Herzegovina lobby: Difference between revisions
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The '''Herzegovina lobby''' or '''Herzegovinian lobby''' ({{lang-hr|Hercegovački lobi}}) is a |
The '''Herzegovina lobby''' or '''Herzegovinian lobby''' ({{lang-hr|Hercegovački lobi}}) is a disputed term that emerged in [[Croatia]] in the 1990s{{sfn|Dodig|2005|p=144}} for the alleged disproportional influence of [[Croats of Bosnia and Herzegovina|Croats]] from the [[Herzegovina]] region of [[Bosnia and Herzegovina]] on the politics of Croatia.{{sfn|Večernji list|1 July 2005}} At times it has been described it as a major factor in contemporary Croatian politics{{sfn|Toal|Dahlman|2011|p=63}} and the most powerful lobby in Croatia,{{sfn|Cvijetić|31 January 2000}} it is also viewed as a [[stereotype]],{{sfn|Katuranić|1995|p=267}} pejorative,{{sfn|Zarez|4 February 2010}} and nonexistent.{{sfn|Večernji list|1 July 2005}} |
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Proponents of the existence of such a lobby claim that it helped fund Croatia's war-time president [[Franjo Tuđman]], his [[Croatian Democratic Union]] (HDZ) political party, and his involvement in the [[Bosnian War]], during which the lobby openly advocated annexing Herzegovina.{{sfn|Saideman|Ayres|2012|pp=64-6}} During the Bosnian War, Croats in Herzegovina, were more interested in unifying with Croatia than being a part of an independent [[Bosniak]]-dominated Bosnia and Herzegovina. Due to the strength of the Herzegovina lobby in [[Zagreb]], moderate Bosnian Croats were mostly ineffective in influencing Croatian foreign policy on Bosnia and Herzegovina. Many extremists from Herzegovina served in the Croatian police force and to participate in [[Log Revolution|skirmishes]] with Serbs.{{sfn|Saideman|Ayres|2012|pp=64-6}} By late 1991 about 20,000 Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina, mostly from the Herzegovina region, enlisted in the [[Croatian National Guard]].{{sfn|Hockenos|2003|pp=91-2}} |
Proponents of the existence of such a lobby claim that it helped fund Croatia's war-time president [[Franjo Tuđman]], his [[Croatian Democratic Union]] (HDZ) political party, and his involvement in the [[Bosnian War]], during which the lobby openly advocated annexing Herzegovina.{{sfn|Saideman|Ayres|2012|pp=64-6}} During the Bosnian War, Croats in Herzegovina, were more interested in unifying with Croatia than being a part of an independent [[Bosniak]]-dominated Bosnia and Herzegovina. Due to the strength of the Herzegovina lobby in [[Zagreb]], moderate Bosnian Croats were mostly ineffective in influencing Croatian foreign policy on Bosnia and Herzegovina. Many extremists from Herzegovina served in the Croatian police force and to participate in [[Log Revolution|skirmishes]] with Serbs.{{sfn|Saideman|Ayres|2012|pp=64-6}} By late 1991 about 20,000 Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina, mostly from the Herzegovina region, enlisted in the [[Croatian National Guard]].{{sfn|Hockenos|2003|pp=91-2}} |
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Revision as of 17:00, 22 October 2016
The Herzegovina lobby or Herzegovinian lobby (Croatian: Hercegovački lobi) is a disputed term that emerged in Croatia in the 1990s[1] for the alleged disproportional influence of Croats from the Herzegovina region of Bosnia and Herzegovina on the politics of Croatia.[2] At times it has been described it as a major factor in contemporary Croatian politics[3] and the most powerful lobby in Croatia,[4] it is also viewed as a stereotype,[5] pejorative,[6] and nonexistent.[2]
Proponents of the existence of such a lobby claim that it helped fund Croatia's war-time president Franjo Tuđman, his Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) political party, and his involvement in the Bosnian War, during which the lobby openly advocated annexing Herzegovina.[7] During the Bosnian War, Croats in Herzegovina, were more interested in unifying with Croatia than being a part of an independent Bosniak-dominated Bosnia and Herzegovina. Due to the strength of the Herzegovina lobby in Zagreb, moderate Bosnian Croats were mostly ineffective in influencing Croatian foreign policy on Bosnia and Herzegovina. Many extremists from Herzegovina served in the Croatian police force and to participate in skirmishes with Serbs.[7] By late 1991 about 20,000 Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina, mostly from the Herzegovina region, enlisted in the Croatian National Guard.[8]
The Herzegovina lobby's bonding in Croatia began with Tuđman's ouster of Stjepan Kljuić, the moderate and independent elected leader of the Bosnian branch of the HDZ, and replacement with Mate Boban.[9][10][11] Boban, who favored Croatia to annex Croat-inhabited parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina,[12][13] was in charge of advancing the lobby's agenda in Bosnia and Herzegovina.[14] A rift existed in the HDZ between Croats from ethnically mixed areas of central and northern Bosnia and those from Herzegovina.[15] After Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina gained the ability to vote in Croatia's elections they played a growing role in the country's politics.[7] The approximately 365,000 Croats of Bosnia and Herzegovina consistently voted for the HDZ.[16] In the 1994 elections, the Croatian diaspora received twelve to fourteen of the 164 seats in the Croatian Parliament, significantly larger than its share of Croatia's population.[7] The lobby was accused of behaving in a Mafia-like manner due to their corruption and violence in Croatia.[17]
Gojko Šušak, who believed in a Greater Croatia,[3] played an vital role in funding the HDZ.[18] He was considered the leader of the Herzegovina lobby[19][20] and was "adept at tapping the purses of the tight-knit Herzegovinian community in the Americas, delivering millions of dollars worth of contributions to Tuđman's campaign." He provided the HDZ a critical advantage over the political opposition and for his efforts became the Croatian Minister of Defence.[21] Several other top positions within the HDZ government were also secured.[22] In his position he protected and promoted generals from Herzegovina in the Croatian Army[23] and acted as a "conduit" of Croatian support for Croat separatism in Bosnia and Herzegovina.[24] At its peak the amount of money from Croatia that funded the Croatian Defence Council surpassed $500,000 per day.[25] After Šušak's death in 1998, Ivić Pašalić took over as head of the lobby.[26] By 2000, about 300 million euros were transferred by the Croatian government into Herzegovina each year, mostly from the budget of the Ministries of Defence, Reconstruction, and Social Affairs.[27]
The existence of such a lobby has been widely criticized and described as a conspiracy theory,[28] as it "never existed, but was created as a figment of someone's imagination and the belief that the politicians in Zagreb originating from Herzegovina aided their homeland."[2] Croatian-American historian James J. Sadkovich wrote that "claims that the Croatian president was manipulated by Šušak and a "Herzegovina lobby" are as difficult to document as allegations that the Croatian diaspora made HDZ policy."[29] After the international recognition of Croatia in January 1992, the Herzegovinian identity in some media worsened and stereotype views were promoted.[1] Political oponents of Tuđman spread animosity towards Herzegovina and Herzegovinians. After a failed coup by Stejpan Mesić and Josip Manolić in the HDZ in 1993, Manolić accused the "Herzegovina lobby" for everything wrong in the party.[30] Such views were fueled by the weekly Feral Tribune which denigrated Herzegovina in its texts.[31] The anti-Herzegovinian hysteria reached a culmination on the eve and aftermath of the 2000 parliamentary election.[32] However, after 2000 the imposed stereotypes and usage of the term decreased.[1]
Notes
- ^ a b c Dodig 2005, p. 144.
- ^ a b c Večernji list & 1 July 2005.
- ^ a b Toal & Dahlman 2011, p. 63.
- ^ Cvijetić & 31 January 2000.
- ^ Katuranić 1995, p. 267.
- ^ Zarez & 4 February 2010.
- ^ a b c d Saideman & Ayres 2012, pp. 64–6.
- ^ Hockenos 2003, pp. 91–2.
- ^ Lampe 2000, p. 376.
- ^ Gow 1997, p. 82.
- ^ Toal & Dahlman 2011, p. 68.
- ^ Ramet 2006, p. 343.
- ^ Tanner 2001, p. 286.
- ^ Toal & Dahlman 2011, p. 103.
- ^ Hockenos 2003, p. 92.
- ^ Bellamy 2003, p. 73.
- ^ Bellamy 2003, p. 93.
- ^ Søberg 2007, p. 59.
- ^ Kifner & 3 January 1994.
- ^ Hedl & 16 November 2005.
- ^ Saideman & Ayres 2012, p. 64.
- ^ Bellamy 2003, p. 72.
- ^ Lukić 2008, p. 208.
- ^ Hoare 2010, p. 128.
- ^ Ramet 2010, p. 265.
- ^ BBC & 11 December 1999.
- ^ Grandits 2016, pp. 107–8.
- ^ Sadkovich 2010, pp. 247.
- ^ Sadkovich 2007, pp. 217.
- ^ Lučić 2005, p. 58-59.
- ^ Lučić 2005, p. 63.
- ^ Večernji list & 12 July 2006.
References
- Bellamy, Alex J. (2003). The Formation of Croatian National Identity: A Centuries-old Dream. Manchester: Manchester University Press. ISBN 978-0-7190-6502-6.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Burg, Steven L.; Shoup, Paul S. (1999). The War in Bosnia-Herzegovina: Ethnic Conflict and International Intervention. Armonk: M. E. Sharpe. ISBN 978-0-7656-3189-3.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Change in the Offing: The Shifting Political Scene in Croatia (PDF) (Report). International Crisis Group. 14 December 1998.
- Cvijetić, Saša (31 January 2000). "Coffee With the President". Central Europe Review. 2 (4).
- Dodig, Radoslav (2005). "Hercegovina ili esej o "zemlji na ćenaru". National security and the future. 6 (3–4). Zagreb, Croatia: 129–150.
{{cite journal}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help); Unknown parameter|trans_title=ignored (|trans-title=suggested) (help) - Gow, James (1997). Triumph of the Lack of Will: International Diplomacy and the Yugoslav War. London: C. Hurst & Co. ISBN 9781850652083.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Grandits, Hannes (2016). "The Power of 'Armchair Politicians': Ethnic Loyalty and Political Factionalism among Herzegovinian Croats". In Bougarel, Xavier; Helms, Elissa; Duijzings, Gerlachlus (eds.). The New Bosnian Mosaic: Identities, Memories and Moral Claims in a Post-War Society. London: Routledge. pp. 101–122. ISBN 9781317023081.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Hedl, Dragutin (16 November 2005). "The President In Hospital, Croatia On The Eve Of Elections". Institute for War & Peace Reporting.
- Hoare, Marko Attila (2010). "The War of Yugoslav Succession". In Ramet, Sabrina P. (ed.). Central and Southeast European Politics Since 1989. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 111–136. ISBN 978-1-139-48750-4.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Hockenos, Paul (2003). Homeland Calling: Exile Patriotism and the Balkan Wars. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. ISBN 978-0-8014-4158-5.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Katuranić, Vjeran (1995). "O tranziciji i staroj strukturi društvene moći". Journal for general social issues. 4 (2–3). Zagreb, Croatia: Faculty of Philosophy: 265–271.
{{cite journal}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help); Unknown parameter|trans_title=ignored (|trans-title=suggested) (help) - Kifner, John (3 January 1994). "Croatia Threatens Direct Military Intervention in Bosnian Fighting". The New York Times.
- Lučić, Ivo (2005). "Ima li Hercegovine? (Tko i zašto negira Hercegovinu i Hercegovce?)". National security and the future. 4 (2–3). Zagreb, Croatia: 37–86.
{{cite journal}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help); Unknown parameter|trans_title=ignored (|trans-title=suggested) (help) - Lukić, Reneo (2008). "Civil-Military Relations in Croatia, 1990-2005". In Ramet, Sabrina P.; Clewing, Konrad; Lukić, Reneo (eds.). Croatia since Independence: War, Politics, Society, Foreign Relations. Munich: Oldenbourg. pp. 189–210. ISBN 978-3-48658-043-3.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Lampe, John R. (2000) [1996]. Yugoslavia as History: Twice There Was a Country (2 ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-77401-7.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Ramet, Sabrina P. (2006). The Three Yugoslavias: State-Building and Legitimation, 1918–2005. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. ISBN 978-0-253-34656-8.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Ramet, Sabrina P. (2010). "Politics in Croatia since 1990". In Ramet, Sabrina P. (ed.). Central and Southeast European Politics Since 1989. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 258–285. ISBN 978-1-139-48750-4.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Sadkovich, James J. (January 2007). "Franjo Tuđman and the Muslim-Croat War of 1993". Review of Croatian History. 2 (1). Zagreb, Croatia: Croatian Institute of History: 204–245. ISSN 1845-4380.
{{cite journal}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Sadkovich, James J. (2010). Tuđman – Prva politička biografija (in Croatian). Zagreb: Večernji list. ISBN 978-953-7313-72-2.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Saideman, Stephen M.; Ayres, R. William (2012). For Kin or Country: Xenophobia, Nationalism, and War. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 9780231514491.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Søberg, Marius (2007). "Croatia since 1989: The HDZ and the Politics of Transition". In Ramet, Sabrina P.; Matić, Davorka (eds.). Democratic Transition in Croatia: Value Transformation, Education, and Media. College Station: Texas A&M University Press. pp. 31–62. ISBN 978-1-60344-452-1.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - Toal, Gerard; Dahlman, Carl T. (2011). Bosnia Remade: Ethnic Cleansing and Its Reversal. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-973036-0.
{{cite book}}: Invalid|ref=harv(help) - "Who will lead Croatia after Tudjman?". BBC. 11 December 1999.
- Jansen, Stef (4 February 2010). "Tko se boji bijelih čarapa?" (PDF). Zarez - dvotjednik za kulturna i društvena zbivanja.
- "Priča o moći hercegovačkog lobija". Večernji list. 1 July 2005.
{{cite news}}: Unknown parameter|trans_title=ignored (|trans-title=suggested) (help) - Grubišić, Petar (12 July 2006). "Manolićeva 'Hercegovina'". Večernji list.
{{cite news}}: Unknown parameter|trans_title=ignored (|trans-title=suggested) (help)