2018 }} ''Commentary'' FEB. 1, 1962</ref><ref>[[Julius Jacobson]] [https://www.workersliberty.org/story/2009/08/02/reflections-fascism-and-communism Reflections on Fascism and Communism]. ''Socialist Perspectives'', Edited by Phyllis Jacobson and Julius Jacobson, 1983.</ref><ref>Samuel Farber, [https://zcomm.org/znetarticle/nothing-if-not-critical-by-alejandro-anreus/ Cuba since the Revolution of 1959: A Critical Assessment] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180523095447/https://zcomm.org/znetarticle/nothing-if-not-critical-by-alejandro-anreus/ |date=23 May 2018 }}, Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2011</ref> Some of the notable movements with the anti-Stalinist left have been [[Trotskyism]] and [[Titoism]], [[anarchism]] and [[libertarian socialism]], [[left communism]] and [[libertarian Marxism]], the [[Right Opposition]] within the Communist movement, and [[democratic socialism]] and [[social democracy]]. |
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== Revolutionary era critiques (pre-1924) == |
== Revolutionary era critiques (pre-1924) == |
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Like Rosa Luxemburg, Emma Goldman was primarily critical of [[Leninism|Lenin's style of leadership]], but her focus eventually transferred over to Stalin and [[Stalinism|his policies]] as he rose to power.<ref name=":12" /> In her essay titled "There Is No Communism in Russia", Goldman details how Stalin "abused the power of his position" and formed a dictatorship.<ref name=":12" /> In this text she states:<ref name=":12" /><blockquote>"In other words, by the Central Committee and Politbureau of the Party, both of them controlled absolutely by one man, Stalin. To call such a dictatorship, this personal autocracy more powerful and absolute than any Czar's, by the name of Communism seems to me the acme of imbecility."</blockquote>Emma Goldman asserted that there was "not the least sign in Soviet Russia even of authoritarian, State Communism."<ref name=":12" /> Emma Goldman remained critical of Stalin and the Bolshevik's style of governance up until her death in 1940.<ref name=":6">{{Cite book |first=Emma |last=Goldman |title=Living my life. |date=1988 |publisher=Pluto Press |oclc=166081114}}</ref> |
Like Rosa Luxemburg, Emma Goldman was primarily critical of [[Leninism|Lenin's style of leadership]], but her focus eventually transferred over to Stalin and [[Stalinism|his policies]] as he rose to power.<ref name=":12" /> In her essay titled "There Is No Communism in Russia", Goldman details how Stalin "abused the power of his position" and formed a dictatorship.<ref name=":12" /> In this text she states:<ref name=":12" /><blockquote>"In other words, by the Central Committee and Politbureau of the Party, both of them controlled absolutely by one man, Stalin. To call such a dictatorship, this personal autocracy more powerful and absolute than any Czar's, by the name of Communism seems to me the acme of imbecility."</blockquote>Emma Goldman asserted that there was "not the least sign in Soviet Russia even of authoritarian, State Communism."<ref name=":12" /> Emma Goldman remained critical of Stalin and the Bolshevik's style of governance up until her death in 1940.<ref name=":6">{{Cite book |first=Emma |last=Goldman |title=Living my life. |date=1988 |publisher=Pluto Press |oclc=166081114}}</ref> |
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Overall, the left communists and anarchists were critical of the statist, repressive, and [[totalitarian]] nature of [[Marxism–Leninism]] which eventually carried over to |
Overall, the left communists and anarchists were critical of the statist, repressive, and [[totalitarian]] nature of [[Marxism–Leninism]] which eventually carried over to Stalinism and Stalin's policy in general.<ref name=":6" /> Conversely, Trotsky argued that he and Lenin had intended to lift the ban on the [[List of political parties in the Soviet Union|opposition parties]] such as the [[Mensheviks]] and [[Socialist Revolutionaries]] as soon as the economic and social conditions of [[Soviet Russia]] had improved.<ref name="books.google.com">{{cite book |last1=Deutscher |first1=Isaac |title=The Prophet: The Life of Leon Trotsky |date=5 January 2015 |publisher=Verso Books |isbn=978-1-78168-721-5 |pages=528 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=YGznDwAAQBAJ&q=isaac+deutscher+trotsky+the+prophet |language=en}}</ref> |
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According to historian [[Marcel Liebman]], Lenin's wartime measures such as banning opposition parties was prompted by the fact that several political parties either [[left-wing uprisings against the Bolsheviks|took up arms]] against the new [[Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic|Soviet government]], or participated in sabotage, [[Collaborationism|collaboration]] with the deposed [[absolute monarchy|Tsarists]], or made [[Assassination attempts on Vladimir Lenin|assassination attempts against Lenin]] and other Bolshevik leaders.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Liebman |first1=Marcel |title=Leninism Under Lenin |date=1985 |publisher=Merlin Press |isbn=978-0-85036-261-9 |pages=1–348 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=OQjzAAAAMAAJ |language=en}}</ref> |
According to historian [[Marcel Liebman]], Lenin's wartime measures such as banning opposition parties was prompted by the fact that several political parties either [[left-wing uprisings against the Bolsheviks|took up arms]] against the new [[Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic|Soviet government]], or participated in sabotage, [[Collaborationism|collaboration]] with the deposed [[absolute monarchy|Tsarists]], or made [[Assassination attempts on Vladimir Lenin|assassination attempts against Lenin]] and other Bolshevik leaders. [[26 Baku Commissars|In one incident in Baku]], the British military, once invited in, proceeded to execute members of the Bolshevik Party who had peacefully stood down from the Soviet when they failed to win the elections. <ref>{{cite book |last1=Liebman |first1=Marcel |title=Leninism Under Lenin |date=1985 |publisher=Merlin Press |isbn=978-0-85036-261-9 |pages=1–348 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=OQjzAAAAMAAJ |language=en}}</ref> |
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== Bolshevik era critiques of Stalin (1924–1930) == |
== Bolshevik era critiques of Stalin (1924–1930) == |
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[[File:Leon Trotsky, 1930s.jpg|thumb|[[Bolsheviks|Bolshevik]] revolutionary [[Leon Trotsky]] was exiled by Stalin in February 1929.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Stalin banishes Trotsky |url=https://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/stalin-banishes-trotsky}}</ref> Trotsky would become the most vocal and prominent critic of [[Stalinism]] in the early 20th century.]] |
[[File:Leon Trotsky, 1930s.jpg|thumb|[[Bolsheviks|Bolshevik]] revolutionary [[Leon Trotsky]] was exiled by Stalin in February 1929.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Stalin banishes Trotsky |url=https://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/stalin-banishes-trotsky}}</ref> Trotsky would become the most vocal and prominent critic of [[Stalinism]] in the early 20th century.]] |
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{{Main|Old Bolsheviks|Left Opposition|Right Opposition|Third Period}} |
{{Main|Old Bolsheviks|Left Opposition|United Opposition (Soviet Union)|Right Opposition|Third Period}} |
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<!--Leon Trotsky was one of the main critics of Stalin during the years after Lenin's death.{{cn}}--> |
<!--Leon Trotsky was one of the main critics of Stalin during the years after Lenin's death.{{cn}}--> |
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One of the last attempts of the Right Opposition to resist Stalin was the [[Ryutin affair]] in 1932, where a manifesto against the policy of [[collectivization]] was circulated; it openly called for "The Liquidation of the dictatorship of Stalin and his clique".<ref>{{Cite book|last=Ryutin|first=Martemyan N.|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=yYIfSQAACAAJ|title=The Ryutin Platform: Stalin and the Crisis of Proletarian Dictatorship : Platform of the "Union of Marxists-Leninists"|date=2010|publisher=Seribaan|isbn=978-81-87492-28-3|language=en|access-date=23 April 2021|archive-date=23 April 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210423160624/https://books.google.com/books?id=yYIfSQAACAAJ|url-status=live}}</ref> Later, some rightists joined a [[Bloc of Soviet Oppositions|secret bloc]] with [[Leon Trotsky]], [[Grigory Zinoviev|Zinoviev]] and [[Lev Kamenev|Kamenev]] to oppose Stalin. Historian Pierre Broué stated that it dissolved in early 1933.<ref>{{Cite web|title=Pierre Broué: The "Bloc" of the Oppositions against Stalin (January 1980)|url=https://www.marxists.org/archive/broue/1980/01/bloc.html|access-date=2020-08-07|website=www.marxists.org|archive-date=12 August 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210812075818/https://www.marxists.org/archive/broue/1980/01/bloc.html|url-status=live}}</ref> |
One of the last attempts of the Right Opposition to resist Stalin was the [[Ryutin affair]] in 1932, where a manifesto against the policy of [[collectivization]] was circulated; it openly called for "The Liquidation of the dictatorship of Stalin and his clique".<ref>{{Cite book|last=Ryutin|first=Martemyan N.|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=yYIfSQAACAAJ|title=The Ryutin Platform: Stalin and the Crisis of Proletarian Dictatorship : Platform of the "Union of Marxists-Leninists"|date=2010|publisher=Seribaan|isbn=978-81-87492-28-3|language=en|access-date=23 April 2021|archive-date=23 April 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210423160624/https://books.google.com/books?id=yYIfSQAACAAJ|url-status=live}}</ref> Later, some rightists joined a [[Bloc of Soviet Oppositions|secret bloc]] with [[Leon Trotsky]], [[Grigory Zinoviev|Zinoviev]] and [[Lev Kamenev|Kamenev]] to oppose Stalin. Historian [[Pierre Broué]] stated that it dissolved in early 1933.<ref>{{Cite web|title=Pierre Broué: The "Bloc" of the Oppositions against Stalin (January 1980)|url=https://www.marxists.org/archive/broue/1980/01/bloc.html|access-date=2020-08-07|website=www.marxists.org|archive-date=12 August 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210812075818/https://www.marxists.org/archive/broue/1980/01/bloc.html|url-status=live}}</ref> |
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[[File:Nikolai Bukharin.jpeg|thumb|left|A young Nikolai Bukharin, whose ideas formed the ideological framework of the Right Opposition]] |
[[File:Nikolai Bukharin.jpeg|thumb|left|A young Nikolai Bukharin, whose ideas formed the ideological framework of the Right Opposition]] |
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[[Leon Trotsky]] and Stalin disagreed on issues of [[Industrialization in the Soviet Union|industrialization]] and revolutionary tactics.<ref name=":72" /> Trotsky believed that there was a need for super-industrialization while Stalin believed in a rapid surge and [[collectivization]], as written in his [[Five-year plans of the Soviet Union|5-year plan]].<ref name=":72" /> Trotsky believed an accelerated global surge to be the answer to institute communism globally.<ref name=":72">{{Cite web|title=L.D. Trotsky: The New Course in the Economy of the Soviet Union (March 1930)|url=https://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1930/03/newcourse.htm|access-date=2021-04-19|website=www.marxists.org|archive-date=19 April 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210419024946/https://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1930/03/newcourse.htm|url-status=live}}</ref> Trotsky was critical of Stalin's methods because he believed that the slower pace of collectivization and industrialization to be ineffective in the long run.<ref name=":72" /><!--really need a secondary source to analyze the difference between Trotsky and Stalin here--> According to historian [[Sheila Fitzpatrick]], the scholarly consensus |
[[Leon Trotsky]] and Stalin disagreed on issues of [[Industrialization in the Soviet Union|industrialization]] and revolutionary tactics.<ref name=":72" /> Trotsky believed that there was a need for super-industrialization while Stalin believed in a rapid surge and [[collectivization]], as written in his [[Five-year plans of the Soviet Union|5-year plan]].<ref name=":72" /> Trotsky believed an accelerated global surge to be the answer to institute communism globally.<ref name=":72">{{Cite web|title=L.D. Trotsky: The New Course in the Economy of the Soviet Union (March 1930)|url=https://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1930/03/newcourse.htm|access-date=2021-04-19|website=www.marxists.org|archive-date=19 April 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210419024946/https://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1930/03/newcourse.htm|url-status=live}}</ref> Trotsky was critical of Stalin's methods because he believed that the slower pace of collectivization and industrialization to be ineffective in the long run.<ref name=":72" /><!--really need a secondary source to analyze the difference between Trotsky and Stalin here--> According to historian [[Sheila Fitzpatrick]], the scholarly consensus is that Stalin appropriated the position of the [[Left Opposition]] on such matters as [[industrialisation]] and [[collectivisation]].<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Fitzpatrick |first1=Sheila |title=The Old Man |journal=London Review of Books |date=22 April 2010 |volume=32 |issue=8 |url=https://www.lrb.co.uk/the-paper/v32/n08/sheila-fitzpatrick/the-old-man |language=en |issn=0260-9592}}</ref> Trotsky also disagreed with Stalin's thesis of [[Socialism in One Country]],<ref name=":72" /> believing that the institution of revolution in one state or country would not be as effective as a global revolution.<ref name=":23">Martin Oppenheimer The "Russian Question" and the U.S. Left, Digger Journal, 2014</ref> He also criticized how the [[Socialism in One Country]] thesis broke with the [[Proletarian internationalism|internationalist]] traditions of [[Marxism]].<ref name=":33">Harap, Louis (1989). ''The Rise and Decline of the Anti-Stalinist Left from the 1930s to the 1980s''. Guilford Publication.</ref> Trotskyists believed that a permanent global revolution was the most effective method to ensure the system of communism was enacted worldwide.<ref name=":23" /> According to his biographer, [[Isaac Deutscher]], Trotsky explicitly supported [[proletarian internationalism]] but was opposed to achieving this via [[military]] [[conquest]] as seen with his documented opposition to the [[Polish–Soviet War|war with Poland]] in 1920, proposed armistice with the [[Allies of World War I|Entente]] and temperance with staging [[British foreign policy in the Middle East|anti-British revolts]] in the [[Middle East]].<ref>{{cite book |last1=Deutscher |first1=Isaac |title=The Prophet: The Life of Leon Trotsky |date=5 January 2015 |publisher=Verso Books |isbn=978-1-78168-721-5 |pages=472–473 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=YGznDwAAQBAJ&q=isaac+deutscher+trotsky |language=en}}</ref> |
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{{Quote box|width=25em|align=left|bgcolor=|quote=He is an unprincipled intriguer, who subordinates everything to the preservation of his own power. He changes his theory according to whom he needs to get rid of.|source=Bukharin on Stalin's theoretical position, 1928.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Sakwa |first1=Richard |title=The Rise and Fall of the Soviet Union |date=17 August 2005 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-1-134-80602-7 |page=165 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=CJ6IAgAAQBAJ&dq=bukharin+he+changes+his+theory+according+to+whom+he+needs+to+get+rid+of&pg=PA165 |language=en}}</ref>}} |
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Overall, Trotsky and his followers were very critical of the lack of internal debate and discussion among Stalinist organizations along with their politically [[Political repression in the Soviet Union|repressive methods]].<ref name=":23" /><ref name=":33" /> In 1936, Trotsky called for the restoration of the right of criticism in areas such as [[economic policy|economic matters]], the revitalization of the [[trade unions]] and the free elections of the [[List of political parties in the Soviet Union|Soviet parties]].<ref>{{cite book |last1=Trotsky |first1=Leon |title=The Revolution Betrayed: What is the Soviet Union and where is it Going? |date=1991 |publisher=Mehring Books |isbn=978-0-929087-48-1 |page=218 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=hiCYS9Z3lDoC |language=en}}</ref> Trotsky also opposed the policy of forced collectivisation under Stalin and favoured a [[volunteering|voluntary]], gradual approach towards [[collective farming|agricultural production]]<ref>{{cite book |last1=Beilharz |first1=Peter |title=Trotsky, Trotskyism and the Transition to Socialism |date=19 November 2019 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-1-000-70651-2 |pages=1–206 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Lfe-DwAAQBAJ&dq=trotsky+widely+acknowledged+collectivisation&pg=PT196 |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1=Rubenstein |first1=Joshua |title=Leon Trotsky : a revolutionary's life |date=2011 |publisher=New Haven : Yale University Press |isbn=978-0-300-13724-8 |page=161 |url=https://archive.org/details/leontrotskyrevol0000rube/page/160/mode/2up?q=forced+collectivization}}</ref> with greater tolerance for the rights of [[Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic|Soviet Ukrainians]].<ref>{{cite book |last1=Deutscher |first1=Isaac |title=The Prophet: The Life of Leon Trotsky |date=5 January 2015 |publisher=Verso Books |isbn=978-1-78168-721-5 |page=637 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=YGznDwAAQBAJ&q=isaac+deutscher+trotsky |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |title=Leon Trotsky: Problem of the Ukraine (1939) |url=https://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1939/04/ukraine.html |website=www.marxists.org}}</ref> |
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== Popular Front era critiques (1930–1939) == |
== Popular Front era critiques (1930–1939) == |
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{{Main|Great Purge|Spanish Civil War}} |
{{Main|Great Purge|Moscow Trials|Dewey Commission|Fourth International|Spanish Revolution of 1936|Spanish Civil War}} |
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[[File:Diego rivera Commies.jpg|thumb|A [[Diego Rivera]] mural (''[[Man, Controller of the Universe]]'') depicts Trotsky with Marx and Engels as a true champion of the workers' struggle.]] |
[[File:Diego rivera Commies.jpg|thumb|A [[Diego Rivera]] mural (''[[Man, Controller of the Universe]]'') depicts Trotsky with Marx and Engels as a true champion of the workers' struggle.]] |
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[[File:Three Arrows election poster of the Social Democratic Party of Germany, 1932 - Gegen Papen, Hitler, Thälmann.png|thumb|A widely publicized election poster of the [[Social Democratic Party of Germany]] from 1932, with the [[Three Arrows]] symbol representing resistance against [[reactionary]] conservatism, [[Nazism]] and [[Stalinism]], alongside the slogan "Against [[Franz von Papen|Papen]], [[Adolf Hitler|Hitler]], [[Ernst Thälmann|Thälmann]]"]] |
[[File:Three Arrows election poster of the Social Democratic Party of Germany, 1932 - Gegen Papen, Hitler, Thälmann.png|thumb|A widely publicized election poster of the [[Social Democratic Party of Germany]] from 1932, with the [[Three Arrows]] symbol representing resistance against [[reactionary]] conservatism, [[Nazism]] and [[Stalinism]], alongside the slogan "Against [[Franz von Papen|Papen]], [[Adolf Hitler|Hitler]], [[Ernst Thälmann|Thälmann]]"]] |
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{{Quote box|width=25em|align=left|bgcolor=|quote=“With all the greater frankness can I state how, in my view, the Soviet government should act in case of a fascist upheaval in Germany. In their place, I would, at the very moment of receiving telegraphic news of this event, sign a mobilisation order calling up several age groups. In the face of a mortal enemy, when the logic of the situation points to inevitable war, it would be irresponsible and unpardonable to give that enemy time to establish himself, to consolidate his positions, to conclude alliances… and to work out the plan to attack..” |
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|source=Trotsky describing the military measures he would have taken in place of Stalin to negate the rise of [[Adolf Hitler|Hitler]] in 1932.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Deutscher |first1= Isaac |title=The Prophet: The Life of Leon Trotsky |year = 2015 |publisher=Verso Books |isbn=978-1-78168-560-0 |language=en|pages=1192–1193}}</ref>}} |
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From the 1930s and beyond, [[Leon Trotsky]] and his American supporter [[James P. Cannon]] described the Soviet Union as a "[[degenerated workers' state]]", the revolutionary gains of which should be defended against imperialist aggression despite the emergence of a gangster-like ruling stratum, the party bureaucracy. While defending the Russian Revolution from outside aggression, Trotsky, Cannon and their followers at the same time urged an anti-bureaucratic [[political revolution (Trotskyism)|political revolution]] against [[Stalinism]] to be conducted by the Soviet working class themselves. |
From the 1930s and beyond, [[Leon Trotsky]] and his American supporter [[James P. Cannon]] described the Soviet Union as a "[[degenerated workers' state]]", the revolutionary gains of which should be defended against imperialist aggression despite the emergence of a gangster-like ruling stratum, the party bureaucracy. While defending the Russian Revolution from outside aggression, Trotsky, Cannon and their followers at the same time urged an anti-bureaucratic [[political revolution (Trotskyism)|political revolution]] against [[Stalinism]] to be conducted by the Soviet working class themselves. |
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In 1932 [[International Revolutionary Marxist Centre]] was founded as an international |
In 1932 [[International Revolutionary Marxist Centre]] was founded as an international association of left-wing parties which rejected both more moderate mainstream [[social democracy]] and the Stalinist [[Third International]]. |
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During the 1930s, critics of Stalin, both inside and outside the Soviet Union, were under heavy attack by the party. The [[Great Purge]] occurred from 1936 to 1938 as a result of growing internal tensions between the critics of Stalin but eventually turned into an all-out cleansing of "anti-Soviet elements".<ref name=":8">{{Cite journal |last=Ellman |first=Michael |date=November 2002 |title=Soviet Repression Statistics: Some Comments |journal=Europe-Asia Studies |volume=54 |issue=7 |pages=1151–1172 |doi=10.1080/0966813022000017177 |s2cid=43510161 |issn=0966-8136}}</ref> A majority of those targeted were peasants and minorities, but anarchists and democratic socialist opponents were also targeted for their criticisms of the [[Political repression in the Soviet Union|severely repressive political techniques]] that Stalin used.<ref name=":33" /> Many were executed or sent to [[Gulag]] prison camps extrajudicially.<ref name=":8" /> It is estimated that during the Great Purge, casualties ranged from 600,000 to over 1 million people.<ref name=":8" /> |
During the 1930s, critics of Stalin, both inside and outside the Soviet Union, were under heavy attack by the party. The [[Great Purge]] occurred from 1936 to 1938 as a result of growing internal tensions between the critics of Stalin but eventually turned into an all-out cleansing of "anti-Soviet elements".<ref name=":8">{{Cite journal |last=Ellman |first=Michael |date=November 2002 |title=Soviet Repression Statistics: Some Comments |journal=Europe-Asia Studies |volume=54 |issue=7 |pages=1151–1172 |doi=10.1080/0966813022000017177 |s2cid=43510161 |issn=0966-8136}}</ref> A majority of those targeted were peasants and minorities, but anarchists and democratic socialist opponents were also targeted for their criticisms of the [[Political repression in the Soviet Union|severely repressive political techniques]] that Stalin used.<ref name=":33" /> Many were executed or sent to [[Gulag]] prison camps extrajudicially.<ref name=":8" /> It is estimated that during the Great Purge, casualties ranged from 600,000 to over 1 million people.<ref name=":8" /> |
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== New Party Era critiques (1953–1991) == |
== New Party Era critiques (1953–1991) == |
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{{Main|De-Stalinization}} |
{{Main|De-Stalinization|Predictions of the collapse of the Soviet Union}} |
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Following the [[Death and state funeral of Joseph Stalin|death of Joseph Stalin]], many prominent leaders of Stalin's cabinet sought to seize power. As a result, a [[Soviet troika|Soviet triumvirate]] was formed between [[Lavrenty Beria]], [[Georgy Malenkov]], and [[Nikita Khrushchev]]. The primary goal of the new leadership was to ensure stability in the country while leadership positions within the government were sorted out. Some of the new policy implemented that was antithetical of Stalinism included policy that was free from terror, that decentralized power, and collectivized leadership. After this long power struggle within the Soviet government, Nikita Khrushchev came into power. Once in power, Khrushchev was quick to denounce Stalin and his methods of governance.<ref name=":11">"Khrushchev's Secret Speech, 'On the Cult of Personality and Its Consequences,' Delivered at the Twentieth Party Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union," February 25, 1956, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, From the Congressional Record: Proceedings and Debates of the 84th Congress, 2nd Session (May 22, 1956 – June 11, 1956), C11, Part 7 (June 4, 1956), pp. 9389–9403. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/115995</ref> In a secret speech delivered to the 20th party congress in 1956, Khrushchev was critical of the "cult of personality of Stalin" and his selfishness as a leader:<ref name=":11" /><blockquote>"Comrades, the cult of the individual acquired such monstrous size chiefly because Stalin himself, using all conceivable methods, supported the glorification of his own person. This is supported by numerous facts."</blockquote>Khrushchev also revealed to the congress the truth behind Stalin's methods of repression. In addition, he explained that Stalin had rounded up "thousands of people and sent them into a huge system of political work camps" called [[gulag]]s.<ref name=":11" /> The truths revealed in this speech came to the surprise of many, but this fell into the plan of Khrushchev. This speech tainted Stalin's name which resulted in a significant loss of faith in his policy from government officials and citizens.<ref name=":11" /> |
Following the [[Death and state funeral of Joseph Stalin|death of Joseph Stalin]], many prominent leaders of Stalin's cabinet sought to seize power. As a result, a [[Soviet troika|Soviet triumvirate]] was formed between [[Lavrenty Beria]], [[Georgy Malenkov]], and [[Nikita Khrushchev]]. The primary goal of the new leadership was to ensure stability in the country while leadership positions within the government were sorted out. Some of the new policy implemented that was antithetical of Stalinism included policy that was free from terror, that decentralized power, and collectivized leadership. After this long power struggle within the Soviet government, Nikita Khrushchev came into power. Once in power, Khrushchev was quick to denounce Stalin and his methods of governance.<ref name=":11">"Khrushchev's Secret Speech, 'On the Cult of Personality and Its Consequences,' Delivered at the Twentieth Party Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union," February 25, 1956, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, From the Congressional Record: Proceedings and Debates of the 84th Congress, 2nd Session (May 22, 1956 – June 11, 1956), C11, Part 7 (June 4, 1956), pp. 9389–9403. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/115995</ref> In a secret speech delivered to the 20th party congress in 1956, Khrushchev was critical of the "cult of personality of Stalin" and his selfishness as a leader:<ref name=":11" /><blockquote>"Comrades, the cult of the individual acquired such monstrous size chiefly because Stalin himself, using all conceivable methods, supported the glorification of his own person. This is supported by numerous facts."</blockquote>Khrushchev also revealed to the congress the truth behind Stalin's methods of repression. In addition, he explained that Stalin had rounded up "thousands of people and sent them into a huge system of political work camps" called [[gulag]]s.<ref name=":11" /> The truths revealed in this speech came to the surprise of many, but this fell into the plan of Khrushchev. This speech tainted Stalin's name which resulted in a significant loss of faith in his policy from government officials and citizens.<ref name=":11" /> |
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During this [[Cold War]] era, the American non-communist left (NCL) grew.<ref>{{Cite web|date=2020-08-17|title=Non-Communist Left Materials|url=https://exhibits.lib.utexas.edu/spotlight/socialist-pamphlets/feature/non-communist-left-materials|access-date=2021-12-17|website=Socialist Pamphlets – UT Libraries Exhibits|language=en|archive-date=17 December 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211217114317/https://exhibits.lib.utexas.edu/spotlight/socialist-pamphlets/feature/non-communist-left-materials|url-status=live}}</ref> The NCL was critical of the continuation of Stalinist Communism because of aspects such as famine and repression,<ref name=":12" /> and as later discovered, the covert intervention of Soviet state interests in the [[Communist Party USA]] (CPUSA).<ref name=":0">{{Cite book|last1=Haynes|first1=John Earl|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=fBSbKS1FlegC|title=In Denial: Historians, Communism & Espionage|last2=Klehr|first2=Harvey|date=2005|publisher=Encounter Books|isbn=1-59403-088-X|edition=1st|location=San Francisco, CA|pages=29–31, 63, 66–69|oclc=62271849}}</ref>{{Rp|page=31}} Members of the NCL were often ex-communists, such as the historian [[Theodore Draper]] whose views shifted from socialism to liberalism, and socialists who became disillusioned with the communist movement. Anti-Stalinist Trotskyists also wrote about their experiences during this time, such as [[Irving Howe]] and [[Lewis A. Coser|Lewis Coser]].<ref name=":0"/>{{Rp|pages=29–30}} These perspectives inspired the creation of the [[Congress for Cultural Freedom]] (CCF), as well as international journals like ''[[Melvin J. Lasky|Der Monat]]'' and ''[[Encounter (magazine)|Encounter]]''; it also influenced existing publications such as the ''[[Partisan Review]]''.<ref name=":13">{{Cite book|last=Saunders|first=Frances Stonor|url=https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/826444682|title=The cultural cold war : the CIA and the world of arts and letters|date=2013|isbn=978-1-59558-914-9|location=New York|oclc=826444682}}</ref> According to [[John Earl Haynes]] and [[Harvey Klehr]], the CCF was covertly funded by the [[Central Intelligence Agency]] (CIA) to support intellectuals with pro-democratic and anti-communist stances.<ref name=":0"/>{{Rp|pages=66–69}} The Communist Party USA lost much of its influence in the first years of the Cold War due to the revelation of Stalinist crimes by Khrushchev.<ref>{{Cite news|last=Cohen|first=Patricia|date=2007-03-20|title=Communist Party USA Gives Its History to N.Y.U.|language=en-US|work=The New York Times|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/20/arts/20nyu.html|access-date=2021-12-17|issn=0362-4331|archive-date=17 December 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211217114315/https://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/20/arts/20nyu.html|url-status=live}}</ref> Although the Soviet Communist Party was no longer officially Stalinist, the Communist Party USA received a substantial subsidy from the USSR from 1959 until 1989, and consistently supported official Soviet policies such as intervention in Hungary and Czechoslovakia. The Soviet funding ended in 1989 when [[Gus Hall]] condemned the market initiatives of [[Mikhail Gorbachev]].<ref>{{Cite news|date=2014-04-30|title=The curious survival of the US Communist Party|language=en-GB|work=BBC News|url=https://www.bbc.com/news/magazine-26126325|access-date=17 December 2021|archive-date=17 December 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211217114316/https://www.bbc.com/news/magazine-26126325|url-status=live}}</ref> |
During this [[Cold War]] era, the American non-communist left (NCL) grew.<ref>{{Cite web|date=2020-08-17|title=Non-Communist Left Materials|url=https://exhibits.lib.utexas.edu/spotlight/socialist-pamphlets/feature/non-communist-left-materials|access-date=2021-12-17|website=Socialist Pamphlets – UT Libraries Exhibits|language=en|archive-date=17 December 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211217114317/https://exhibits.lib.utexas.edu/spotlight/socialist-pamphlets/feature/non-communist-left-materials|url-status=live}}</ref> The NCL was critical of the continuation of Stalinist Communism because of aspects such as famine and repression,<ref name=":12" /> and as later discovered, the covert intervention of Soviet state interests in the [[Communist Party USA]] (CPUSA).<ref name=":0">{{Cite book|last1=Haynes|first1=John Earl|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=fBSbKS1FlegC|title=In Denial: Historians, Communism & Espionage|last2=Klehr|first2=Harvey|date=2005|publisher=Encounter Books|isbn=1-59403-088-X|edition=1st|location=San Francisco, CA|pages=29–31, 63, 66–69|oclc=62271849}}</ref>{{Rp|page=31}} Members of the NCL were often ex-communists, such as the historian [[Theodore Draper]] whose views shifted from socialism to liberalism, and socialists who became disillusioned with the communist movement. Anti-Stalinist Trotskyists also wrote about their experiences during this time, such as [[Irving Howe]] and [[Lewis A. Coser|Lewis Coser]].<ref name=":0"/>{{Rp|pages=29–30}} These perspectives inspired the creation of the [[Congress for Cultural Freedom]] (CCF), as well as international journals like ''[[Melvin J. Lasky|Der Monat]]'' and ''[[Encounter (magazine)|Encounter]]''; it also influenced existing publications such as the ''[[Partisan Review]]''.<ref name=":13">{{Cite book|last=Saunders|first=Frances Stonor|url=https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/826444682|title=The cultural cold war : the CIA and the world of arts and letters|date=2013|isbn=978-1-59558-914-9|location=New York|publisher=New Press|oclc=826444682}}</ref> According to [[John Earl Haynes]] and [[Harvey Klehr]], the CCF was covertly funded by the [[Central Intelligence Agency]] (CIA) to support intellectuals with pro-democratic and anti-communist stances.<ref name=":0"/>{{Rp|pages=66–69}} The Communist Party USA lost much of its influence in the first years of the Cold War due to the revelation of Stalinist crimes by Khrushchev.<ref>{{Cite news|last=Cohen|first=Patricia|date=2007-03-20|title=Communist Party USA Gives Its History to N.Y.U.|language=en-US|work=The New York Times|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/20/arts/20nyu.html|access-date=2021-12-17|issn=0362-4331|archive-date=17 December 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211217114315/https://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/20/arts/20nyu.html|url-status=live}}</ref> Although the Soviet Communist Party was no longer officially Stalinist, the Communist Party USA received a substantial subsidy from the USSR from 1959 until 1989, and consistently supported official Soviet policies such as intervention in Hungary and Czechoslovakia. The Soviet funding ended in 1989 when [[Gus Hall]] condemned the market initiatives of [[Mikhail Gorbachev]].<ref>{{Cite news|date=2014-04-30|title=The curious survival of the US Communist Party|language=en-GB|work=BBC News|url=https://www.bbc.com/news/magazine-26126325|access-date=17 December 2021|archive-date=17 December 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211217114316/https://www.bbc.com/news/magazine-26126325|url-status=live}}</ref> |
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From the late 1950s, several European socialist and communist parties, such as in Denmark and Sweden, shifted away from orthodox communism which they connected to Stalinism that was in recent history.<ref name=":1">{{Cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=herHAAAAQBAJ|title=1968 in Europe : a history of protest and activism, 1956–1977|date=2008|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan|first1=Martin |last1=Klimke |first2=Joachim |last2=Scharloth|isbn=978-0-230-61190-0|edition=1st|location=New York|pages=240, 285|oclc=314773526}}</ref>{{Rp|page=240}} The emergence of the [[New Left]] was influenced to some degree by the [[Hungarian Revolution of 1956|Soviet invasion of Hungary in 1956]] and increasing amount of information available about Stalinist terror.<ref name=":1"/>{{Rp|page=285}} [[Albert Camus]] criticized Soviet communism, while many leftists saw the Soviet Union as emblematic of "state capitalism."<ref>{{Cite book|last=Sherman|first=David|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=X2zuGq1BCBYC|title=Camus.|date=2009|publisher=John Wiley & Sons|isbn=978-1-4443-0328-5|location=Chichester|pages=4|oclc=476247587|access-date=17 December 2021|archive-date=17 December 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211217114315/https://books.google.com/books?id=X2zuGq1BCBYC|url-status=live}}</ref> After Stalin's death and the [[Khrushchev Thaw]], study and opposition to Stalinism became a part of historiography. The historian [[Moshe Lewin]] cautioned not to categorize the entire history of the Soviet Union as Stalinist, but also emphasized that Stalin's bureaucracy had permanently established "bureaucratic absolutism," resembling old monarchy, in the Soviet Union.<ref>{{Cite web|title=Moshe Lewin – What should be known about USSR?|url=https://pages.uoregon.edu/kimball/Lewin.Moshe.on.USSR.htm|access-date=2021-12-17|website=pages.uoregon.edu|archive-date=17 December 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211217114318/https://pages.uoregon.edu/kimball/Lewin.Moshe.on.USSR.htm|url-status=live}}</ref> |
From the late 1950s, several European socialist and communist parties, such as in Denmark and Sweden, shifted away from orthodox communism which they connected to Stalinism that was in recent history.<ref name=":1">{{Cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=herHAAAAQBAJ|title=1968 in Europe : a history of protest and activism, 1956–1977|date=2008|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan|first1=Martin |last1=Klimke |first2=Joachim |last2=Scharloth|isbn=978-0-230-61190-0|edition=1st|location=New York|pages=240, 285|oclc=314773526}}</ref>{{Rp|page=240}} The emergence of the [[New Left]] was influenced to some degree by the [[Hungarian Revolution of 1956|Soviet invasion of Hungary in 1956]] and increasing amount of information available about Stalinist terror.<ref name=":1"/>{{Rp|page=285}} [[Albert Camus]] criticized Soviet communism, while many leftists saw the Soviet Union as emblematic of "state capitalism."<ref>{{Cite book|last=Sherman|first=David|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=X2zuGq1BCBYC|title=Camus.|date=2009|publisher=John Wiley & Sons|isbn=978-1-4443-0328-5|location=Chichester|pages=4|oclc=476247587|access-date=17 December 2021|archive-date=17 December 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211217114315/https://books.google.com/books?id=X2zuGq1BCBYC|url-status=live}}</ref> After Stalin's death and the [[Khrushchev Thaw]], study and opposition to Stalinism became a part of historiography. The historian [[Moshe Lewin]] cautioned not to categorize the entire history of the Soviet Union as Stalinist, but also emphasized that Stalin's bureaucracy had permanently established "bureaucratic absolutism," resembling old monarchy, in the Soviet Union.<ref>{{Cite web|title=Moshe Lewin – What should be known about USSR?|url=https://pages.uoregon.edu/kimball/Lewin.Moshe.on.USSR.htm|access-date=2021-12-17|website=pages.uoregon.edu|archive-date=17 December 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211217114318/https://pages.uoregon.edu/kimball/Lewin.Moshe.on.USSR.htm|url-status=live}}</ref> |
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* [[Daniel Bell]]<ref name="Brick 1986 p.">{{cite book | last=Brick | first=Howard | title=Daniel Bell and the decline of intellectual radicalism : social theory and political reconciliation in the 1940s | publisher=University of Wisconsin Press | publication-place=Madison, Wis | year=1986 | isbn=978-0-299-10550-1 | oclc=12804502 | pages=60–61,90,148}}</ref><ref name="Wilford 2003 pp. 15–34">{{cite journal | last=Wilford | first=Hugh | title=Playing the CIA's Tune? The New Leader and the Cultural Cold War | journal=Diplomatic History | publisher=Oxford University Press (OUP) | volume=27 | issue=1 | year=2003 | issn=0145-2096 | doi=10.1111/1467-7709.00337 | pages=15–34}}</ref> |
* [[Daniel Bell]]<ref name="Brick 1986 p.">{{cite book | last=Brick | first=Howard | title=Daniel Bell and the decline of intellectual radicalism : social theory and political reconciliation in the 1940s | publisher=University of Wisconsin Press | publication-place=Madison, Wis | year=1986 | isbn=978-0-299-10550-1 | oclc=12804502 | pages=60–61,90,148}}</ref><ref name="Wilford 2003 pp. 15–34">{{cite journal | last=Wilford | first=Hugh | title=Playing the CIA's Tune? The New Leader and the Cultural Cold War | journal=Diplomatic History | publisher=Oxford University Press (OUP) | volume=27 | issue=1 | year=2003 | issn=0145-2096 | doi=10.1111/1467-7709.00337 | pages=15–34}}</ref> |
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* [[André Breton]]<ref name="Collins">{{cite book |last1=Collins |first1=Cath |title=Post-Transitional Justice: Human Rights Trials in Chile and El Salvador |date=2010 |publisher=Penn State Press |isbn=978-0-271-03688-5 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=M-_kuLOvxf4C&pg=PA206 |access-date=20 June 2020 |language=en |page=206 |archive-date=13 July 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200713023232/https://books.google.com/books?id=M-_kuLOvxf4C&pg=PA206 |url-status=live }}</ref> |
* [[André Breton]]<ref name="Collins">{{cite book |last1=Collins |first1=Cath |title=Post-Transitional Justice: Human Rights Trials in Chile and El Salvador |date=2010 |publisher=Penn State Press |isbn=978-0-271-03688-5 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=M-_kuLOvxf4C&pg=PA206 |access-date=20 June 2020 |language=en |page=206 |archive-date=13 July 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200713023232/https://books.google.com/books?id=M-_kuLOvxf4C&pg=PA206 |url-status=live }}</ref> |
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*[[Albert Camus]]<ref>{{Cite book|url=https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/53096794|title=Sartre and Camus : a historic confrontation|date=2004|publisher=Humanity Books| |
*[[Albert Camus]]<ref>{{Cite book|url=https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/53096794|title=Sartre and Camus : a historic confrontation|date=2004|publisher=Humanity Books|author1=Jean-Paul Sartre |author2=Albert Camus |editor1=David Sprintzen |editor2=Adrian Van den Hoven|isbn=1-59102-157-X|location=Amherst, N.Y.|pages=59|oclc=53096794}}</ref> |
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* [[Milovan Djilas]]<ref name="Wasserstein">{{cite book|last= Wasserstein|first= Bernard|title= Barbarism and civilization: a history of Europe in our time|year= 2007|publisher= [[Oxford University Press]]|isbn= 978-0-19-873074-3|pages= [https://archive.org/details/barbarismciviliz00wass/page/509 509]|url-access= registration|url= https://archive.org/details/barbarismciviliz00wass/page/509}}</ref> |
* [[Milovan Djilas]]<ref name="Wasserstein">{{cite book|last= Wasserstein|first= Bernard|title= Barbarism and civilization: a history of Europe in our time|year= 2007|publisher= [[Oxford University Press]]|isbn= 978-0-19-873074-3|pages= [https://archive.org/details/barbarismciviliz00wass/page/509 509]|url-access= registration|url= https://archive.org/details/barbarismciviliz00wass/page/509}}</ref> |
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* [[Daniel Guérin]]<ref name="Birchall2"/> |
* [[Daniel Guérin]]<ref name="Birchall2"/> |
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* [[Joseph Stalin's cult of personality]] |
* [[Joseph Stalin's cult of personality]] |
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* [[Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee]] |
* [[Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee]] |
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* [[Korets–Landau leaflet]] |
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* [[Left Opposition]] |
* [[Left Opposition]] |
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* [[Left-wing uprisings against the Bolsheviks]] |
* [[Left-wing uprisings against the Bolsheviks]] |
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* [[Trotskyism]] |
* [[Trotskyism]] |
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* ''[[The Stalinist Legacy]]'' |
* ''[[The Stalinist Legacy]]'' |
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* ''[[The Stalin School of Falsification]]'' |
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* [[United Opposition (Soviet Union)|United Opposition]] |
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== References == |
== References == |
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== Further reading == |
== Further reading == |
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* [[Ian Birchall]] ''Sartre Against Stalinism''. Berghahn Books. (See review [http://www.socialistreview.org.uk/article.php?articlenumber=9032 here] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130801084049/http://www.socialistreview.org.uk/article.php?articlenumber=9032 |date=1 August 2013 }}.) |
* [[Ian Birchall]] ''Sartre Against Stalinism''. Berghahn Books. (See review [http://www.socialistreview.org.uk/article.php?articlenumber=9032 here] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130801084049/http://www.socialistreview.org.uk/article.php?articlenumber=9032 |date=1 August 2013 }}.) |
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* {{cite journal | last=HYSLOP | first=JONATHAN | title=German seafarers, |
* {{cite journal | last=HYSLOP | first=JONATHAN | title=German seafarers, anti-fascism and the anti-Stalinist left: the 'Antwerp Group' and Edo Fimmen's International Transport Workers' Federation, 1933–40 | journal=Global Networks | publisher=Wiley | volume=19 | issue=4 | date=2018-08-11 | issn=1470-2266 | doi=10.1111/glob.12212 | pages=499–520| s2cid=150336580 | hdl=2263/66792 | hdl-access=free }} |
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* Julius Jacobson [https://web.archive.org/web/20180523095343/http://nova.wpunj.edu/newpolitics/issue23/jjacob23.htm The Russian Question And American Socialism],''New Politics'', vol. 6, no. 3 (new series), whole no. 23, Summer 1997 |
* Julius Jacobson [https://web.archive.org/web/20180523095343/http://nova.wpunj.edu/newpolitics/issue23/jjacob23.htm The Russian Question And American Socialism],''New Politics'', vol. 6, no. 3 (new series), whole no. 23, Summer 1997 |
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* Alan Johnson [https://web.archive.org/web/20180523095522/http://nova.wpunj.edu/newpolitics/issue31/johnso31.htm The Cultural Cold War: Faust Not the Pied Piper], ''New Politics'', vol. 8, no. 3 (new series), whole no. 31, Summer 2001 |
* Alan Johnson [https://web.archive.org/web/20180523095522/http://nova.wpunj.edu/newpolitics/issue31/johnso31.htm The Cultural Cold War: Faust Not the Pied Piper], ''New Politics'', vol. 8, no. 3 (new series), whole no. 31, Summer 2001 |
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{{political spectrum}} |
{{political spectrum}} |
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{{Congress for Cultural Freedom}} |
{{Congress for Cultural Freedom}} |
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{{New York Intellectuals}} |
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{{DEFAULTSORT:Anti-Stalinist Left}} |
{{DEFAULTSORT:Anti-Stalinist Left}} |
Revision as of 20:24, 16 July 2024
The anti-Stalinist left is a term that refers to various kinds of Marxist political movements that oppose Joseph Stalin, Stalinism, Neo-Stalinism and the system of governance that Stalin implemented as leader of the Soviet Union between 1924 and 1953. This term also refers to the high ranking political figures and governmental programs that opposed Joseph Stalin and his form of communism, such as Leon Trotsky and other traditional Marxists within the Left Opposition. In Western historiography, Stalin is considered one of the worst and most notorious figures in modern history.[1][2][3][4]
In recent years, it may also refer to left and centre-left wing opposition to dictatorships, cults of personality, totalitarianism and police states, all being features commonly attributed to Marxist-Leninist regimes that took inspiration from Stalinism such as the regimes of Kim Il Sung, Enver Hoxha and others, including in the former Eastern Bloc.[5][6][7] Some of the notable movements with the anti-Stalinist left have been Trotskyism and Titoism, anarchism and libertarian socialism, left communism and libertarian Marxism, the Right Opposition within the Communist movement, and democratic socialism and social democracy.
Revolutionary era critiques (pre-1924)
A large majority of the political left was initially enthusiastic about the Bolshevik Revolution in the revolutionary era. In the beginning, the Bolsheviks and their policies received much support because the movement was originally painted by Lenin and other leaders in a libertarian light.[8] However, as more politically repressive methods were used, the Bolsheviks steadily lost support from many anarchists and revolutionaries.[8] Prominent anarchist communists and libertarian Marxists such as Sylvia Pankhurst, Rosa Luxemburg, and later, Emma Goldman were among the first left-wing critics of Bolshevism.[8][9]
Rosa Luxemburg was heavily critical of the methods that Bolsheviks used to seize power in the October Revolution claiming that it was "not a movement of the people but of the bourgeoisie."[10] Primarily, Luxemburg's critiques were based on the manner in which the Bolsheviks suppressed anarchist movements.[11] In one of her essays published titled, "The Nationalities Question in the Russian Revolution", she explains:[10]
"To be sure, in all these cases, it was really not the "people" who engaged in these reactionary policies, but only the bourgeois and petit bourgeois classes, who – in sharpest opposition to their own proletarian masses – perverted the "national right of self-determination" into an instrument of their counter-revolutionary class policies."
![](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/c/ce/Bundesarchiv_Bild_183-14077-006%2C_Rosa_Luxemburg.jpg/220px-Bundesarchiv_Bild_183-14077-006%2C_Rosa_Luxemburg.jpg)
Because of her early criticisms toward the Bolsheviks, her legacy was vilified by Stalin once he rose to power.[12] According to Trotsky, Stalin was "often lying about her and vilifying her" in the eyes of the public.[12]
The relations between the anarchists and the Bolsheviks worsened in Soviet Russia due to the suppression of movements like the Kronstadt rebellion and the Makhnovist movement.[8] The Kronstadt rebellion (March 1921) was a key moment during which many libertarian and democratic leftists broke with the Bolsheviks, laying the foundations for the anti-Stalinist left. The American anti-Stalinist socialist Daniel Bell later said:
Every radical generation, it is said, has its Kronstadt. For some it was the Moscow Trials, for others the Nazi-Soviet Pact, for still others Hungary (The Raik Trial or 1956), Czechoslovakia (the defenestration of Masaryk in 1948 or the Prague Spring of 1968), the Gulag, Cambodia, Poland (and there will be more to come). My Kronstadt was Kronstadt.[13][14][15][16]
Another key anti-Stalinist, Louis Fischer, later coined the term "Kronstadt moment" for this.[14]
Like Rosa Luxemburg, Emma Goldman was primarily critical of Lenin's style of leadership, but her focus eventually transferred over to Stalin and his policies as he rose to power.[8] In her essay titled "There Is No Communism in Russia", Goldman details how Stalin "abused the power of his position" and formed a dictatorship.[8] In this text she states:[8]
"In other words, by the Central Committee and Politbureau of the Party, both of them controlled absolutely by one man, Stalin. To call such a dictatorship, this personal autocracy more powerful and absolute than any Czar's, by the name of Communism seems to me the acme of imbecility."
Emma Goldman asserted that there was "not the least sign in Soviet Russia even of authoritarian, State Communism."[8] Emma Goldman remained critical of Stalin and the Bolshevik's style of governance up until her death in 1940.[17]
Overall, the left communists and anarchists were critical of the statist, repressive, and totalitarian nature of Marxism–Leninism which eventually carried over to Stalinism and Stalin's policy in general.[17] Conversely, Trotsky argued that he and Lenin had intended to lift the ban on the opposition parties such as the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries as soon as the economic and social conditions of Soviet Russia had improved.[18]
According to historian Marcel Liebman, Lenin's wartime measures such as banning opposition parties was prompted by the fact that several political parties either took up arms against the new Soviet government, or participated in sabotage, collaboration with the deposed Tsarists, or made assassination attempts against Lenin and other Bolshevik leaders. In one incident in Baku, the British military, once invited in, proceeded to execute members of the Bolshevik Party who had peacefully stood down from the Soviet when they failed to win the elections. [19]
Bolshevik era critiques of Stalin (1924–1930)
![](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/b/b4/Leon_Trotsky%2C_1930s.jpg/220px-Leon_Trotsky%2C_1930s.jpg)
One of the last attempts of the Right Opposition to resist Stalin was the Ryutin affair in 1932, where a manifesto against the policy of collectivization was circulated; it openly called for "The Liquidation of the dictatorship of Stalin and his clique".[21] Later, some rightists joined a secret bloc with Leon Trotsky, Zinoviev and Kamenev to oppose Stalin. Historian Pierre Broué stated that it dissolved in early 1933.[22]
![](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/d/dd/Nikolai_Bukharin.jpeg)
Leon Trotsky and Stalin disagreed on issues of industrialization and revolutionary tactics.[23] Trotsky believed that there was a need for super-industrialization while Stalin believed in a rapid surge and collectivization, as written in his 5-year plan.[23] Trotsky believed an accelerated global surge to be the answer to institute communism globally.[23] Trotsky was critical of Stalin's methods because he believed that the slower pace of collectivization and industrialization to be ineffective in the long run.[23] According to historian Sheila Fitzpatrick, the scholarly consensus is that Stalin appropriated the position of the Left Opposition on such matters as industrialisation and collectivisation.[24] Trotsky also disagreed with Stalin's thesis of Socialism in One Country,[23] believing that the institution of revolution in one state or country would not be as effective as a global revolution.[25] He also criticized how the Socialism in One Country thesis broke with the internationalist traditions of Marxism.[26] Trotskyists believed that a permanent global revolution was the most effective method to ensure the system of communism was enacted worldwide.[25] According to his biographer, Isaac Deutscher, Trotsky explicitly supported proletarian internationalism but was opposed to achieving this via military conquest as seen with his documented opposition to the war with Poland in 1920, proposed armistice with the Entente and temperance with staging anti-British revolts in the Middle East.[27]
He is an unprincipled intriguer, who subordinates everything to the preservation of his own power. He changes his theory according to whom he needs to get rid of.
Bukharin on Stalin's theoretical position, 1928.[28]
Overall, Trotsky and his followers were very critical of the lack of internal debate and discussion among Stalinist organizations along with their politically repressive methods.[25][26] In 1936, Trotsky called for the restoration of the right of criticism in areas such as economic matters, the revitalization of the trade unions and the free elections of the Soviet parties.[29] Trotsky also opposed the policy of forced collectivisation under Stalin and favoured a voluntary, gradual approach towards agricultural production[30][31] with greater tolerance for the rights of Soviet Ukrainians.[32][33]
Popular Front era critiques (1930–1939)
![](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/5/5e/Diego_rivera_Commies.jpg/220px-Diego_rivera_Commies.jpg)
![](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/7/76/Three_Arrows_election_poster_of_the_Social_Democratic_Party_of_Germany%2C_1932_-_Gegen_Papen%2C_Hitler%2C_Th%C3%A4lmann.png/220px-Three_Arrows_election_poster_of_the_Social_Democratic_Party_of_Germany%2C_1932_-_Gegen_Papen%2C_Hitler%2C_Th%C3%A4lmann.png)
“With all the greater frankness can I state how, in my view, the Soviet government should act in case of a fascist upheaval in Germany. In their place, I would, at the very moment of receiving telegraphic news of this event, sign a mobilisation order calling up several age groups. In the face of a mortal enemy, when the logic of the situation points to inevitable war, it would be irresponsible and unpardonable to give that enemy time to establish himself, to consolidate his positions, to conclude alliances… and to work out the plan to attack..”
Trotsky describing the military measures he would have taken in place of Stalin to negate the rise of Hitler in 1932.[34]
From the 1930s and beyond, Leon Trotsky and his American supporter James P. Cannon described the Soviet Union as a "degenerated workers' state", the revolutionary gains of which should be defended against imperialist aggression despite the emergence of a gangster-like ruling stratum, the party bureaucracy. While defending the Russian Revolution from outside aggression, Trotsky, Cannon and their followers at the same time urged an anti-bureaucratic political revolution against Stalinism to be conducted by the Soviet working class themselves.
In 1932 International Revolutionary Marxist Centre was founded as an international association of left-wing parties which rejected both more moderate mainstream social democracy and the Stalinist Third International.
During the 1930s, critics of Stalin, both inside and outside the Soviet Union, were under heavy attack by the party. The Great Purge occurred from 1936 to 1938 as a result of growing internal tensions between the critics of Stalin but eventually turned into an all-out cleansing of "anti-Soviet elements".[35] A majority of those targeted were peasants and minorities, but anarchists and democratic socialist opponents were also targeted for their criticisms of the severely repressive political techniques that Stalin used.[26] Many were executed or sent to Gulag prison camps extrajudicially.[35] It is estimated that during the Great Purge, casualties ranged from 600,000 to over 1 million people.[35]
Concurrently, fascism was rising across Europe. The Soviet leadership turned to popular front policy during the 1930s, in which Communists worked with liberal and even conservative allies to defend against a presumed Fascist assault. One of the more notable conflicts could be seen in the Spanish Civil War. While the whole left fought alongside the Republican faction, within it there were sharp conflicts between the Communists, on the one hand, and anarchists, Trotskyists and the POUM on the other.[36][37] Support for the latter became a key issue for the anti-Stalinist left internationally, as exemplified by the ILP Contingent in the International Brigades, George Orwell's book Homage to Catalonia, the periodical Spain and the World, and various pamphlets by Emma Goldman, Rudolf Rocker and others.[38][39][40]
In other countries too, non-Communist left parties competed with Stalinism as the same time as they fought the right. The Three Arrows symbol was adopted by the German Social Democrats to signify this multi-pronged conflict.[41]
Mid-century critiques (1939–1953)
Dissidents in the Trotskyist Socialist Workers Party, witnessing the collaboration of Joseph Stalin and Adolf Hitler in the invasion and the partition of Poland and the Soviet invasion of the Baltic states, argued that the Soviet Union had actually emerged as a new social formation, which was neither capitalist nor socialist. Adherents of that view, espoused most explicitly by Max Shachtman and closely following the writings of James Burnham and Bruno Rizzi, argued that the Soviet bureaucratic collectivist regime had in fact entered one of two great imperialist "camps" aiming to wage war to divide the world. The first of the imperialist camps, which Stalin and the Soviet Union were said to have joined as a directly participating ally, was headed by Nazi Germany and included most notably Fascist Italy. In that original analysis, the "second imperialist camp" was headed by England and France, actively supported by the United States.[42]
Shachtman and his cothinkers argued for the establishment of a broad "third camp" to unite the workers and colonial peoples of the world in revolutionary struggle against the imperialism of the German-Soviet-Italian and the Anglo-American-French blocs. Shachtman concluded that the Soviet policy was one of imperialism and that the best result for the international working class would be the defeat of the Soviet Union in the course of its military incursions. Conversely, Trotsky argued that a defeat for the Soviet Union would strengthen capitalism and reduce the possibilities for political revolution.[43]
![](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/1/13/Josip_Broz_Tito_uniform_portrait.jpg/220px-Josip_Broz_Tito_uniform_portrait.jpg)
Josip Broz Tito became one of the most prominent leftist critics of Stalin after World War II. The Communist Party of Yugoslavia and the policies that were established was originally closely modeled on that of the Soviet Union.[44] In the eyes of many, "Yugoslavia followed perfectly down the path of Soviet Marxism".[44] At the start, Tito was even considered "Stalin's most faithful pupil".[45] However, as the Yugoslavian Communist Party grew in size and power, it became a secondary communist powerhouse in Europe.[44] This eventually caused Tito to try to operate independently, which created tensions with Stalin and the Soviet Union.[44] In 1948, the two leaders split apart because of Yugoslavian independent foreign policy and ideological differences.[44][45]
Tito and his followers began a political effort to develop a new brand of socialism that would be both Marxist–Leninist in nature yet anti-Stalinist in practice.[44] The result was the Yugoslav system of socialist workers' self-management.[44] This led to the philosophy of organizing of every production-related activity in society into "self-managed units".[44] This came to be known as Titoism. Tito was critical of Stalin because he believed Stalin became "un-Marxian".[44] In the pamphlet titled "On New Roads to Socialism" one of Tito's high ranking aides states:[44]
"The indictment is long indeed: unequal relations with and exploitation of the other socialist countries, un-Marxian treatment of the role of the leader, inequality in pay greater than in bourgeois democracies, ideological promotion of Great Russian nationalism and subordination of other peoples, a policy of division of spheres of influence with the capitalist world, monopolization of the interpretation of Marxism, the abandonment of all democratic forms..."
Tito disagreed on the primary characteristics that defined Stalin's policy and style of leadership. Tito wanted to form his own version of "pure" socialism without many of the "un-Marxian" traits of Stalinism.[45] Tito has also accused Stalinist USSR's hegemonic practices in Eastern Europe and economic exploitation of the Soviet satellite states as imperialist.[46]
Other foreign leftist critics also came about during this time in Europe and America. Some of these critics include George Orwell, H. N. Brailsford,[47] Fenner Brockway,[48][49] the Young People's Socialist League, and later Michael Harrington,[50] and the Independent Labour Party in Britain. There were also several anti-Stalinist socialists in France, including writers such as Simone Weil[51] and Albert Camus[52] as well as the group around Marceau Pivert.
In America, the New York Intellectuals around the journals New Leader, Partisan Review, and Dissent were among other critics. In general, these figures criticized Soviet Communism as a form of "totalitarianism which in some ways mirrored fascism."[53][54] A key text for this movement was The God That Failed, edited by British socialist Richard Crossman in 1949, featuring contributions by Louis Fischer, André Gide, Arthur Koestler, Ignazio Silone, Stephen Spender and Richard Wright, about their journeys to anti-Stalinism.
New Party Era critiques (1953–1991)
Following the death of Joseph Stalin, many prominent leaders of Stalin's cabinet sought to seize power. As a result, a Soviet triumvirate was formed between Lavrenty Beria, Georgy Malenkov, and Nikita Khrushchev. The primary goal of the new leadership was to ensure stability in the country while leadership positions within the government were sorted out. Some of the new policy implemented that was antithetical of Stalinism included policy that was free from terror, that decentralized power, and collectivized leadership. After this long power struggle within the Soviet government, Nikita Khrushchev came into power. Once in power, Khrushchev was quick to denounce Stalin and his methods of governance.[55] In a secret speech delivered to the 20th party congress in 1956, Khrushchev was critical of the "cult of personality of Stalin" and his selfishness as a leader:[55]
"Comrades, the cult of the individual acquired such monstrous size chiefly because Stalin himself, using all conceivable methods, supported the glorification of his own person. This is supported by numerous facts."
Khrushchev also revealed to the congress the truth behind Stalin's methods of repression. In addition, he explained that Stalin had rounded up "thousands of people and sent them into a huge system of political work camps" called gulags.[55] The truths revealed in this speech came to the surprise of many, but this fell into the plan of Khrushchev. This speech tainted Stalin's name which resulted in a significant loss of faith in his policy from government officials and citizens.[55]
During this Cold War era, the American non-communist left (NCL) grew.[56] The NCL was critical of the continuation of Stalinist Communism because of aspects such as famine and repression,[8] and as later discovered, the covert intervention of Soviet state interests in the Communist Party USA (CPUSA).[57]: 31 Members of the NCL were often ex-communists, such as the historian Theodore Draper whose views shifted from socialism to liberalism, and socialists who became disillusioned with the communist movement. Anti-Stalinist Trotskyists also wrote about their experiences during this time, such as Irving Howe and Lewis Coser.[57]: 29–30 These perspectives inspired the creation of the Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF), as well as international journals like Der Monat and Encounter; it also influenced existing publications such as the Partisan Review.[58] According to John Earl Haynes and Harvey Klehr, the CCF was covertly funded by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to support intellectuals with pro-democratic and anti-communist stances.[57]: 66–69 The Communist Party USA lost much of its influence in the first years of the Cold War due to the revelation of Stalinist crimes by Khrushchev.[59] Although the Soviet Communist Party was no longer officially Stalinist, the Communist Party USA received a substantial subsidy from the USSR from 1959 until 1989, and consistently supported official Soviet policies such as intervention in Hungary and Czechoslovakia. The Soviet funding ended in 1989 when Gus Hall condemned the market initiatives of Mikhail Gorbachev.[60]
From the late 1950s, several European socialist and communist parties, such as in Denmark and Sweden, shifted away from orthodox communism which they connected to Stalinism that was in recent history.[61]: 240 The emergence of the New Left was influenced to some degree by the Soviet invasion of Hungary in 1956 and increasing amount of information available about Stalinist terror.[61]: 285 Albert Camus criticized Soviet communism, while many leftists saw the Soviet Union as emblematic of "state capitalism."[62] After Stalin's death and the Khrushchev Thaw, study and opposition to Stalinism became a part of historiography. The historian Moshe Lewin cautioned not to categorize the entire history of the Soviet Union as Stalinist, but also emphasized that Stalin's bureaucracy had permanently established "bureaucratic absolutism," resembling old monarchy, in the Soviet Union.[63]
Notable figures
- Leon Trotsky
- Emma Goldman[64]
- Colette Audry[65][66]
- Daniel Bell[67][68]
- André Breton[69]
- Albert Camus[70]
- Milovan Djilas[71]
- Daniel Guérin[66]
- Sidney Hook[72]
- Irving Howe[73]
- CLR James[40]
- Lucien Laurat[74][75]
- Claude Lefort[66]
- Marcel Martinet[76][69]
- Dwight MacDonald[73]
- Mary McCarthy[72]
- Claude McKay[77]
- Maurice Nadeau[66]
- Pierre Naville[66]
- The New York Intellectuals[78]
- Benjamin Péret[79][80]
- Henry Poulaille[69][81][82]
- David Rousset[66]
- Jean-Paul Sartre[83]
- Josip Broz Tito
- Nikita Khrushchev
- Victor Serge[84][76][69]
- Ota Šik[85][non-primary source needed]
See also
- Anti-Leninism
- De-Stalinization
- Eurocommunism
- Fourth International
- Harvill Secker
- Joseph Stalin's cult of personality
- Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee
- Korets–Landau leaflet
- Left Opposition
- Left-wing uprisings against the Bolsheviks
- Lenin's testament
- Libertarian socialism
- New Left
- Red fascism
- Socialist democracy
- Tankie – pejorative term used by anti-authoritarian socialists
- Trotskyism
- The Stalinist Legacy
- The Stalin School of Falsification
- United Opposition
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Further reading
- Ian Birchall Sartre Against Stalinism. Berghahn Books. (See review here Archived 1 August 2013 at the Wayback Machine.)
- HYSLOP, JONATHAN (11 August 2018). "German seafarers, anti-fascism and the anti-Stalinist left: the 'Antwerp Group' and Edo Fimmen's International Transport Workers' Federation, 1933–40". Global Networks. 19 (4). Wiley: 499–520. doi:10.1111/glob.12212. hdl:2263/66792. ISSN 1470-2266. S2CID 150336580.
- Julius Jacobson The Russian Question And American Socialism,New Politics, vol. 6, no. 3 (new series), whole no. 23, Summer 1997
- Alan Johnson The Cultural Cold War: Faust Not the Pied Piper, New Politics, vol. 8, no. 3 (new series), whole no. 31, Summer 2001
- David Renton, Dissident Marxism 2004 Zed Books ISBN 1-84277-293-7
- Boris Souvarine, Stalin, 1935
- Frances Stonor Saunders, Who Paid the Piper?: CIA and the Cultural Cold War, 1999, Granta, ISBN 1-86207-029-6 (USA: The Cultural Cold War: The CIA and the World of Arts and Letters, 2000, The New Press, ISBN 1-56584-596-X).
- Alan Wald The New York Intellectuals, The Rise and Decline of the Anti-Stalinist Left From the 1930s to the 1980s. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1987. 440 pp (See review by Paul LeBlanc here)
External links
Media related to Anti-Stalinist left at Wikimedia Commons