Kibbutz Tzuba
Kibbutz Tzuba
CASE DESCRIPTION
The primary subject matter of this case concerns business policy. Secondary issues
examined include organizational theory, marketing decision-making and the effects of cultural
institutions and political orientations on decision-making. The case has a difficulty level of four,
appropriate for senior level courses. The case is designed to be taught in two class hours and is
expected to require three hours of outside preparation by students.
CASE SYNOPSIS
This case deals with a culture (Israeli) about which most students know little and an Israeli
institution (the kibbutz) about which most students know nothing. It presents the history of the
kibbutz movement and its evolution to the present. This is done to establish the cultural environment
in which a particular kibbutz, Kibbutz Tzuba, operates. Like other kibbutzim, Kibbutz Tzuba was
founded as a socialistic agricultural collective. And like most of the other kibbutzim, it has had to
adapt and embrace elements of capitalism to survive the social and economic changes within Israeli
society. While it has retained some elements of socialism, Kibbutz Tzuba has become
entrepreneurial and has engaged in a number of capitalist ventures. However, the decisions it has
made may not be sufficient to ensure its long-term survival.
INTRODUCTION
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The Hebrew word kibbutz means a communal settlement. The kibbutz movement in Israel
was started by a group of singles who had immigrated to [then] Palestine in the late 19th and early
20th centuries, mainly from Russia. These individuals were imbued with the ideals of socialism and
the spirit of the period which led to the Russian Revolution. They also believed in a Zionism based
on the return to the land of Israel and the tilling of its earth. They believed that this would lead to
the creation of a new Jewish identity and to the establishment of Jewish settlements in Palestine.
The first kibbutz was established at Degonia, near the Sea of Galilee, in 1910, by a group of
young pioneers who had drained swamps near Hadera and lived as a collective community. Kibbutz
Degonia was an independent farm owned by its worker-members. The idea behind the kibbutz was
that everyone would contribute to the [kibbutz] society according to his capabilities and would draw
from it according to his needs. This was the embodiment of total equality and mutual responsibility.
All assets were jointly owned by the members; there was no private ownership of anything. Kibbutz
Degonia was set up in the form of a self-supporting cooperative communal village, relying on
agriculture as the basic income to support the commune.
Other kibbutzim soon followed. These early settlements regarded themselves as enlarged
families and kept membership small. In 1913, for example, Degonia had only twenty-eight
members. These settlements were poor, life was harsh and work required the draining of swamps
and the removal of rocks from hills, transforming parts of the desert into fertile farmland. The
settlers had to cope with extreme heat, malaria and food-related illnesses.
During the 1920s and 1930s, the settlements societies of singles changed to ones in which
families were formed, leading to the establishment of schools and childrens houses. Small
industries began to appear, mainly as extensions of agriculture, and these soon became profitable
enterprises. The kibbutzim emerged as large, self-sufficient communities, combining agriculture
and industry. The 1930s also witnessed the beginnings of a religious kibbutz movement which, in
contrast to its secular predecessors, saw the ideals of the movement, including equality, mutual help
and building the Land, as a realization of the Jewish way of life.
Most kibbutzim are laid out according to a similar plan. The residential area encompasses
carefully tended members homes and gardens, childrens houses and playgrounds for every age
group, and communal facilities such as a dining hall, auditorium, library, swimming pool, tennis
court, medical clinic, laundry, and grocery. Adjacent to the living quarters are, typically, sheds for
dairy cattle and modern chicken coops, as well as one or more industrial plants. Agricultural fields,
orchards and fish ponds are located around the perimeter, a short tractor ride from the center.
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The organization of the kibbutz is based on the ideals of democracy; all members have an
equal say in its operation. The sovereign decision-making body, the general assembly, consists of
all members and convenes weekly to vote on major proposals and decisions that the secretariat and
various committees have made. The daily affairs of the kibbutz are run by a secretariat, made up
of the elected secretary, treasurer, and economic coordinator, along with ten other kibbutz members
who meet at the conclusion of the working day. Members of the secretariat are elected by the
general assembly for a period of three to five years, depending on the individual kibbutz, and are
accountable to the general assembly that must ratify all major decisions. For all the main activities
and aspects of kibbutz life, individual committees are elected. Each kibbutz has approximately 15
committees, including economic, labor, adult training, education, culture, welfare and health. Since
every member has the possibility of holding any position, the formation of either an elite or a
hierarchy is discouraged. Members also have the right to appeal any decisions that are made.
Although each kibbutz is socially and economically an autonomous unit, a number of
national federations provide coordination of activities as well as some services. The largest of the
national federations is the United Kibbutz Movement with which about 60% of the kibbutzim are
affiliated. About 32% of the kibbutzim belong to the Kibbutz Artzi movement. Religious kibbutzim,
which comprise 6% of the total, are affiliated with the Kibbutz Dati movement; the rest are ultra-
Orthodox kibbutzim affiliated with Poalei Agudat Yisrael.
Between 1936 and 1951, all kibbutz capital was entirely financed by the settlement
department of the Jewish Agency (a governmental body). This was necessary since many new
kibbutzim were fulfilling social functions as well as idealistic ones of settling the land, particularly
in outlying border areas. In the initial years the kibbutzim showed no profit and the Jewish Agency
considered it their duty to support them. The agency allocated funds on a per capita basis for 30
years with extended grace periods. The first repayment installment was usually ten years after
disbursement. Interest rates were nominal and at times lower than the rate of inflation.
Subsequently, the government, itself, and commercial banks became sources of kibbutz
financing. Government credit was granted on much easier terms than similar commercial loans, with
the interest rate usually 3%-4% above inflation. However, repayment terms were stricter than those
of the Jewish Agency, on the order of ten to 15 years. Bank credit was the main source of short-term
finance and was guaranteed on a commercial basis at a higher prevailing interest rate than
government loans.
Currently, the kibbutz system is financed by the main bank of the kibbutz movement, Keren
Hatakam. The bank raises funds for the kibbutzim from the Jewish Agency, other government
bodies, free market borrowing from commercial banks, and, to a small degree, from other kibbutzim,
via the mutual reliance system, whereby the richer kibbutzim help the poorer ones to develop and
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grow. Representatives of the kibbutzim sit on the governing body of the bank. Because it has a
higher credit rating than an individual kibbutz and a resulting lower risk to lenders to the bank,
Keren Hatakam can raise funds and loan them to kibbutzim at lower than normal interest rates.
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development of agriculture. However, once these functions were assumed by the government, the
significant interaction between the kibbutzim and society at large was diminished.
Changes in Israeli society have necessitated changes within the kibbutzim. Israel has
evolved from a society that emphasized the collective, the nation and the people to a society in
which the individual is the focal point. Personal freedom has become more important to people than
economic security.
Since the 1960s, many kibbutzim have diversified into industry, due to the maturing of the
agricultural market and the increase in the market for industrial products. This diversification
required an infusion of capital and labor. Many kibbutzim borrowed heavily so that they could
satisfy the growing demand for industrial products by producing such things as sophisticated
agricultural equipment, furniture, and glass. Increasing the labor supply was a problem.
Many kibbutzim found that it was too costly to accept new members. They hoped to rely
upon their existing members to satisfy their labor needs. However, several factors contributed to
a decline in kibbutz membership. First, the kibbutz practice of separating children from their parents
was problematic. Children lived in a separate house and were raised communally. They could visit
their parents in the afternoons and on weekends, but they slept in special quarters and not with their
parents. This resulted in family instability and alienation, with many kibbutz children not sharing
their parents values, including the value of the kibbutz way of life. These children, in their teens,
began to abandon the kibbutzim. By the end of the 1970s kibbutzim gradually began to stop
separating childrens sleeping quarters from those of their parents. Today, no kibbutz separates
childrens and parents sleeping quarters.
Second, the heavy borrowing of funds by kibbutzim led to a financial disaster in the 1980s.
Many kibbutz enterprises (for example, Nerot Etzion, Israels biggest candle factory, located in
Kibbutz Merav and the Tafnukim diaper factory, owned by Amir Paper Products of Kibbutz Amir)
were forced into bankruptcy and others were on the brink of collapse. One result of this was a
mass exodus of kibbutz youth. Children of kibbutz members chose to abandon the ailing kibbutzim
before they turned 18 and received kibbutz membership, which would automatically saddle them
with debt. Finally, many young couples also began to desert kibbutzim. The annual living
allowance of $4000 was not a financial inducement to have them stay as members when they could
earn the same money in a month outside of the kibbutz.
The only way to solve the kibbutzims labor shortage was to employ non-members. In fact,
presently, most workers in kibbutz industries are not kibbutz members while members occupy senior
and managerial positions. This has led to the creation of a hierarchical system and a compromise
of kibbutz ideology, as these external employees have no say in the running of the industry. On the
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positive side, employing non-member labor means that older members can undertake light work
instead of manual labor.
Economic conditions in Israel in the 1980s were a wake-up call for kibbutzim. Triple-digit
inflation and exorbitant interest rates, which brought many kibbutzim to the brink of disaster could
have spelled the end of the kibbutz movement. Kibbutzim had amassed over $2.25billion in debt.
The Israeli government, commercial banks and the kibbutz federations hammered out several
agreements for canceling and restructuring kibbutz debts. The price was heavy some kibbutzim
had to sell agricultural land to pay off their debts; many others were forced to slash operating costs,
which they did by reducing their spending on basics like food, non-essential medical care, education
and travel. Kibbutzim found it necessary to find new sources of income and to increase
productivity.
Kibbutz Gaash, on the coast near Tel Aviv, sold lots for $1000 to $1850 per square meter.
Kibbutz Shefayim nearby sold individual plots for half a million dollars each. In the process, these
and several other kibbutzim actually became wealthy by selling off their government-granted land.
Kibbutz Lohamei Hagetaot, located between the towns of Acre and Nahariyya, branched out
from farming and operating a small electric-condenser factory to producing soy foods. Their brand,
Tivall, currently controls 70% of the Israeli market for soy products. To break into the international
market, the kibbutz teamed up with Osem, a Nestle subsidiary. Tivall now reports about $55 million
in annual sales. A second kibbutz, Hatzor, located near Ashdod, expanded from farming and die
casting into the production of soy ingredients. They produce a caramel-colored soy pellet that is
used for everything from food products to isoflavones, a supplement for menopausal women. The
kibbutz brand, Solbar, has become a multinational force in soy food ingredients.
Many kibbutzim located adjacent to each other have entered into joint economic ventures.
Granot, for example, is owned by 38 kibbutzim and services Emeq Hefer, Sharon, and the Shomron
areas in the north of Israel with packaging houses for fruits and vegetables. Other groups of
kibbutzim have created their own regional supply and marketing cooperatives which involve, for
example, floral processing plants and packing houses, with the goals of realizing economies of scale
and increasing marketing efficiency. The kibbutz movement has ten such regional cooperatives,
each employing up to 1000 people. These cooperatives sell their products to the National Marketing
Board and to such producer-cooperatives as Tnuva (for home sales) and Agrexco (for export).
Essentially, the 1980s required kibbutzim to assess what they needed to do to survive.
Elements of the socialist model that had driven kibbutzim for more than half a century had already
been abandoned. Now many kibbutzim realized that they would have to adopt many elements of
capitalism if the movement were to continue. Entrepreneurship, private property, differential
salaries and board of directors became part of the movements vocabulary.
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In December, 2003, the United Kibbutz Movement, seeing the changes taking place in
kibbutzim, met and officially blessed the dissolution of the original collectivist ideal that was the
kibbutz and proclaimed the birth of a new construct, the renewed kibbutz. In the renewed kibbutz,
members would own their own houses, be able to work outside the kibbutz, and receive differential
salaries according to their contribution to their kibbutz economy. In order to maintain their status
as cooperatives, the kibbutzim assured the Israel government that all productive assets would remain
in the ownership of the kibbutzim, but kibbutz members would be allowed to own shares of these
assets.
In addition, to attract new members the kibbutzim would use a more flexible definition of
membership to make it easier to join the kibbutz. Concurrently, kibbutzim would improve social
security programs, particularly pension plans, for the rapidly aging kibbutz population. All members
would also be entitled to education, health care, welfare and care for members with special needs.
In April, 2004, the Israeli Cabinet approved these kibbutz reforms.
It is believed that about two-thirds of the countrys 287 kibbutzim will embrace the
principles of the renewed kibbutz. Kibbutz Kfar Hanasi, near Tel Aviv, for example, plans to start
building an expansion neighborhood within its municipal jurisdiction, offering young families an
opportunity to enjoy the advantages of the kibbutz, strong schools, health care and a rural
environment, without assuming the burdens of kibbutz membership. The neighborhood of Kfar
Hanasi will consist of one-eighth-of-an-acre plots, with homes starting at 120 square yards.
Potential owners must be Israeli citizens and approved by something similar to a co-op board.
Kibbutz Yahel, located 65 kilometers north of Eilat, is attempting to attract new residents
by offering free plots of land of between 75 and 100 square meters. Those who accept the offer and
are approved will receive a government grant of about $9000. About 185 plots will be offered for
people to build luxury villas at a cost of $130,000 each. Before being approved, interested persons
will have to spend a weekend on the kibbutz to become familiar with it. Those who accept the offer
will be able to rent a house on the kibbutz for $400 a month until their own villa is ready. They will
not have to become kibbutz members. In addition, Kibbutz Yahel is in the early stages of setting
up a commercial center.
In the renewed kibbutz, enterprises have become profit centers and are created or continued
only if they are economically profitable. These enterprises are run by managers who are responsible
to a board of directors. These boards have replaced the kibbutz general assembly.
After many years of declining membership, 2003-2004 witnessed an increase in the number
of new kibbutz members, possibly due to the reforms that are in place. It is estimated that 12,000
people are waiting to join the renewed kibbutzim. The average age of kibbutz members, now 54,
is starting to decline as almost 2000 new members, the vast majority of whom are under the age of
30, joined kibbutzim in the last two years. The kibbutz movement presently includes 102,000
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Israelis, and accounts for ten percent of Israels manufacturing output and half of its agricultural
production. Clearly, the health of the movement is crucial to Israels economy, society and security.
KIBBUTZ TZUBA
In 1948, 50 former members of Palmach (at that time, the name of Israels Defense Force)
established Kibbutz Tzuba, at that time called Kibbutz Palmach-Tzova. The government of the new
State of Israel recognized the importance of safeguarding the access to Jerusalem and provided the
land and the funding for the creation of the kibbutz, which was strategically located near Highway
#1, the primary access route to the States capital.
Like all other kibbutzim, Kibbutz Tzuba started as a socialistic agricultural collective. And
like most of the other kibbutzim, it has had to adapt and embrace elements of capitalism to survive.
It has even created the position of director of marketing. The person holding this position is
responsible for the marketing of Kiftzuba, the Hotel Belmont, and the dining room, which are
discussed below.
The kibbutz has a living area of 75-100 acres; orchards and an industrial area are located on
approximately 250 acres; and there are 875,000 acres of agricultural fields. It presently has 266
members, about 30% of whom work outside of the kibbutz, and employs an additional 150 part-time
workers. Approximately 600 people live on the kibbutz. Members do not own their own homes
and they do not pay any rent. The average age of members is 50.3, with more than 50% of them
over the age of 45. The annual budget for members expenses is about $2.7million.
The general assembly has been retained and meets every two to three weeks to discuss the
major issues of kibbutz life. It also ratifies the annual budget and oversees the elections of key
kibbutz personnel. However, the Kibbutz Authority, consisting of a series of committees, governs
all aspects of kibbutz life. The two major committees are the Secretariat, which authorizes all the
other committees, and the Economic Board, which makes all the economic decisions that affect the
kibbutz.
Kibbutz Tzuba raises chickens that are sold to the producer-cooperative, Tnuva. This
venture is not profitable. Grapes grown in the kibbutz vineyards have been sold to a wine-
producing company in the nearby town of Abu Ghosh. The kibbutz has decided to establish its own
winery and olive oil factory and to market its own brand of wines and oil through a visitors center.
Nectarines, apples, kiwis, cherries and pears grown in the kibbutz orchards and cotton, corn and
organic vegetables grown in their agricultural fields are sold in the open market through a regional
packing center.
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In 1975, a furniture factory and store were founded on the kibbutz, providing work for about
ten members. The factory specialized in office and residential furniture made of pinewood. Because
the factory became unprofitable, it was closed in mid-2003. The factory space was taken over by
the kibbutz glass factory (see below) for the production of glass and aluminum products. The
furniture shop was rented to Kibbutz Ein Charod.
In 1979, the kibbutz built a glass factory, specializing in safety (that is, bulletproof) glass.
The glass is used for automobiles and for office buildings. Kibbutz Tzuba is the largest provider of
safety glass for the government of the State of Israel, which purchases this glass on a bidding basis.
This operation nets the kibbutz more than $4.5million annually.
A garage located on the kibbutz services members cars and is also the authorized service
center for Renault and Nissan automobiles. The garage employs five people, three of whom are
kibbutz members.
There is a workshop for several senior members whose handicrafts are sold from a store
located near the dining room. The store hours, however, are limited and irregular. The kibbutz has
a young childrens education program (nursery and kindergarten). Half of the attendees are
members children and half are children of non-members. There are three teachers for each ten
children. This venture only breaks even.
KIFTZUBA
Unlike many other kibbutzim which sought new opportunities in the industrial market,
Kibbutz Tzuba began to explore the consumer market and, in 1997, it built Kiftzuba, an outdoor
family entertainment center, targeted at children ages 1-14. The park offered children the
opportunity to bounce, slide and climb on huge inflatables, as well as picnic tables for families.
Recognizing the competitiveness of the entertainment market, the kibbutz decided it would
have to regularly upgrade the park and, in 1998, it constructed an air-conditioned indoor facility,
housing ten different activity areas, including an area for preschoolers, and areas for table games like
air hockey and soccer, LEGO construction toys, computers, developmental games and a mini-
market. The facility also has a restaurant with abundant seating accommodations.
A separate indoor skating rink was added in 2000, using synthetic ice. A state-of-the-art
sound system and lighting effects enhanced the skating experience for children and adults. This
facility also included a machine games arcade, including video and shooting games for prizes and
a food counter.
In 2001, an outdoor area was added for bumper cars, battery-operated motorcycles and
scooters and in 2002, a childrens petting zoo was relocated from the inner grounds of the kibbutz
to Kiftzuba. In 2004, because of exorbitant labor and insurance costs, the skating rink was closed
and replaced with a two-story foam ball cannon arena. In addition, a jungle locomotive was also
introduced.
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Kiftzuba is the only family entertainment center in Israel that is open 362 days a year. Its
hours of operation are Sunday-Thursday, on school days, from 1:00-7:00PM; Sunday-
Thursday+Saturday, on holidays and during the summer months, from 10:00AM to 7:00PM; and
on Friday and the eve of Jewish holidays, 10:00AM to 5:00PM.
Admission to Kiftzuba is 52 shekels (the monetary unit of Israel. At this writing, 4.3 shekels
= $1) for children ages 1-14 and 29 shekels per adult. During the last three hours of operation,
admission is 37 shekels per child and 15 shekels per adult. A ten-entrance discount card is available
for 275 shekels and can be used Sunday through Friday, excluding Jewish holidays and their
intermediate days. During the summer vacation season, admission using this discount card is only
from 4:00PM. Each visit with the discount card entitles two accompanying adults to free admission.
Kiftzuba has an administrative staff of nine kibbutz members and employs 30-35 paid
workers during the summer season and three or four paid workers during the off-season. The park
is heavily promoted, including advertisements in the media and in a major journal, the
Encyclopedia of Tourism. An internet site is maintained. Kiftzuba works with travel agents to
bring school groups to the park. Various events are scheduled including beginning and end of
summer parties and a major end of Passover party. Coupons and reduced price tickets are also
employed. T-shirts advertising Kiftzuba are available for purchase.
The operation of Kiftzuba is profitable, although figures are not available. However, the
current intifada, the terrorist attacks on Israeli civilians, has necessitated tightened security at the
park. Packages carried by people entering Kiftzuba are subjected to a search, resulting in an
increase in the time it takes one to pass through the entrance. The heightened security is also a
reminder of the potential danger of being in a place with a concentration of people. This, most
likely, has kept many families away from the park.
Kibbutz Tzuba boasts a natural Spring Park, consisting of an ancient spring, the underground
tunnel of Ein Zova and other archeological sites, such as a cave believed to be the place where John
the Baptist anointed his disciples. The underground spring is open on Saturdays in the winter from
10:00AM to 4:00PM and in the summer from 10:00AM to 5:00PM. Entrance to the spring is free
with the purchase of any ticket to Kiftzuba. The tunnel is open on weekdays for groups by
reservation. The other archeological sites are in open agricultural areas, allowing hikers to approach
them freely.
The signing of the Oslo Peace Accord in 1993 by Israel and the Palestinian Authority was
followed by a number of years of optimism. There was hope that peace in the Middle East would
result in economic prosperity and an increase in tourism. With this in mind, Kibbutz Tzuba decided,
in 1998, to build the Belmont Hotel, at a cost of close to $700,000, with the Israeli government
contributing 20% of the cost.
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The hotel has a spacious lobby with indoor and outdoor lounge areas, a coffee shop, 64
suites, a lecture hall seating up to 150 people and four conference rooms for seminars and meetings.
Each suite offers two separate air-conditioned rooms, a full bath, a refrigerator and facilities to make
coffee, color television, two telephones, internet connection on request, and a balcony with a
magnificent view of the surrounding hills and valley. In season, there is an outdoor full-sized heated
swimming pool for adults and a separate pool for younger children. A hairdresser and cosmetician
are on the premises and a variety of holistic treatments is available. The hotel rates are 500 shekels
per couple, bed and breakfast, and 115 shekels per child ages 2-12.
The hotel offers many attractions both in the immediate area and within a short drive away;
a hike to the Crusader castle Belmont; a guided tour of the natural spring and archeological digs;
burial caves from the First Temple period; Sataf, the reconstruction of an agricultural village built
around an ancient natural spring; tours of local wineries, natural springs and stalactite caves; cycling
paths; horseback riding; and the city of Jerusalem.
The Belmont Hotel is slightly profitable, contributing a little more than $200,000 of the
kibbutz members salaries. However, because of the intifada that was begun in 2000, the spate of
tourists to Israel hadnt materialized and the hotels occupancy rate was only 40%. In 2004, there
was a recovery and the occupancy rate is currently around 60%.
No advertising is done for the hotel. It is promoted through travel agents and an internet site
is maintained. A club membership was created to reward frequent guests.
Like the other kibbutzim, Kibbutz Tzubas kitchen prepared the meals for its members from
ingredients often grown or raised on the kibbutz, its bakery provided breads and other baked goods,
and members ate in the communal dining room for free. Later on, the kibbutz opened the Col-Bo,
an on-site supermarket, from which members could purchase food to prepare and eat in their
residences. These four units, the kitchen, the bakery, the dining room and the supermarket, were
run as not-for-profit enterprises, each with its own manager. In the 1980s, the kibbutz decided to
centralize these food services in order to reduce expenses and it created the Food Services Branch
(FSB), with one manager and a smaller multi-task workforce moving, as needed, between the
different units of the FSB.
The dining room, which became kosher in 1998, has a seating capacity of 250 and served
kibbutz members, their guests, and employees, exclusively, until Hotel Belmont opened in 2000.
At that time, the FSB was converted to a profit center from a service center, with the dining room
as the dominant revenue producer. The FSB employs over 30 workers (members and paid
employees), has a budget of approximately $180,000, and grosses about $1.4million annually.
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The largest group that the FSB serves is the kibbutz fixed population, consisting of its members,
their children and personal guests, non-member residents, and the employees working in the kibbutz
various enterprises. The FSB also serves the temporary non-resident kibbutz population, consisting
of guests at the Hotel Belmont, organized groups of tourists sightseeing in the area, and guests of
those working in the kibbutz enterprises.
The dining room offers three buffet-style meals daily and at any given time, the population
using the FSBs services can be between a few dozen to over 1,200 people, such as at the annual
kibbutz founding celebration.
Kibbutz members no longer get their meals for free since the communal food budget has
been privatized. Members continue to pass their salaries to a common pool and live on budgeted
allowances but they are expected to pay for their own meals. However, the cost of those meals to
members is subsidized by the kibbutz. For example, the cost for breakfast is normally about $7.00,
but members pay less than 90 cents; the cost for lunch is about $9.30, but members pay about $1.33.
The only promotion of the dining room is with travel agents who can arrange meals for their
clients who might be staying at the Belmont Hotel or who are sightseeing in the area.
Even though members meals are subsidized, they see themselves as cash-paying customers,
just like the Belmonts guests. As such, many are beginning to expect better quality food than what
they are now offered. In the future, meal subsidies are likely to be abolished as the kibbutz further
expands the privatization process and business efficiency improvement programs are implemented.
If food quality is not improved, members may abandon the FSB in favor of other meal sources.
In addition, informal surveys of FSB guests eating in the dining room show that, although
there are few complaints about either the quantity or quality of the food, many guests do not care
for the buffet-style meals. They would much rather have waiter service with a fancier ambience than
that offered by the spartan dining room. Of course, they want the prices of meals to remain the
same.
CONCLUSION
Historically, the kibbutz movement has been an integral part of Israeli society. But
kibbutzim have had to evolve to survive in contemporary Israel. It remains to be seen if the
decisions made by the kibbutz movement, in general, and by Kibbutz Tzuba, in particular, will
contribute to their continued viability.
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DISCUSSION QUESTIONS
5. Should kibbutzim encourage membership? What are the consequences of doing this? How can it be done?
8. Should Kibbutz Tzuba sell off its housing to its members? How might the proceeds from such a sale be used?
Journal of the International Academy for Case Studies, Volume 13, Number 1, 2007