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Coordinates: 12°55′49″N 121°5′40″E / 12.93028°N 121.09444°E / 12.93028; 121.09444
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=== Exported Products ===
=== Exported Products ===
Both the Song Dynasty records (specifically the Zhu Fan Zhi<ref name="Song 1225 Scott">Zhu Fan Zhi as cited by "Prehispanic Source Materials: for the study of Philippine History" (Published by New Day Publishers, Copyright 1984) Written by William Henry Scott.</ref>), and Yuan Dynasty records (specifically the Wen Xian Tong Kao <ref name="Yuan 1345 Go">Wen Xian Tong Kao as cited by Go, 2004.</ref>) describe the local products as “’’kapok cotton, yellow bees-wax tortoise shell, medicinal betel nuts and cloth of various patterns.’’” (The 1225 Zhu Fan Zhi lists “yuta cloth” while the 1345 Duo-I Zhi hein lists “cloth of various patterns.”)
Both the Song Dynasty records (specifically the Zhu Fan Zhi<ref name="Song 1225 Scott">Zhu Fan Zhi as cited by "Prehispanic Source Materials: for the study of Philippine History" (Published by New Day Publishers, Copyright 1984) Written by William Henry Scott.</ref>), and Yuan Dynasty records (specifically the Wen Xian Tong Kao <ref name="Yuan 1345 Go">Wen Xian Tong Kao as cited by Go, 2004.</ref>) describe the local products as “''kapok cotton, yellow bees-wax tortoise shell, medicinal betel nuts and cloth of various patterns.''” (''The 1225 Zhu Fan Zhi lists “yuta cloth” while the 1345 Duo-I Zhi hein lists “cloth of various patterns.”'')


=== Barter Items Accepted as Exchange ===
=== Barter Items Accepted as Exchange ===
The Zhu Fan Zhi notes that in exchange, the locals accepted products such as “’’porcelain, trade gold, iron pots, lead, colored glass beads, and iron needles.’’” The Wen Xian Tong Kao later lists “’’caldrons, pieces of iron, red cloth or taffetas of various color stripes, ivory, and "tint or the like”’’”<ref name="Yuan 1345 Go"/> as accepted items of exchange.
The Zhu Fan Zhi notes that in exchange, the locals accepted products such as “''porcelain, trade gold, iron pots, lead, colored glass beads, and iron needles.''” The Wen Xian Tong Kao later lists “''caldrons, pieces of iron, red cloth or taffetas of various color stripes, ivory, and "tint or the like”''”<ref name="Yuan 1345 Go"/> as accepted items of exchange.


===Administration of Trade===
===Administration of Trade===
The Zhu Fan Zhi notes that Ma-I’s official plaza is its official venue for barter and trade, and note that officials have to be presented with white parasols as gifts:
The Zhu Fan Zhi notes that Ma-I’s official plaza is its official venue for barter and trade, and note that officials have to be presented with white parasols as gifts:


{{Quote| “When trading ships enter the harbor, they stop in front of the official plaza, for the official plaza is that country's place for barter and trade and once the ship is registered, they mix freely. Since the local officials make a habit of using white umbrellas, the merchants must present them as gifts.”<ref name="Song 1225 Scott"/>}}
{{Quote| “''When trading ships enter the harbor, they stop in front of the official plaza, for the official plaza is that country's place for barter and trade and once the ship is registered, they mix freely. Since the local officials make a habit of using white umbrellas, the merchants must present them as gifts.”<ref name="Song 1225 Scott''"/>}}


The Zhu Fan Zhi further describes the process of transaction as follows:
The Zhu Fan Zhi further describes the process of transaction as follows:


{{Quote| “The method of transacting business is for the savage traders to come all in a crowd and immediately transfer the merchandise into baskets and go off with it. If at first they can't tell who they are, gradually they come to know those who remove the goods so in the end nothing is actually lost. The savage traders then take the goods around to the other islands for barter and generally don't start coming back until September or October to repay the ship's merchants with what they have got. Indeed, there are some who don't come back even then, so ships trading with Mai are the last to reach home.”<ref name="Song 1225 Scott"/>}}
{{Quote| “''The method of transacting business is for the savage traders to come all in a crowd and immediately transfer the merchandise into baskets and go off with it. If at first they can't tell who they are, gradually they come to know those who remove the goods so in the end nothing is actually lost. The savage traders then take the goods around to the other islands for barter and generally don't start coming back until September or October to repay the ship's merchants with what they have got. Indeed, there are some who don't come back even then, so ships trading with Mai are the last to reach home.''”<ref name="Song 1225 Scott"/>}}


The Wen Xian Tong Kao similarly describes it:
The Wen Xian Tong Kao similarly describes it:


{{Quote| “After agreeing on prices, the barbarian traders carry off the goods for bartering the native products and bring these products back to the Chinese in the amount agreed on. The Chinese vessels' traders (Filipinos) are trustworthy. They never fail to keep the agreement of their bargains.”<ref name="Yuan 1345 Go"/>}}
{{Quote| “''After agreeing on prices, the barbarian traders carry off the goods for bartering the native products and bring these products back to the Chinese in the amount agreed on. The Chinese vessels' traders (Filipinos) are trustworthy. They never fail to keep the agreement of their bargains.''”<ref name="Yuan 1345 Go"/>}}


==Culture==
==Culture==

Revision as of 19:11, 28 January 2017

Kingdom of Ma-i
Ma-i
ᜋᜁ
麻逸
Mai't
Maidh
Bai
Before 971 A.D.[1][2]–1575
StatusTributary state of Song Dynasty (1225)
Tributary state of Ming Dynasty (1368)
Vassal state of Bruneian Empire (1500)
CapitalUnder debate Bay, Laguna or somewhere on the island of Mindoro
Religion
Buddhism (predominantly), Philippine folk religion 12°55′49″N 121°5′40″E / 12.93028°N 121.09444°E / 12.93028; 121.09444
RegierungAncient barangay
History 
• Established
Before 971 A.D.[1][2]
• Diplomacy / trade with the Imperial China
c. 1200
• Gat Sa Lihan become the Huang (ruler)[citation needed]
1225
1500
• In corporation to the Spanish Empire
1575
• Disestablished
1575
CurrencyNative gold coins, Barter
Preceded by
Succeeded by
Prehistory of the Philippines
Ancient barangay
Bruneian Empire
Viceroyalty of New Spain
Mindoro
Today part of Philippinen
Ma-i
Traditional Chinese麻逸
Transcriptions
Southern Min
Hokkien POJmá it
The world in 1200 AD. Shows Ma-i Huangdom and its neighbors.

Ma-i oder Maidh (also spelled Ma'i, Mai, Ma-yi oder Mayi; Baybayin: ᜋᜁ; Chinese: 麻逸; Pe̍h-ōe-jī: má it) was a sovereign state that pre-dated the Hispanic establishment of the Philippinen, which scholars believe was located either in Bay, Laguna[1] or on the island of Mindoro.[2]: 70 

It is notable for being the first place in the Philippines ever to be mentioned in any foreign account.[1]: 119 [2]: 65  Its existence was first documented in 971 A.D., in the annals of Song Dynasty China.[2][1] It was also mentioned in the tenth century records of the Kingdom of Brunei.[2]: 79 

Possible sites

For many years, scholars believed that Ma-i was likely to have been on the island of Mindoro.[2][3] But recent scholarship casts doubt on this theory, arguing that historical descriptions better match Bay, Laguna (whose name is pronounced Ba-i), which once occupied a large territory on the eastern coasts of Laguna de Bay.[1]

Both sites have names which sound similar to Ma-i. The pre-colonial name of Mindoro was "Ma-it",[2][4] whereas historical variants of the name of Bay, Laguna include "Bae", "Bai", and "Vahi".[5]

An earlier theory, put forward in 1914 by Austin Craig[6] and asserted by local historians,[7] also suggested Malolos, Bulacan as a potential site of Ma-i.

Documentary sources

The Chinese and Bruneian records both describe trade relations with Ma-i.

Ma-i is first mentioned in Volume 186 of official history of the Song Dynasty, which lists Ma-i among the southern sea nations with whom Chinese merchants traded[2]: 65  in the year 971 AD (the fourth year of Kai Bao of Song).[1]: 119  The document describes governments’ efforts regulate and tax this “luxurious” trade.[1]: 119  Historian W.H. Scott describes this entry as “the first positive reference to political states in or near the Philippines.”[2]: 65 

In 1980, Historian Robert Nicholl argued that the nation of "Maidh", referred to in the Tenth Century records of the Sultanate of Brunei, refer to Ma-i,[8] although Scott does not recognize this as a positive identification.[2]: 79 

Later references to Ma-i, all describing trade, include another mention (in Volume 489[1]) in the History of Song, the 1225 AD Song Dynasty Document Zhu Fan Zhi[3][9] (Chinese: 諸番志; lit. 'Account of the Various Barbarians"'), and the 1345 AD Yuan Dynasty document "Wen Xian Tong Kao".[1]

Description

In 1225, the Zhu Fan Zhi[2] noted that "the country of Ma-i is to the north of Borneo" and added that few pirates reach these shores. It also noted that "the people of Ma-i live in large villages (literally "settlements of more than a thousand households") on the opposite banks of a stream."

The 1345 document Wen Xian Tong Kao[1] also noted that the settlement of Ma-i consisted of houses arranged on the two banks of a stream. It also noted that “its mountain range is flat and broad”, “the fields are fertile,” and “the climate is rather hot.

Trade and Trade Practices

Because all the documents describing Ma-I were primarily concerned with trade, this is the most documented aspect of Ma-I culture.

Exported Products

Both the Song Dynasty records (specifically the Zhu Fan Zhi[10]), and Yuan Dynasty records (specifically the Wen Xian Tong Kao [11]) describe the local products as “kapok cotton, yellow bees-wax tortoise shell, medicinal betel nuts and cloth of various patterns.” (The 1225 Zhu Fan Zhi lists “yuta cloth” while the 1345 Duo-I Zhi hein lists “cloth of various patterns.”)

Barter Items Accepted as Exchange

The Zhu Fan Zhi notes that in exchange, the locals accepted products such as “porcelain, trade gold, iron pots, lead, colored glass beads, and iron needles.” The Wen Xian Tong Kao later lists “caldrons, pieces of iron, red cloth or taffetas of various color stripes, ivory, and "tint or the like”[11] as accepted items of exchange.

Administration of Trade

The Zhu Fan Zhi notes that Ma-I’s official plaza is its official venue for barter and trade, and note that officials have to be presented with white parasols as gifts:

When trading ships enter the harbor, they stop in front of the official plaza, for the official plaza is that country's place for barter and trade and once the ship is registered, they mix freely. Since the local officials make a habit of using white umbrellas, the merchants must present them as gifts.”[12]

The Zhu Fan Zhi further describes the process of transaction as follows:

The method of transacting business is for the savage traders to come all in a crowd and immediately transfer the merchandise into baskets and go off with it. If at first they can't tell who they are, gradually they come to know those who remove the goods so in the end nothing is actually lost. The savage traders then take the goods around to the other islands for barter and generally don't start coming back until September or October to repay the ship's merchants with what they have got. Indeed, there are some who don't come back even then, so ships trading with Mai are the last to reach home.[10]

The Wen Xian Tong Kao similarly describes it:

After agreeing on prices, the barbarian traders carry off the goods for bartering the native products and bring these products back to the Chinese in the amount agreed on. The Chinese vessels' traders (Filipinos) are trustworthy. They never fail to keep the agreement of their bargains.[11]

Culture

Religeon

While documents did not definitively describe the religious beliefs of the people of Ma-i[2], the Zhu Fan Zhi did note the presence of unspecified religeous artifacts in Mayi, supposedly as of 1225 AD:

"There are metal images of unknown origin scattered about in the tangled wilds."[10]

Food

The Chinese records made no specific note of the solid food the people of Ma-i ate, but the Wen Xian Tong Kao did describe their process for making alcoholic beverages:

"The people boil seawater to make salt and ferment treacle (molasses) to make liquor."[11]

Clothing

The Zhu Fan Zhi describes the people of Ma-i as covering themselves "with a cloth like a sheet or hide their bodies with a loin cloth."[10] And the Xian Tong Kao, written a century later, describes the clothing and coiffure of the people of Ma-i, saying “In their customs they esteem the quality of chastity and uprightness. Both men and women do up their hair in a mallet-like tress. They wear a blue cotton shirt.[11]}}

Funerary Practices

In 1345, the Wen Xian Tong Kao also made observations of funerary practices, describing them thus:

When any woman is burying her husband, she shaves her hair and fasts for seven days, lying beside her dead husband. Most of them nearly die. If after seven days they are not dead, their relatives urge them to eat. Should they get quite well they cherish their chastity by not marrylng again during their whole lives. There are some even, who, when the body of their dead husband is burning, get into the funeral pyre and die. At the burial of a great chief, two or three thousand (sic. could be twenty or thlrty) male or female slaves are put to death for burying with him. [11]

Attack of the Bruneian Empire and decline

By the 15th century, the Bruneian Empire controlled western shores of the Philippines

In the year 1498-99, the Bruneian Empire conducted a series of raids against the natives of the Kingdom of Taytay in Palawan and the island of Mindoro which had been subjugated to the Islamic Bruniean Empire under Sultan Bolkiah. The Muslim conquest reached as far as the Kingdom of Tondo which was supplanted by Brunei's vassal-state the Kingdom of Maynila.[13][14]

Before they reached the shores of Luzon, they subjugated the Buddhist Huangdom of Mai and that lead to its decline.The Buddhist culture of Mindoro gradually disappeared after Bolkiah forced the citizens of Mai to converted their faith to Islam. They forcibly converted and conquered people up to the fall of the Kingdom of Tondo.[15][16][17]

The Spanish Advent

Scholars, Blair and Robertson, translated the Spanish historical record "Relation of the voyage to Luzón." When the Spanish arrived in the Philippines and transferred their headquarters from Cebu to Panay, they then sent an expedition to Mindoro (Ma-i) to counteract Muslim piracy against Panay, in Mindoro they discovered several Moro towns and forts that were already in the island.

"The first thing which I shall attempt to relate herein will be an expedition which was made by Captain Juan de Salzedo when he was governor in the island of Panai. As has been already related in other accounts, written in the year sixty-nine, the Portuguese raised the blockade established by them on the island of Çebu against the camp of his Majesty, because of certain difficulties which arose; and the governor determined to cross to the island of Panay with his captains in order to levy tribute upon the people of certain provinces. His nephew, recently made captain of the company which his brother Felipe de Sauzedo had brought to these islands, was sent with forty soldiers to certain islands. This captain embarked in fourteen or fifteen small native boats, and set out for an islet which is called Elem, and when we had reached this island we did not find any resistance whatever, for all the natives came to us in peace. From there, led by a guide, he crossed to the island of Mindoro, and made an attack one night just about dawn upon a very rich native village called Mamburau, and plundered it.

Many of the natives were captured, some of whom afterward bought their liberty, and others were allowed to go free. Thence he took a guide for a little islet, Loban by name, which is fifteen leagues farther. When the captain was departed, the natives, who had fled from the village, returned and saw the havoc and destruction caused by the Spaniards, and were unwilling to return to rebuild it; accordingly they themselves set fire to it, and totally destroyed it. The captain, having arrived at his destination at midnight, with all possible secrecy leaped ashore, and arranged his men and the Pintados, Indians whom he had with him in ambuscade near the villages, in order to make the attack upon them at daybreak. However, the natives of this island having been informed of the hostile incursion of the Spaniards, withdrew with their children and wives and all their belongings that they could take with them, to three forts which they had constructed. Now since these were the first natives whom we found with forts and means of defense, I shall describe here the forts and weapons which they possessed. The two principal forts were square in form, with ten or twelve culverins on each side, some of them moderately large and others very small. Each fort had a wall two estados high, and was surrounded by a ditch two and one-half brazas in depth, filled with water. The small weapons used by these natives are badly tempered iron lances, which become blunt upon striking a fairly good coat of mail, a kind of broad dagger, and arrows—which are weapons of little value. Other lances are also used which are made of fire-hardened palm-wood and are harder than the iron ones. There is an abundance of a certain very poisonous herb which they apply to their arrows. Such are the weapons which the natives of these islands possess and employ. Now as the captain approached the villages at daybreak, and found them empty, he proceeded through a grove to the place where the first fort was situated; and, having come in sight, negotiated with them, asking whether they desired to be friends of the Spaniards. The natives, confident of their strength, refused to listen, and began to discharge their culverins and a few arrows. The captain, seeing that they would not listen to reason, ordered them to be fired upon. The skirmish lasted in one place or the other about three hours, since the Spaniards could not assault or enter the fort because of the moat of water surrounding it. But, as fortune would have it, the natives had left on the other side, tied to the fort, a small boat capable of holding twenty men; and two of our soldiers threw themselves into the water and swam across, protected by our arquebusiers from the enemy, who tried to prevent them. This boat having been brought to the side where the Spaniards were, fifteen soldiers entered it and approached the rampart of the fort. As soon as these men began to mount the rampart, the Indians began to flee on the other side, by a passage-way which they had made for that very purpose. It is true that thirty or forty Moros fought and resisted the entrance of the Spaniards; but when they saw that half of our people were already on the wall, and the rest in the act of mounting, they all turned their backs and fled.

A hundred or more of them were killed, while of our men five were wounded. In this way was the fort taken, together with fifty or sixty prisoners, ten or twelve culverins, and everything else in it. On the morning of the next day, which was the second of May, in the year one thousand five hundred and seventy, the captain set free one of the Moro prisoners, and sent him to the second fort, which was in the middle of the island very near the first one, and charged him to tell them that he summoned them to surrender peacefully. The Moro having performed his mission, and delivered the message of the captain to those in the fort, they sent back the reply that they did not desire to be friends with the Spaniards but were eager to fight with them; and with this reply the Indian aforesaid returned to the captain.

On the following day we went with some four hundred friendly Indians to the fort; and the captain, advancing within sight of it, addressed them, asking that they should be friends with the Spaniards and not try to fight with them, as that would result badly for them. They again declared that they did not desire this friendship, and began to fire their culverins and discharge arrows; and in return the soldiers discharged, on all sides, their arquebuses. But during the whole day we were not able to enter the fort, for we Spaniards were very few in number; and the heat was intense, and we had not eaten, although it was near night. The captain, seeing that he had not accomplished anything, decided to return to the boats which he had left behind, and on the next morning again to besiege the fort, and hem them in as closely as possible; and thus he did. Having come in this manner and having grounded his boats upon a beach close to the enemy, when these latter saw the determination of the Spaniards, and that they would not depart under any circumstances until they had conquered them, they therefore determined to make peace and become friends. To this end the leaders came out of the fort and made peace and friendship with the captain, becoming good friends, which they are up to the present time. They gave him a hundred tall [taels] of gold, which he divided among his soldiers. From there the captain went to a rock belonging to another small islet very near to that of Loban, and lying in the sea at a very short distance from the said islet. The natives who lived in that island had retired to this rock to the number of about three hundred warriors. The captain, having arrived on the same day at about ten o'clock, went around the rock, and we captured a small boat containing thirty men. Many volleys from the arquebuses were fired at them during this day; and on the following morning the soldiers began to make ladders to scale the rock—whose occupants, when they saw the determination of the Spaniards, came to terms of peace and friendship, giving another hundred tall of gold, following the example of those of the other fort, who had been left good friends. The captain returned with all of us who were with him to the island of Panay, where the governor was with the master-of-camp, who had returned from another expedition made with his men to an island called Acuyo. Thereupon the question was discussed of sending men to explore the island of Luzón; and it was agreed that the master-of-camp and captain Juan de Sauzedo should set out upon this expedition with a hundred soldiers."

— [18]

Eventually, that Spanish expedition eliminated the towns and fortifications that were once part of Ma-i, and now, Mindoro is a sparsely populated territory.

Territorial extent of Mai

The local Chinese influenced kingdom or Huangdom named Mayi, once had a ruler that used 30 people as human sacrifices in his funeral. From this account, the subordinates of Mayi were recorded to be Baipuyan (Babuyan Islands), Bajinong (Busuanga), Liyin(Lingayen) and Lihan (present day Malolos City). Malolos is a coastal town and one of the ancient settlement around Manila Bay near Tondo.[9][19]

Legacy of Mai

According to scholars, Blair and Robertson, the name "Li-han" or "Li Han" was the ancient Chinese name for Malolos, whose leaders bore the title of "Gat-Salihan" or "Gatchalian" (derived from "Pamagat sa Li-Han"). It was in 1225 that a "Li Han in the country of Mai" was mentioned in the account of Chau Ju-Kua titled Chu-Fan-Chi, as a Huang () "King" of Ma-i.[20] The Huangdom of Mai is one of among many pre-hispanic Filipino states such as the Rajahnate of Butuan, the Kingdom of Tondo and the Sultanate of Maguindanao. In Mai, the richness of the soil and the convenience of its location made Malolos an important trading post for the native inhabitants and the traders from Cathay. Ferdinand Blumentritt, a Czech Filipinologist and José Rizal's friend, and Wang Teh-Ming, a Chinese scholar, supported this historic development of commercial activities which continued undisturbed until the advent of the Spanish era in 1572. This centuries-long trade relations must have resulted in many generations of Sino-Tagalogs, whose descendants are still omni-present in Malolos. The innumerable Malolos families who bear Chinese-sounding surnames attest to these inter-marriages.[7] Nevertheless, the Malolos part of Ma-i wasn't the only settled part. Mindoro was settled too. Around the time of the invasion by the Spanish, they found that the people of Mindoro had already converted to Islam from Buddhism, mostly due to the expansion of the Sultanate of Brunei into Manila. In the campaign to take Manila, the Sultanate of Brunei had converted Ma-i to Islam and incorporated it as Bruneian territory. That's why when the Spanish came, the Spaniards called people from Manila and Mindoro (Ma-i), Moros, since they were territories of Brunei and were nominally Islamized. However, the trend was that, only the merchant class and the royals had adopted Buddhism and Islam while most of the people still practiced their native animist beliefs.

Known rulers of Ma-i

Name Title held From Until
Gat Sa Li-han "王" Huang (King) according to Chinese records 1225? ?

See also

References

  1. ^ a b c d e f g h i j Go, Bon Juan (2005). "Ma'l in Chinese Records - Mindoro or Bai? An Examination of a Historical Puzzle". Philippine Studies. 53 (1). Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University: 119–138. Retrieved 2012-10-16. {{cite journal}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |coauthors= (help)
  2. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l Scott, William Henry (1984). "Societies in Prehispanic Philippines". Prehispanic Source Materials for the Study of Philippine History. Quezon City: New Day Publishers. ISBN 971-10-0226-4.
  3. ^ a b Patanne, E. P. (1996). The Philippines in the 6th to 16th Centuries. San Juan: LSA Press. ISBN 971-91666-0-6.
  4. ^ Wolters, O. W. History, Culture, and Region in Southeast Asian Perspectives. Page 33.
  5. ^ Jocano, F. Landa (1973). Folk Medicine in a Philippine Community. Quezon City: Punlad Research House, Inc. ISBN 971-622-015-4. {{cite book}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |coauthors= (help)
  6. ^ Craig, Austin. A Thousand Years Of Philippine History Before The Coming Of The Spaniards. Retrieved 2015-09-08.
  7. ^ a b Malolos Historical Digest, March 2000, Marcial C. Aniag, editor
  8. ^ Robert Nicholl, "Brunei rediscovered", Brunei Museum Journal, Volume 4 (1980)
  9. ^ a b Wang Zhenping (2008). "Reading Song-Ming Records on the Pre-colonial History of the Philippines" (PDF). Journal of East Asian Cultural Interaction Studies. 1: 249–260. ISSN 1882-7756.
  10. ^ a b c d Zhu Fan Zhi as cited by "Prehispanic Source Materials: for the study of Philippine History" (Published by New Day Publishers, Copyright 1984) Written by William Henry Scott.
  11. ^ a b c d e f Wen Xian Tong Kao as cited by Go, 2004.
  12. ^ Cite error: The named reference Song 1225 Scott was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  13. ^ *Scott, William Henry (1994). Barangay: Sixteenth Century Philippine Culture and Society. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press. ISBN 971-550-135-4. {{cite book}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |coauthors= (help)
  14. ^ del Mundo, Clodualdo (September 20, 1999). "Ako'y Si Ragam (I am Ragam)". Diwang Kayumanggi. Archived from the original on October 25, 2009. Retrieved 2008-09-30. {{cite web}}: Unknown parameter |deadurl= ignored (|url-status= suggested) (help)
  15. ^ http://www.historyofjihad.org/philippines.html
  16. ^ *Scott, William Henry (1994). Barangay: Sixteenth Century Philippine Culture and Society. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press. ISBN 971-550-135-4. {{cite book}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |coauthors= (help)
  17. ^ del Mundo, Clodualdo (September 20, 1999). "Ako'y Si Ragam (I am Ragam)". Diwang Kayumanggi. Archived from the original on October 25, 2009. Retrieved 2008-09-30. {{cite web}}: Unknown parameter |deadurl= ignored (|url-status= suggested) (help)
  18. ^ "The Philippine Islands, 1493–1803" (Published by Project Gutenberg, Date: December 6, 2004 ) Translated and Edited by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson, Page 122-126.
  19. ^ Informe sobre el estado de las Islas Filipinas en 1842, Tomo 1, Madrid 1843, p. 139
  20. ^ The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898, by Emma Helen Blair and James A. Robertson, Manila, 1903–1909