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The section was proposed in the [[Constitutional Convention (Australia)|1891 constitutional convention]] by [[Andrew Inglis Clark]], the then [[Attorney-General of Tasmania|Tasmanian Attorney-General]].<ref name="GeorgeWilliams">[http://www.altlj.org/publications/back-issues/2012-vol-37/product/762-removing-racism-from-australias-constitutional-dna/category_pathway-108 George Williams, ‘Removing racism from Australia’s constitutional DNA’ (2012) 37(3) Alternative Law Journal 151], p. 151</ref> Clark adapted some minor wording from [[Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution|section 2 of the Fourteenth Amendment]] to the [[United States Constitution|US Constitution]], which was introduced in 1868 following the [[American Civil War|US Civil War]] during the [[Reconstruction era]] and intended to deter states from excluding certain races from voting in the United States of America. Unlike section 25 in Australia, however, the US provision made no direct reference to race and was designed for a different purpose during the Reconstruction era.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Twomey|first=Anne|date=August 2012|title=An Obituary for Section 25 of the Constitution|url=http://ssrn.com/abstract=2137938|journal=Sydney Law School Legal Studies Research Paper No 12/57}}</ref> At the time what became section 25 was introduced to the draft there was not intended to be a separate federal franchise. Rather, those permitted to vote in lower house elections at state level would form the make-up of the Commonwealth franchise. One academic argues that the drafters included it to ensure that a state could not on the one hand exclude people of a race from voting at the Commonwealth level while also benefiting from their inclusion in the population when determining the number of representatives that state would elect to the [[House of Representatives]].{{Sfn|Twomey|2012|p=3}} The academic argued that such a clause should be broader in order to prevent disenfranchisement such as that caused by property ownership qualifications in [[Western Australia]], but this was never expanded on as it would have had no deterrent effect given Western Australia was to receive the minimum five representatives upon federation anyway.{{Sfn|Twomey|2012|p=4}} Later in the drafting process, section 30 was introduced, allowing the Commonwealth to legislate its own voting franchise.{{Sfn|Twomey|2012|p=7}} Section 25 was nevertheless retained, despite this possibly diluting its purpose and leaving future legal opinions subject to conjecture.
The section was proposed in the [[Constitutional Convention (Australia)|1891 constitutional convention]] by [[Andrew Inglis Clark]], the then [[Attorney-General of Tasmania|Tasmanian Attorney-General]].<ref name="GeorgeWilliams">[http://www.altlj.org/publications/back-issues/2012-vol-37/product/762-removing-racism-from-australias-constitutional-dna/category_pathway-108 George Williams, ‘Removing racism from Australia’s constitutional DNA’ (2012) 37(3) Alternative Law Journal 151], p. 151</ref> Clark adapted some minor wording from [[Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution|section 2 of the Fourteenth Amendment]] to the [[United States Constitution|US Constitution]], which was introduced in 1868 following the [[American Civil War|US Civil War]] during the [[Reconstruction era]] and intended to deter states from excluding certain races from voting in the United States of America. Unlike section 25 in Australia, however, the US provision made no direct reference to race and was designed for a different purpose during the Reconstruction era.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Twomey|first=Anne|date=August 2012|title=An Obituary for Section 25 of the Constitution|url=http://ssrn.com/abstract=2137938|journal=Sydney Law School Legal Studies Research Paper No 12/57}}</ref> At the time what became section 25 was introduced to the draft there was not intended to be a separate federal franchise. Rather, those permitted to vote in lower house elections at state level would form the make-up of the Commonwealth franchise. One academic argues that the drafters included it to ensure that a state could not on the one hand exclude people of a race from voting at the Commonwealth level while also benefiting from their inclusion in the population when determining the number of representatives that state would elect to the [[House of Representatives]].{{Sfn|Twomey|2012|p=3}} The academic argued that such a clause should be broader in order to prevent disenfranchisement such as that caused by property ownership qualifications in [[Western Australia]], but this was never expanded on as it would have had no deterrent effect given Western Australia was to receive the minimum five representatives upon federation anyway.{{Sfn|Twomey|2012|p=4}} Later in the drafting process, section 30 was introduced, allowing the Commonwealth to legislate its own voting franchise.{{Sfn|Twomey|2012|p=7}} Section 25 was nevertheless retained, despite this possibly diluting its purpose and leaving future legal opinions subject to conjecture.


Despite the section's intention to deter disenfranchisement on the basis of race, in practice it has been of little effect to date. The existence of [[Section 127 of the Australian Constitution|section 127]] in the Constitution, which excluded Aboriginal people from being counted in population data, meant that the exclusion of Aboriginal people from state franchise had no effect on a state's population in applying section 24 to determine the make-up of the House of Representatives.{{Sfn|Twomey|2012|p=15}} Likewise, it had little effect on exclusion of other races, such as [[Queensland|Queensland's]] exclusion of Aboriginal populations through the ''[[Aboriginals Protection and Restriction of the Sale of Opium Act 1897]]'' or other nations, as they were either insignificant in number in relation to the broader population or could be excluded by other means, such as on the basis of nationality, which would not trigger section 25.{{Sfn|Twomey|2012|pp=15-16}} By the time [[1967 Australian referendum (Aboriginals)|section 127 was repealed]], allowing the Aboriginal population to be counted in determining representation in federal parliament, all states already included Aboriginal people in their respective franchises.{{Sfn|Twomey|2012|p=15}}
Despite the section's ambiguous meaning with possible intentions to deter future disenfranchisement on the basis of race, following the spirit of the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, in practice it has been of little effect to date. The existence of [[Section 127 of the Australian Constitution|section 127]] in the Constitution, which excluded Aboriginal people from being counted in population data, meant that the exclusion of Aboriginal people from state franchise had no effect on a state's population in applying section 24 to determine the make-up of the House of Representatives.{{Sfn|Twomey|2012|p=15}} Likewise, it had little effect on exclusion of other races, such as [[Queensland|Queensland's]] exclusion of Aboriginal populations through the ''[[Aboriginals Protection and Restriction of the Sale of Opium Act 1897]]'' or other nations, as they were either insignificant in number in relation to the broader population or could be excluded by other means, such as on the basis of nationality, which would not trigger section 25.{{Sfn|Twomey|2012|pp=15-16}} By the time [[1967 Australian referendum (Aboriginals)|section 127 was repealed]], allowing the Aboriginal population to be counted in determining representation in federal parliament, all states already included Aboriginal people in their respective franchises.{{Sfn|Twomey|2012|p=15}}


There has been no direct [[High Court of Australia|High Court]] judgements relating to the application of section 25. This is largely because its existence has always been of little to no effect to date, and because any dispute over its application is unlikely to have been, or be in relation to a population large enough to have any effect on the representation numbers in Parliament. It has however been referred to in numerous cases, in relation to matters such as [[Universal suffrage|universal franchise]], voting equality, and the definition of 'people of the Commonwealth'.{{Sfn|Twomey|2012|pp=16-17}} [[Michael Kirby (judge)|Justice Kirby]] referred to it in passing as support for the proposition that racial qualifications have been eliminated from voting.<ref>{{Cite AustLII|litigants=Mullholand v Australian Electoral Commission|link=|source=HCA|num=41|year=2004}}</ref>
There has been no direct [[High Court of Australia|High Court]] judgements relating to the application of section 25. This is largely because its existence has always been of little to no effect to date, and because any dispute over its application is unlikely to have been, or be in relation to a population large enough to have any effect on the representation numbers in Parliament. It has however been referred to in numerous cases, in relation to matters such as [[Universal suffrage|universal franchise]], voting equality, and the definition of 'people of the Commonwealth'.{{Sfn|Twomey|2012|pp=16-17}} [[Michael Kirby (judge)|Justice Kirby]] referred to it in passing as support for the proposition that racial qualifications have been eliminated from voting.<ref>{{Cite AustLII|litigants=Mullholand v Australian Electoral Commission|link=|source=HCA|num=41|year=2004}}</ref>

Revision as of 14:35, 1 February 2021

Section 25 of the Constitution of Australia is a provision of the Constitution of Australia headed "Provision as to races disqualified from voting’ and providing that ‘For the purposes of the last section, if by the law of any State all persons of any race are disqualified from voting at elections for the more numerous House of the Parliament of the State, then, in reckoning the number of the people of the State or of the Commonwealth, persons of that race resident in that State shall not be counted."[1]

History

The section was proposed in the 1891 constitutional convention by Andrew Inglis Clark, the then Tasmanian Attorney-General.[2] Clark adapted some minor wording from section 2 of the Fourteenth Amendment to the US Constitution, which was introduced in 1868 following the US Civil War during the Reconstruction era and intended to deter states from excluding certain races from voting in the United States of America. Unlike section 25 in Australia, however, the US provision made no direct reference to race and was designed for a different purpose during the Reconstruction era.[3] At the time what became section 25 was introduced to the draft there was not intended to be a separate federal franchise. Rather, those permitted to vote in lower house elections at state level would form the make-up of the Commonwealth franchise. One academic argues that the drafters included it to ensure that a state could not on the one hand exclude people of a race from voting at the Commonwealth level while also benefiting from their inclusion in the population when determining the number of representatives that state would elect to the House of Representatives.[4] The academic argued that such a clause should be broader in order to prevent disenfranchisement such as that caused by property ownership qualifications in Western Australia, but this was never expanded on as it would have had no deterrent effect given Western Australia was to receive the minimum five representatives upon federation anyway.[5] Later in the drafting process, section 30 was introduced, allowing the Commonwealth to legislate its own voting franchise.[6] Section 25 was nevertheless retained, despite this possibly diluting its purpose and leaving future legal opinions subject to conjecture.

Despite the section's ambiguous meaning with possible intentions to deter future disenfranchisement on the basis of race, following the spirit of the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, in practice it has been of little effect to date. The existence of section 127 in the Constitution, which excluded Aboriginal people from being counted in population data, meant that the exclusion of Aboriginal people from state franchise had no effect on a state's population in applying section 24 to determine the make-up of the House of Representatives.[7] Likewise, it had little effect on exclusion of other races, such as Queensland's exclusion of Aboriginal populations through the Aboriginals Protection and Restriction of the Sale of Opium Act 1897 or other nations, as they were either insignificant in number in relation to the broader population or could be excluded by other means, such as on the basis of nationality, which would not trigger section 25.[8] By the time section 127 was repealed, allowing the Aboriginal population to be counted in determining representation in federal parliament, all states already included Aboriginal people in their respective franchises.[7]

There has been no direct High Court judgements relating to the application of section 25. This is largely because its existence has always been of little to no effect to date, and because any dispute over its application is unlikely to have been, or be in relation to a population large enough to have any effect on the representation numbers in Parliament. It has however been referred to in numerous cases, in relation to matters such as universal franchise, voting equality, and the definition of 'people of the Commonwealth'.[9] Justice Kirby referred to it in passing as support for the proposition that racial qualifications have been eliminated from voting.[10]

Reform

The repeal of section 25 has been put to referendum twice, although only as a secondary, or minor consequence of another referendum question. In 1967, alongside the referendum in relation to Aboriginals, it was put forward to be repealed as part of an amendment to the Constitution that would have removed the nexus between the number of representatives in the House of Representatives and the number of senators in the Senate. The nexus question failed to get a majority nationwide, as it was not inclusive of the primary question relating to the repeal of section 127 and amendment of section 51(xxvi), which was overwhelmingly successful[11]. Receiving just 40% of the yes vote under the nexus question[12], the question of the repeal of section 25 would have easily been supported if it was inclusive directly within the primary question, that received 90.77% of the Australian votes and set the record for the "highest ‘yes’ vote ever recorded in a federal referendum"[13]. Later, in 1974, section 25 was to be diluted as part of a constitutional amendment enshrining the concept of "one vote, one value" in the Constitution by ensuring electorates at state and federal level would be based on population and not geographic size or other methods. Again, this referendum was defeated and it was not a direct question related to the repeal of section 25, receiving 47% of the national yes vote, and only attaining a majority in New South Wales. Both these referendums with possible effects for the repeal of section 25 failed for reasons more complex, than any controversy surrounding the removal of section 25.[14]

The 1975 Australian Constitutional Convention referred to the section as outmoded and expended and recommended it be repealed. Likewise, the Constitutional Commission in 1988 suggested it be repealed on the basis that it was outmoded and archaic.[14]

More recently, it has been suggested section 25 be removed on the basis that it contemplates the possibility that a state may disenfranchise a race of people.[15] The Expert Panel on Recognising Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples in the Constitution, in a report released in January 2012, among other things, recommended that section 25 be removed.[16] As Anne Twomey points out, however, much of the criticism surrounding section 25 is misguided hearsay, with possibly the panel seeming to be of the belief that section 25 allows a state to prohibit people of a race from voting. She argues that the section neither allows nor disallows such action, but merely disapproves or deters it.[17] However, she considers removing it as part of a wider effort to remove race from the Constitution appropriate given it has no practical effect.[18]

There have been arguments that the application of the Racial Discrimination Act 1975 now means that a state could not prevent people of a race from being able to vote, and that due to this section 25 is spent. However, as the Racial Discrimination Act is not constitutionally enshrined, such protection is not permanently guaranteed. Regardless, the High Court may read down the Act from applying in this way so as not to allow the Commonwealth to infringe on a state's ability to legislate on its own constitutional matters as in Austin v Commonwealth.[19]

In theory, there is no formal understanding of how section 25 will be interpreted by the High Court of Australia, as the section has never been fully tested. Only theoretical and unverified assumptions, open to wide interpretation, have been put forward by Jurisprudence academics and legal scholars in regard to the true interpretation and future application of section 25[20].

Constitutional Recognition

Calls for the repeal of section 25 arise from the history of colonisation within Australia[21]. The White Australia policy was enacted from the turn of the 20th century until 1973, which encouraged European migration and limited entry from people of non-white backgrounds, providing further support for repeal. A formal Referendum with a direct question is required to repeal section 25, which may occur this century as more Australians begin to accept inclusive values to better reflect the modern, 21st Century contemporary society that Australia has grown to become today[22].

References

  1. ^ Australian Constitution s 25.
  2. ^ George Williams, ‘Removing racism from Australia’s constitutional DNA’ (2012) 37(3) Alternative Law Journal 151, p. 151
  3. ^ Twomey, Anne (August 2012). "An Obituary for Section 25 of the Constitution". Sydney Law School Legal Studies Research Paper No 12/57.
  4. ^ Twomey 2012, p. 3.
  5. ^ Twomey 2012, p. 4.
  6. ^ Twomey 2012, p. 7.
  7. ^ a b Twomey 2012, p. 15.
  8. ^ Twomey 2012, pp. 15–16.
  9. ^ Twomey 2012, pp. 16–17.
  10. ^ Mullholand v Australian Electoral Commission [2004] HCA 41
  11. ^ https://australianstogether.org.au/discover/australian-history/1967-referendum/
  12. ^ https://www.aph.gov.au/About_Parliament/Parliamentary_Departments/Parliamentary_Library/FlagPost/2017/May/The_1967_Referendum
  13. ^ https://www.naa.gov.au/learn/learning-resources/learning-resource-themes/first-australians/rights-and-freedoms/announcement-1967-referendum-results-commonwealth-australia-gazette
  14. ^ a b Twomey 2012, p. 20.
  15. ^ George Williams, ‘Removing racism from Australia’s constitutional DNA’ (2012) 37(3) Alternative Law Journal 151, p. 154
  16. ^ Report of the Expert Panel on Recognising Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples in the Constitution Archived 2012-11-29 at archive.today
  17. ^ Twomey 2012, p. 21.
  18. ^ Twomey, Anne (September 2014). "A revised proposal for indigenous constitutional recognition". Sydney Law Review. 36 (3): 382.
  19. ^ Twomey 2012, p. 22.
  20. ^ https://www.referendumcouncil.org.au/discussion-topics/getting-rid-section-25.html
  21. ^ https://www.reconciliation.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/Recognising-Aboriginal-and-Torres-Strait-Islander-people-in-the-Australian-Constitution.pdf
  22. ^ https://ready4recognition.weblogs.anu.edu.au/the-constitution/