CONTROL, NEGOTIATION AND FORM OF

MIGRANTS URBAN HOME

SHEIKH SERAJUL HAKIM

[B. Arch (BUET, Dhaka)]
[MSc (IHS, Rotterdam)]

A THESIS SUBMITTED

FOR THE DEGREE OF

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
DEPARTMENT OF ARCHITECTURE
NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE

2013
 DECLARATION

I hereby declare that the thesis is my original work and it has been written by

me in its entirety. I have duly acknowledged all the sources of information

which have been used in the thesis.

This thesis has also not been submitted for any degree in any university

previously.

Sheikh Serajul Hakim

12 August 2013

ii
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

First and foremost, I would like to convey my utmost gratitude to National University

of Singapore (NUS) whose Graduate Scholarship Program allowed me to begin this

journey back in 2009. My study would not have been possible had the Deans office

of the School of Design and Environment (SDE) chosen me. My gratitude goes to

Department of Architecture (DoA) and its administrative stuff, each of whose support

has been essential during the challenging years of my PhD candidature. I am also

indebted to my employer in Bangladesh, i.e. Khulna University, for granting me the

study leave in the first place and hence allowing me to elevate my skills, expertise

and knowledge. I wish to thank all the associated stuff of Khulna University, whose

support has been crucial for a smooth completion of this quite demanding pursuit

abroad.

In terms of academic support, I can only convey my sincerest of gratitude to my

supervisor, Dr Joseph Lim Ee Man. He has certainly been the father figure to me

way beyond I have ever expected of a supervisor. Starting from my early

communication with him while I was writing my MSc dissertation in Rotterdam in

2008, Dr Joseph has been the most eager, supportive, compassionate, often critical

but always insightful. Whatever level of achievement I would possibly accomplish

through this research, I would owe primarily to his constant engagement with my

work process, to his commitments to patiently listening to everything I had to say,

and to his relentless encouragement to dig deeper into the socio-spatial issues of

migrant habitats in Khulna. He saw potentials in my initial proposal, he believed in

me and in my abilities, and he indeed knew how to extract the gem out of this

apparently ordinary. It is through him, I have learnt how to do a research as

demanding as mine has been. There were times, when I was initially upset by some of

iii
his decisions. But at the end of the day, all of Dr Josephs decisions brought along

outcomes which only added value to my research and helped me become a better

academic.

I am also indebted to another few academic personnel at NUS. In that, Dr Johannes

Widodo must be mentioned first. He deserves a mention not only because of his role

as my co-supervisor or because he has been the most contributing member of my

Thesis Committee (TC). I, in fact, have not found many at NUS, who has been as

inspirational as Dr Widodo has been. He has inspired me to pursue this apparently

tricky domain of informal settlements while I was doing the Independent Study

Modules under him in 2009 and 2010. He has been equally encouraging during the

one-year absence of Dr Joseph in his guidance of my work along the appropriate

track. He helped my work to focus on where it should have focused and hence retain

its disciplinary affiliation. In addition, Dr Wong Yunn Chiis most valuable critiques

during my Qualifying Examinations helped shape the theoretical grounding of my

thesis and orient it to the right direction initially. Wong Chong Thai Bobbys

comments and his patience presence during my numerous presentations before the

Thesis Committee also helped a lot. The theoretical module on domesticity under

Dr Lilian Chee certainly helped me change the way I used to look at architecture

before. Her discourse-like methodology had left great influence on me in terms of

viewing architectural space rather as a product of socio-politics. And finally, Dr Lai

Chee Kien and the many serendipitous encounters with him at different niches of

NUS at the most crucial of moments during my candidature certainly gave me timely

confidence and imparted the essential sense of control over whatever I was trying to

present or write.

I would like to particularly mention the contributions from my fieldwork teams. I

begin so by thankfully acknowledging the two groups of undergraduate students from

iv
the Disciplines of Architecture and Urban and Rural Planning from Khulna

University, who helped me, collect spatial/architectural data and socio-economic data

respectively from the selected migrant settlements. In addition, my cousins, Planner

Raiyan Al Mansur and to-be-architect Sheikh Ataour Rahman have been

instrumental in their efforts of accompanying me and helping me particularly during

my fieldworks every possible way they could. These two were always there whenever

I was in need of them. My colleagues Hafizur Rahaman and Rashed Bhuiyan from

NUS, and Apurba Podder from Cambridge, who are also akin to my brothers, have

been inspirational above anything. There have also been a number of key informants,

mostly residents from different migrant settlements in Khulna, who have been

essential for easing up my field work tasks. Particularly Zinnat Ara from Rupsha

Char, Shamsunnahar from Matiakhali and Kader Sardar from Runner Math have

been the most cooperative in the ways they have helped me access these informal

settlements and find the appropriate personnel and households for my research. I must

also thank the UPPRP office in Khulna, Bangladesh and particularly Toslima Khatun

(SIA) for letting me access their information, guiding me to and through the

appropriate places and introducing me to the right people all of which proved most

useful eventually.

Words are not enough to describe my familys contribution not only to my PhD but

also toward my academic career so far. The family members inspiration and

encouragement to pursue the academic path have remained the key driving force for

me. This translated into their selfless support and understanding of my particular way

of life over the years. My parents always wanted me to attain the highest academic

ranks, and they did everything possible to make it into a reality. They have continued

to look after my wife and our two children, particularly during the stretch of months

when I had to be away from home. It is also during these times, my brother Sheikh

Munirul Hakim, although he lives in Dhaka himself, continued to extend his mental

v
and financial support to my wife and children every occasion I needed him to.

Although younger than me, he had become my guardian angel during these long

demanding years. Another of my cousins, Shaikh Motiur Rahman, who although a

busy government office himself, kept taking care of many of my interests back home

while I was away. My family members tried their best to fill in the vacuum I left for

my wife and kids.

Finally, I must thank the one person, who has been the constant source of confidence

in my life. Shaila, my wife, has remained the sole inspiration throughout my entire

married (hence professional) life. Whether in Singapore or in Bangladesh, or whether

present physically or virtually, she has been always there for me even if it has

generally been the contrary from my end. She kept the house, single-parented my kids

while I was absent, took care of their schooling and medical needs, and still found

some time everyday to keep me assured that everything was all right. One does not

thank his/her loved ones in Bangladeshi culture; I would not do that either. Instead, it

is through this writing, I would rather convey my unrelenting appreciations and

deepest of gratefulness toward her for whatever she has done for me to help me

become what I have become till date.

Finally, it is the so-called slum-dwellers, or once-migrants as I have continued to

call them in my research, whom I am grateful to above all else. I am still uncertain of

the level of contribution my research is going to make. But whatever that has been

achieved through this research, it must remain profoundly indebted to these so called

poor who gave me their precious time, sacrificed their privacy by letting me in and

hence allowed me to explore the socio-political richness of their built environment.

The amount of cordiality and help I have come to receive from each of these migrant

families, and their intent for participating in my interviews made my task easier than I

could ever expect. I cannot but feel privileged for getting this opportunity to work and

vi
get related with a number of these people who represent the bulk of Khulnas urban

population. This, I believe, has remained one of the most significant achievements in

my life.

All praise for Allah almighty for everything I was bestowed upon till today.

vii
TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page
Declaration ii
Acknowledgements iii
Table of contents viii
Summary xiii
List of Tables xv
List of Figures xvi
Glossary of Terms xx

Chapter 1: Introduction
1.1 Introduction 1

1.2 Background 3

1.3 Problem statement 5

1.4 Operationalized terminologies 7

1.5 The broad question and objectives 9

1.6 Scopes and limitations 9

1.7 Significance of research 11

1.8 Contributions from research 12

1.9 Research framework 12

1.10 Structure of dissertation 14

Chapter 2: Literature review and conceptual framework

2.1 Introduction 15

2.2 Preliminary literature review framework 15

2.2.1 Bangladesh and Khulna 17

2.2.2 Population displacement and urbanization 21

2.2.3 Slums and informal settlements 24

viii
 2.2.3.1 Informality 29

2.2.3.2 Subaltern studies 33

2.2.3.3 Assemblage 37

2.2.3.4 Settlement process 39

2.2.4 Migrancy and built environment 46

2.3 Summary: threads and gaps in knowledge 52

2.4 Conceptual framework: justification 54

2.5 The social construction of home: a review of literature 57

2.6 Privacy, control and territoriality 68

2.7 Control and the social construction of home: the framework 76

Chapter 3: Methodology
3.1 Introduction 78

3.2 Research questions 78

3.3 Research location 82

3.4 Settlement selection and settlement types 84

3.5 Research considerations 87

3.5.1 Context of research method 87

3.5.2 Strategy: combination of synchronic and diachronic 88

3.5.3 Types and levels of settlements 88

3.5.4 Assessing spatio-physical to understand socio-political 90

3.5.5 A perspective from below 90

3.6 Research population and sampling design 91

3.6.1 Permanent migrant as subject 91

3.6.2 Units of analysis and sampling quantum 92

3.7 Data collection: strategy and tools 93

3.7.1 Literature review 94

3.7.2 Life history and everyday life 94

ix
 3.7.3 Mapping and architectural drawings 95

3.7.4 Community-level group discussion 96

3.7.5 Key informant interview 97

3.8 Data analysis and interpretation 97

3.8.1 Settlement morphology (history) 98

3.8.2 Behavioural regularities in everyday life 99

3.8.3 Social world analysis 100

3.9 Study framework 101

Chapter 4: Urban form in Khulna

4.1 Introduction 103

4.2 Modern doctrines of transformation 104

4.2.1 Bengal under East India Company (1757-1947) 104

4.2.2 Bengal under British Raj (1858-1947) 109

4.2.3 Bengal as East Pakistan (1947-1970) 110

4.2.4 Post-liberation Bangladesh (1972-mid 1980s) 116

4.2.5 Post-SAP Bangladesh (1990-present) 120

4.3 Summary 125

Chapter 5: Settlement history and spatial practices

5.1 Introduction 127

5.2 History of settlement 128

5.2.1 History of tenure 128

- Freehold 128

- Registered leasehold 131

- Public rental 134

- De facto secure tenure 136

- Official recognition 145

- Land rental 154

x
 - Use rights 156

5.2.2 Threads of themes: settlement tenure, control & spatial boundaries 162

5.2.3 Problem with categorization 163

5.3 Spatial practices and control of boundaries 167

5.3.1 Everyday spatial occupation and personalization 167

5.3.1.1 Personal space and primary territory 167

5.3.1.2 Territorial practice and public territories 169

5.3.1.3 Boundaries between settlement and outside world 173

5.3.2 Need for territorialization 177

5.3.2.1 Contextual aspirations 178

5.3.2.2 Facilitate incremental growth 181

5.3.2.3 Income generation 183

5.3.2.4 Social gains (renting) 188

5.3.3 Dynamics of territorial boundary 192

5.4 Decision-making 195

5.4.1 Actors 195

5.4.2 Rules 197

5.4.3 Territorial hierarchy 202

5.4.4 Decision-making structure 204

5.5 Summary: threads of themes 208

Chapter 6: Scarcity, control and negotiations

6.1 Introduction 211

6.2 Three workings of scarcity 212

6.2.1 Scarcity as a constructed condition 213

6.2.2 Scarcity as a political tool for validation 216

6.2.2.1 The politics of in-between-ness 217

6.2.2.2 The politics of control 222

xi
 6.2.2.3 The politics of infrastructure 225

6.2.3 Scarcity or alternative materiality: density question revisited 227

6.2.3.1 Benefit from crowding 230

6.2.3.2 Obscured boundaries 232

6.2.3.3 Spatial compromises 233

6.2.3.4 Becoming brick-by-brick 237

6.2.3.5 Redundancy and micro-adaptability 238

6.2.3.6 Less is more 240

6.2.4 Scarcity under modernity: the urbanism of negotiations 242

6.3 Home and scarcity 246

6.3.1 Everyday negotiation 246

6.3.2 Compromised boundary 248

6.3.3 Re-construction of Samaj 250

6.3.4 The Home-Scarcity framework 253

6.4 Conclusion 254

6.5 Scopes for further work 256

Bibliography 259
Appendix 275

xii
 SUMMARY

This research aims to understand rural-to-urban migrants home-making processes in

a mid-sized third world city. The subjects are the successful city-living migrants,

who, once homeless in their rural place of origin, could actually accomplish some

form of ownership of land or dwelling after migrating to the city. The underlying

processes of acquiring and maintaining ownership become particularly interesting

under post-WWII modernist conditions in the third world industrializing cities, as

both public and private formal sectors grossly failed to deliver housing for these sheer

volume of migrant populations. Here, the primary question remains, What socio-

spatial mechanisms explain once homeless rural migrants re-making of home in the

city?

Depending on literature review, while drawing empirical evidences from Khulna,

Bangladesh, this research explores both social and spatio-physical processes

underlying ordinary migrants home-making efforts. It hence begins with a

deductive stance and proposes a conceptual framework. Using this, it seeks to

explain the socio-spatial control mechanisms the essential constituent of home,

underlying migrants dwelling environments. A two-part study is designed, in which

a review of available secondary information on Khulnas urban spatial transformation

is carried out first. This shows that ordinary migrants home-making (hence urban

form) has historically been subject to the influence of often detrimental top-down

policies. What began with British colonization of Bengal in 1757, it shows that land

(and related economic) policies for a predominantly agrarian society have till now

continued to negatively affect the home-making of rural peasant and the city-living

peasant-turned-migrant. Land scarcity has often been deliberately constructed and

maintained by the elitist regimes (e.g. governments, affluent class) for fulfilling their

own politico-economic objectives and hence controlling the masses. In that, binary

xiii
concepts (e.g. formal-informal, legal-illegal) have become frequently used categories

to define rural-migrants socio-spatial status and practices.

The second part of the study an in-depth architectural-biographic account of 34

households and neighbourhood tissues across 10 migrant-settlements show otherwise.

Using the same conceptual framework, it shows that permanent migrants living in

Khulnas informal and illegal slums and squatters have devised for themselves

alternative socio-spatial practices that compensate for their scarceness of space and

resources. Space-making by various negotiation of socio-spatial boundaries have over

the years become customary, where these practices have all been based on openness,

flexibility, adjustments and manipulations of the available; in no way these conform

to the standard or formal, yet help them cope with urban contingencies.

Using a more inductive stance, findings from these two parts are synthesized, while

Scarcity a second theoretical thread becomes apparent. The concept of Scarcity

hence seeks to explain how under modern conditions the various formally-defined

conditions (e.g. illegality or informality) have been dealt with by the migrants

everyday socio-spatial acts of negotiation. It is here that all involved parties continue

to play with socio-spatial control mechanisms as a number of socio-spatial

compromises and adaptations are made in the processes. This is how, this research

suggests, the more successful amongst the migrants could actually make home in

the city and ensure a sustained stay. The scarcity-control-negotiation framework, it

suggests, provides an alternative way of viewing this particular sort of urbanism,

only to be further tested and refined against other similar contexts.

Keywords: Rural-to-urban migrant, home, control, negotiation, scarcity, urban form

xiv
 LIST OF TABLES

Chapter 1
Table 1.1 Research contribution 12
Table 1.2 Chapter objectives and chapter arrangement in the 14
dissertation

Chapter 2
Table 2.1 Literature review framework 17
Table 2.2 A typology of slums 39
Table 2.3 A classification of land tenure types 43
Table 2.4 A classification of informal tenure types 44
Table 2.5 Indicators for architectural patterns of displacement 48
Table 2.6 Indicators for architecture-migrancy pairing 51
Table 2.7 Threads and gaps in knowledge 52

Chapter 3
Table 3.1 Study framework for proposed research 102

Chapter 4
Table 4.1 Moments of scarcity and urban form (1972-1990) 117
Table 4.2 Moments of scarcity for urban poor and urban form: post- 122
SAP Bangladesh

Chapter 5
Table 5.1 Threads of themes: settlement tenure, control and spatial 162
boundaries
Table 5.2 Settlements and influential actors involved 196
Table 5.3 Threads and themes from primary data analysis 208

xv
 LIST OF FIGURES

Chapter 1
Figure 1.1 Actual population in Chandigarh 1998; informal settlements 6
in 2000
Figure 1.2 Disciplinary affiliation of research 10
Figure 1.3 Research framework 13

Chapter 2
Figure 2.1 A typology of informal settlement locations 41
Figure 2.2 Relation between Privacy, Control and Territory 55
Figure 2.3 The Social Phenomenology framework 62
Figure 2.4 Conceptual model 77

Chapter 3
Figure 3.1 Problem statement in graphics 80
Figure 3.2 Khulna in relation to Bangladesh and India; administrative 82
boundaries of Khulna
Figure 3.3 Present Khulna characterized by mosaic-like distribution of 83
poor migrant settlements within formal developments
Figure 3.4 KCC jurisdiction map 85
Figure 3.5 Growth of migrant settlements 86
Figure 3.6 Correlation between social and spatial in the analysis of 98
collected data
Figure 3.7 Interrelation between various dimensions of temporality 100
Figure 3.8 A typology of informal relationships 101

Chapter 4
Figure 4.1 Khulna urban-form: pre-colonial and under EIC 107
Figure 4.2 BIWTA rest-house built on the remains of Mr. Charlies 108
residence and office; Colonia-influenced house owned by
Mr. Shailen Ghosh
Figure 4.3 Khulna Master Plan 1961; Khulna under British Raj 113
Figure 4.4 Khulna urban-form: post-1971; post-1990 to present 121

Chapter 5
Figure 5.1 Location of Motiakhali area; built-form distribution in space 129
Figure 5.2 Mr. Ziaruls house plan in Motiakhali; photograph showing 131

xvi
 Mr. Ziaruls house and rented Katcha units
Figure 5.3 Location of Runner Math; built-form distribution in space 132
Figure 5.4 Location of Railway Guards Colony ; built-form 134
distribution in space
Figure 5.5 Typical row-house unit transformation in Railway Guards 135
Colony; single storey row-house like arrangement of
Railway employees housing; fencing used to mark property
line as in private estates; informal house on Railways land
inhibited by outsiders
Figure 5.6 Location of Rupsha Char Bastee; built-form distribution in 137
space
Figure 5.7 Settlement transformation phases in Rupsha Char Bastee 138
Figure 5.8 Actual location of Rupsha Char Bastee, with the riverside 139
Ghats, shrimp industries and other enterprises along the
riverside on its right; (left) same area as projected on KDAs
Master Plan 2002
Figure 5.9 Location of Panch No. Ghat settlement; built-form 141
distribution in space (location of Harijan-para is seen on the
north of settlement 3); satellite image
Figure 5.10 Location of Sath No. Camp; built-form distribution in space 144
Figure 5.11 Two Bangali-owned houses within Bihari refugee camp 145
Figure 5.12 Location of Bakkar Bastee; built-form distribution in space 147
Figure 5.13 Bakkar Bastee: (1) location of TDP office; (2) houses on 149
encroached lakeside land under control of Mr. Bakkar and
his associates; (3) newer lakeside encroachments by other
people; (middle) building under construction within the TDP
office compound; (right) lakeside view of TDP office, and
lakeside encroachments
Figure 5.14 Location of Peoples Panch Tala; built-form distribution in 151
space
Figure 5.15 Panoramic view of Peoples Panch Tala showing buildings 153
and spaces
Figure 5.16 Location of Quaium Shaheb er Gola; built-form distribution 155
in space
Figure 5.17 Panoramic view of Quaium Shaheb er Gola showing 156
buildings and spaces

xvii
Figure 5.18 Location of Vastuhara; built-form distribution in space 157
Figure 5.19 Three plans showing three different realities of Vastuhara; 159
remains of one of the first Katcha house prototype; photos of
Mr. Dipu and the pond on area 3, which he is lease-holding
Figure 5.20 Land allotment slip given to Vastuhara residents in 1977; a 165
meeting proceeding from 15 April 2011; Vastuhara
institutional buildings
Figure 5.21 Personal space and primary territory 168
Figure 5.22a Territorial analysis 1 170
Figure 5.22b Territorial analysis 2 and 3 171
Figure 5.23 Christian groups claimed area within settlement; Christian 172
migrants building on the grey-water pond
Figure 5.24 Village forming around Vastuharas south and west 174
periphery; vacant land on Runner Math; and, high boundary
wall with barbed wire on the western boundary of settlement
2
Figure 5.25 Boundary condition of the studied settlements 175
Figure 5.26 Non-dwelling and non-commercial functions within 176
settlements; locations of religious buildings
Figure 5.27 Houses where both landlord and tenants live alongside 180
Figure 5.28 Village-like spatio-physical organization of households 180
Figure 5.29 Datum-like structures; phases of physical transformation of 182
dwelling units; adjacent plots purchased and built on
Figure 5.30 Households with various income generating activities 185
Figure 5.31 Institutional buildings and income generation spaces 187
Figure 5.32 Negotiated territorial boundary 192
Figure 5.33 Norms of building practices 198
Figure 5.34 Rules and norms of construction 200
Figure 5.35 Add-ons as building norms 201
Figure 5.36 Customary spatial/building practices 202
Figure 5.37 Landlords territory, tenants territory and negotiated 203
territory
Figure 5.38 Community leaders household spaces compared 205
Figure 5.39 Decision-making structures of migrant settlements 206

xviii
Chapter 6
Figure 6.1 Typical Land Allotment Slip for Vastuhara; brick-built 219
house with wooden floor and CI sheet roof
Figure 6.2 Compromised control mechanisms 224
Figure 6.3 Infrastructure politics 226
Figure 6.4 Settlement 10 building 1 undergoing renovation works 232
overseen by building representatives from Mayors party and
of his same regional origin; ex-office building is claimed by
the same supporters, to be used as clubhouse
Figure 6.5 Shared functional space leading to social exchange between 233
landlord and her tenants in settlement 5; territorial
encroachment of public street during dry seasons; spiritual
corner in bed room space in settlement 3
Figure 6.6 NGO signboard describing the nature of their involvement in 235
settlement 5; house interior transformed to workspace for
producing export-oriented commodities
Figure 6.7 Two adjacent formal plots of land stitched together to form 239
a single plot in settlement 6; house accommodates
community school in settlement 6; transformation of
dwelling unit according to changing situations
Figure 6.8 Less is more examples of spatial management instead of 241
newer constructions
Figure 6.9 The home-scarcity framework 253

xix
 GLOSSARY OF TERMS

A
ADB Asian Development Bank
B
BAL Bangladesh Awami League one of the two main
political parties in Bangladesh. It is credited for its key
role in liberating Bangladesh from Pakistan during
Bangladeshs War of Independence in 1971
Bangali People who are ethnically from the region of Bengal
(within Indian Subcontinent) and whose primary
language is Bangla
Bapari/Mahajan Traditional trader/merchant class who became wealthy
after being appointed by the British East India Company
during colonial times for supplying raw materials and
marketing mainland European products
Bari Although often denotes to the physical house, it indicates
to a sense of rootedness and closely resembles the
western notion of home
Bariwala Literally meaning the house-owner
Barrios In all Spanish-speaking Latin American nations, these
are dense settlements and dilapidated building structures
built on steep mountainsides, having socio-physical
conditions akin to slums
Basha Literally meaning nest, referring to the transience and
temporary-ness associated with urban lives
Bastee Derived from the root bashati, meaning a place for
human living; however, in Bangla it is curiously used to
designate similar places such as slums
Bastee-bashi People who live in a Bastee
Bengal Refers to the Mid- and South-Eastern deltaic locations of
the undivided Indian subcontinent formed at and
around the estuarine confluence of the great Ganges-
Brahmaputra river system. This area, following the
partition between India and Pakistan in 1947 was again

xx
 divided into two separate provinces for these two nations
assuming the names West-Bengal and East- Pakistan
respectively. Following a bloody war, East-Pakistan got
liberated from Pakistan in 1971, which now is known as
Bangladesh
Bhadralok The westernized Indians who since the 1820s started
acquiring their education based on English language and
emulate English culture, and had served the colonial
machine accordingly
Bigha A local unit for land area measurement;
1 Bigha = 1340m2, or 14,400sft
Bihari A particular refugee groups originating from the Indian
state of Bihar
BIWTA Bangladesh Inland Water Transport Authority
BNP Bangladesh Nationalist Party, one of the two main
political parties in Bangladesh formed by President Zia
(an ex-Army General and one of the key sector
commanders during Bangladeshs War of Independence
in 1971). Zias tenure saw Bangladeshs first Martial
Law (army-backed government), but also an
unprecedented development drive not seen in post-
independence Bangladesh before
BRAC One of the largest NGOs in Bangladesh and in the world
C
Camp and Colony Derived primarily from English, these are two local
expressions referring mainly to refugee settlements and
low income government-funded housing areas
respectively
CDC Community Development Committee community sub-
groups formed by a small groups of inhabitants from
informal settlements; mainly composed of female
members, CDC structure is designed by the UNDP-led
UPPRP project
Char Low-lying lands that are formed on the river edge due to
siltation

xxi
 CI sheet Corrugated Iron sheet the most popular roof and wall
material now a day for low income population groups
CSS Christian Service Society
CUS Center for Urban Studies
D
Dalil Formal title deed
Desh A word meaning both country and countryside,
signifying a sense of belonging through a bond with the
land (either a nation or a particular region or locality)
Deshi Of or from desh
Deshi manush Kinship networks, e.g. family members, friends or even
known persons from same regional origin
E
EIC East India Company
F
Favelas In Brazil, these are similar low income settlements as the
Barrios
FGD Focused group discussion
Freedom Fighter (Muktijoddha in Bangla) refers to those civilian
personnel who fought against the Pakistan Army during
Bangladeshs War of Liberation in 1971. The term
Freedom Fighter, which has an emotional connotation,
however is also used in Bangladesh to gain financial and
political (read unfair) advantages
G
GATT General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade
Gecekondu Literally means it happened at night in Turkish low
income settlements that consist of both slum-like and
consolidated forms of housing environment
Ghar The physical house/dwelling unit in Bangla
Ghat Loading-unloading quay
GIS Geographic information system
Godown Government-owned silo for storing food grains
Gola A privately owned depot (e.g. for firewood)
Goli Narrow public alleyways

xxii
H
Haat A temporary marketplace that usually takes place on two
particular days in a week (as in open-markets in Europe)
Harijan A lower caste Hindu population group usually engaged
in works such as cleaners or sweepers
HBE Home-based enterprise
Hukou A Chinese internal VISA system

I
Imam Bara Shia Muslims religious shrine containing a symbolic
grave of their religious leader
IMF International Monetary Fund
IOM International Organization for Migration
ISI Import Substitution Industrialization a post-WWII
economic policy targeting especially the developing
nations, advocating for the replacement of major
consumer imports by promoting their domestic industries
(textiles, household appliances etc.) aided by protective
tariffs and quotas to help new/infant industries
J
Jotedar Rich raiyats who held large chunks of rural land through
long-term lease from the city-living absentee Zamindar
Jute Mills Suffix used for any jute industry in Bangladesh
K
Kampong Village-like settlements in South-East Asia; also refers to
informal living places such as slums
Katcha Non-permanent houses
KCC Khulna City Corporation the public agency headed by
elected Mayor and represented by 31 Ward Councillors
in the city of Khulna, Bangladesh; it is responsible for
collecting local holding taxes and provisioning all urban
services (e.g. roads, drainage, sewerages etc.) but not
utilities (e.g. electricity)
KDA Khulna Development Authority responsible for
Khulnas spatial planning and physical development.
KDA operates under the direction of central government,

xxiii
 and is headed by appointed bureaucrats or army officials.
KDA has a higher statutory power to control larger areas
than KCC and thus greater scope to plan and implement
projects that directly influence the physical growth of
Khulna
Khas land Central government-owned public land, intended to be
leased for both agricultural and non-agricultural
purposes. The most eligible for Khas land are the
landless poor, and other significant contributors
(persons/groups/institutes) to society and/or economy
L
LGED Local Government Engineering Department
LPUPAP Local Partnerships for Urban Poverty Alleviation Project
M
Maath Playground or any public open field
Madrasah Muslim religious school
Mandir Hindu temple
Manush Person or people
Marwari Rich immigrant businessmen from Rajasthan
Mastan Mafia boss or violent person
Mathbar Rural community leader
MNC Multinational Company
Mughal The most influential Muslim rulers of the Indian
Subcontinent
Muktijoddha See Freedom Fighter earlier
Murubbi Community/family elder
Muslin A high-quality cotton-based fabric produced by East-
Bengal weavers that were worn even by the European
royalty
N
Nagor Town or township
Neta Leader (political)
NHA National Housing Authority
O
OECD Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development

xxiv
P
Panchayet Traditional community-borne body of social elites
responsible for community-level decision-making and
dispute resolutions an imported concept from North
India
Para (As in Harijan-para), a suffix denoting a particular space
and place (usually in villages) where a particular group
of professional people (e.g. weavers, fishermen) reside
PRSP Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper
Pucca Any construction that makes use of permanent materials

R
Raiyat Cultivator peasants in undivided India, who were mostly
Muslims
REHAB Real Estate and Housing Association of Bangladesh
RMG Readymade garment (industries)
S
Samaj The social setting of which ones Bari is part of;
literally meaning society, in the Bangladeshi context
Samaj implies more a community an immediate
social milieu constituted primarily by neighbours,
relatives, friends and deshi manush within a larger socio-
spatial setting
SAP Structural Adjustment Program restructuring economy
and reducing government intervention as part of a
Neoliberal market expansion policy. SAP policies
include currency devaluation, managed balance of
payments, reduction of government services through
public spending cuts/budget deficit cuts, reducing tax on
high earners, reducing inflation, wage suppression,
privatization, lower tariffs on imports and tighter
monetary policy, increased free trade, cuts in social
spending, and business deregulation. Third world
governments were also encouraged (read forced) to
reduce their role in public spending by privatizing state-
owned industries including the health sector, and

xxv
 opening up their economies to foreign competition
Sardar Labour leader
SPGRC Stranded Pakistanis General Repatriation Committee
T
TDP Town defence party
Thana Smallest administrative jurisdiction in Bangladesh
U
UN United Nations
Unnayan Development
UNDP United Nations Development Program
Upazila Alternative name for the smallest administrative
jurisdiction in Bangladesh
UPPRP Urban Partnerships for Poverty Reduction Project
V
Vaidya A traditional river-faring snake charmer nomad group
Veri Bandh Embankment or dyke
Vita Literally plinth; but allegorically it refer to the root or
anchorage where one originates from; is the piece of
land, often ancestral, on which Ghar is grounded
W
Ward Councillor Selected public representatives from each of KCCs 31
administrative wards
Waaz Open-air Islamic program
WB World Bank
WTO World Trade Organization
WWII World War 2
Y
Yatimkhana A residential facility (generally for orphan boys) that
occurs simultaneously with an educational institute
Z
Zamin Land
Zamindar & To raise revenue base for EIC, a new breed of land
Zamindari revenue collectors selected from elite Hindu families;
Zamindari refers to the land constituency under a
Zamindars control

xxvi
 Chapter 1: Introduction

1.1 Introduction

Humans are perhaps one of those species which is capable of making itself at home

by negotiating with almost any condition of extremity, dearth and nothingness. This

has always fascinated me. Raised in a typically third world urban society, and having

a background of working in and studying on the urban slums (Bastee as they are

called locally), I have had numerous encounters of varying degrees with these

spatialities and the inhabitants who live there (Bastee-bashi in Bangla). As numerous

socio-anthropological accounts of urban slums across continents and times suggest

(e.g. Gans 1962; Perlman 1976; Neuwirth 2005; Nijman 2010), these places of the

poor, or more specifically those of the migrant poor, are often places of hope, of

production, of refuge and retreat, and above all, places of residence amid many

extremities. I have always wondered about the socio-spatial processes through which

these migrant poor, once homeless and resource-less in their rural places of origin,

still manage to re-make home in the city. Coming from an architectural background, I

have remained interested in finding out how do various shortages and lacks coupled

with volatile tenure status go on to produce useful forms, spaces and eventually

communities. This personal urge has been further strengthened by a few numbers as

they follow.

Globally, urban population increased around 800% to 1200% during years 1950-

2007, compared with a rural growth of 100% to 300% during the same period. In less

developed nations, compared with a mere 18% in 1950, currently 44% of their entire

population is urban. It has been rural to urban migration above all that has contributed

to such phenomenal growth (UN 2008: 7). It is widely believed that mass rural-urban

migration during these post-WWII decades was instigated mainly by the top-down

western policies, which promoted the ideas of modernization and industrialization for

1
the developing nations (Leys 2005). Slums and urban informal settlements have

since continued to proliferate in the cities of these nations, and have remained the

most occurring form of accommodation/housing option for these urban poor

constituted primarily by these migrant populations (Neuwirth 2005; Dovey 2012).

This trend, however, remains ever-mounting; UN-HABITAT (2007) suggests that by

2030, slum-dwelling population in the world would double and reach 2 billion. Yet,

in the gross failure of third world governments in housing provisioning, and in the

dominance of an elite-oriented housing market there, these so called slums have

somehow continued to become more permanent in a brick-by-brick manner

(Peattie 1999: 137). This is also what my PhD is about. Simply speaking, the aim

here is to understand the home-making processes by these successful permanent

migrants living in the selected third world citys many slums, squatters and informal

locations. By using the term successful, I refer particularly to those migrants who

despite their dubious tenure status1 and without any formal sector support have still

managed some sense of ownership and possession of a piece of land, or of a dwelling

unit or both. For having a focus on ownership process, this research therefore

explores migrants spatial control mechanisms at the different levels of his/her

dwelling environments. It hence maintains reference with the underlying socio-

political processes that helped migrants acquire and maintain land- and/or house-

ownership in their efforts to becoming permanent in the city. These mechanisms and

processes are further assessed in relation with scarcity a constructed condition

under modernity, which this research argues, has been used by both poor migrants

and elitist actors to fulfil their own politico-economic-spatial objectives.

1. As illustrated in the literature review (Chapter 2), most of the slums and squatter
settlements in which these migrants reside have either illegal or unresolved tenure status.

2
1.2 Background

This research is premised on these observations and also on a contextual analysis of

the conditions arising in Khulna (Hakim 2009) - a mid-sized city2 in Bangladesh. The

area this research is interested in is the permanent rural-urban migrants home-

making in Khulna, centred on a number of low income settlement types produced

during the post-WWII decades when Khulnas urban form experienced significant

spatio-physical transformation. These decades are also of particular interest since it is

during this period of time when the governments role in delivering important

constituents of home-making (e.g. land and/or dwelling) had been systematically

reduced by market(profit)-oriented policy thinking. Hype for modernization and

industrialization enticed the national think-tank during this period, while alternative

forms of socio-political (and formal) agencies3 emerged by replacing many

traditional ones. To further clarify the broad assumption that ordinary people produce

their own physical environment in their own informal ways by using their own

means, this study seeks to look at the production and control of migrants spatio-

physical environments in relation with the socio-political contribution from all social

actors/agents4 including members of their own communities. This socio-spatial

mechanism, that often takes advantage of the in-between-ness of the informal-formal

or illegal-legal dilemma and hence explains the aforesaid conclusive model, has not

been properly understood in the study of ordinary built environments (discussed

2. Cohen (2004: 25) argues that most urban growth over the next 25 years will not take
place in mega-cities at all but will occur in far smaller cities and towns. UN (2008: 15)
also confirms that it is the medium-sized cities (with populations >5million but
<1million) in which the second highest number of people (23% of overall global
population; most will be in the smaller towns) are expected to reside by year 2025.
3. Agency is the capability, the power, to be the source and originator of acts; agents (or
actors) are the subjects of action, deployed in debates over the relationship between
individuals and social structure...(and) pertain...to the nature of individual consciousness,
its ability to constitute and reconstitute itself, and...the extent of its freedom from exterior
determination (Rapport and Overing 2003: 1).
4. This has been stressed by Keivani and Werna (2001: 69) in their work on the Modes of
housing provision in developing countries that systems or modes of housing provision
can be defined by the processes through which such provision is achieved...based on the
identification of social relations and interactions of agents involved in all aspects of
housing provision, i.e. production, exchange and consumption.

3
elaborately in Chapter 2). The need to realizing, and the intention to contributing to

this knowledge niche is what inspires this research.

The proposition, on which this problem statement is based on, hence is that the built

environment may be seen as a product of many forms of interaction between various

actors or agents inhabiting it (Habraken 1998: 28). Thus interactions take place

between agents irrespective of social class in order to control spaces. As in the

context of Khulna, the home- (and land-)less peasant, who once migrated and started

living here permanently hence symbolizes a very important agent since they

constitute more than one-third of the entire urban population (CUS-UNDP-KCC

2011). Ironically, most of the peasant-turned-migrant worker the essential

component of market triumph, has still remained a homeless subject in the city.

Neither governments, nor the proponents of the market (e.g. industrialists, foreign

donors, NGOs etc.) had to offer any mechanism to reinstate the migrant into any

(sense of) home. Therefore, in order to make home and attain a sense of permanence,

the migrants had (and still have) to engage into interactions with agents mostly higher

in terms of social class, power and authority. Interaction between them as such is

what determines the spatial control mechanisms and hence the physical form of

Khulnas migrant settlements. Traditionally, these higher-level agents were

represented by community level elite-bodies or socio-economically influential

individuals. Later, as modern public sector agencies such as KDA and KCC5 were

formed, many of the traditional agents were replaced.

5. KDA (Khulna Development Authority) is formed in 1961 to manage spatial planning and
physical development of Khulna. KDA works under the central government and headed
by appointed bureaucrats. In contrast, Khulna municipality was heightened to the rank of
Khulna City Corporation (KCC) in 1984. Its jurisdiction is divided into 31 administrative
wards. KCC is headed by an elected Mayor while its 31 wards are represented by elected
representatives. The main task of KCC is to deliver services, and collect holding and
utility taxes, with very little power to control the physical development of Khulna
(Ahmed 2003). KDA, on the other hand, has the statutory power to control larger areas
than KCC and thus greater scope to plan and implement projects that directly influence
its physical growth. Although a severe co-ordination problem persists, roles of both KDA
and KCC still remain vital with regard to the building practice of migrants.

4
However, as none of the formal/public-sector actors was successful in delivering

migrants the most important ingredient of home-making - i.e. land (tenure), migrants

still managed some form of ownership (although informal and illegal mostly) using

his/her own personal relation, much in a way of a patron-client, with higher-level

agents constituted largely by local political leaders related to KCC, businessmen,

social elites, religious bodies, NGOs etc. The processes involved in getting land for

house building, permanent construction of buildings, or illegal squatting of

government land had all been benefitted by this key socio-political relationship. A

constant process of reciprocity a situation, in which both ordinary migrant and the

elite are mutually benefitted considering their own intents, has always underscored

this relationship.

1.3 Problem statement

Ideally, a typically modern democratic citys built environment can be viewed as a

product of the interaction between rule-making (and implementing) bodies and

people on the receiving end. How things are usually done in the developed world

cities hence remains simple. Both public sector and formal private sector decide what

and how things (e.g. housing) are to be constructed and delivered, while the citizens,

although through greater participation, conform to (and eventually consume) what is

being decided. The respective roles of the formal sectors and the citizen do not

change much. This model thus remains largely linear. Compared to this, affairs in

third world cities are rather curious. Albeit modern in the way these cities seem to

operate, rules seldom take effect. It is also here the public/formal-sector agencies

grossly fail to perform the roles they are supposed to perform in conceiving,

producing and delivering housing6. Paper plans and shadow governments remain

6. Keivani and Werna (2001: 66) informs that less than 10% of the total housing stock is
actually delivered by third world governments; this includes all sorts of provisioning,
chief amongst which are housing for public servants, middle-class housing and low-
income housing (excluding housing for the lowest-income groups or homeless people).

5
plenty but lacking validity and legitimacy altogether. Yet, even amongst this absence

and failure of the formal, the most ordinary of the citizen still devise ways to get

access to dwelling and/or land as outlined previously. Such informal places of

residence can even be found amongst the most planned of grids as in third world

Chandigarh (Figure 1.1). Informalization has also been reported in the depiction of

Brazilianization by James Holston (1989: 289-313).

Figure 1.1: (Left): actual population in Chandigarh 1998. (Right): informal settlements in
2000 red circles show the existing slums and the dark dots show homeless squatters
locations (Source: Sarin 2009: 111).

In these societies as in Khulna, through what processes then this formal-informal co-

existence continues to grow and mature? How does, for example, a poor migrant get

access to land or dwelling in the sheer absence of public-provisioning during the

modern times? What may be the alternative models for explaining such ownership of

an informal residence compared with the linear delivery model of modern

Western societies? How are these material lacks compensated and through what

socio-spatial-economic practices? Is there any particular element of common

interest that makes all the actors assume a negotiated stance? What role these

6
different actors/agents play in this compensation process? What are the spatio-

physical outcomes of these processes at the different levels of the urban form?

1.4 Operationalized terminologies

The following terminologies frequently appear throughout this research. Unless

otherwise re-defined, the associated definitions and explanation should be used rather

as working definitions for these terminologies as used here.

Migrant and migration: the term migrant applies to persons, and family members,

moving to another country or region for the betterment of their material or social

conditions and improve the prospect for themselves or their family at origin (IOM

2004: 40).

Migration refers to a process of population movement either across an international

border or within a state. It encompasses any kind of movement of people, whatever

its length (permanent, temporary, circular etc.), composition and causes and includes

migration of refugees, displaced persons, uprooted people, and economic migrants

(Ibid: 41). Internal migration refers to movements of people from one area of a

country to another for the purpose or with the effect of establishing a new

residence. Internal migrants move but remain within their country of origin. Rural to

urban (rural-urban) migration is one form of internal migration (Ibid: 32).

Migrant settlements: refers primarily to the low-income residential locations within

the city, i.e. the citys slums, squatters and various informal settlements where the

permanent rural-urban migrants have been living during the post-WWII decades of

modernization. Although no clear definition is available, migrant settlements has

been used in contemporary works without clearly defining it (e.g. Wu 2008).

Generally, migrants can be found living in all the slums, squatters and informal

7
settlements7. But as will be demonstrated in Chapter 2, many settlements both large

and small may also be found that lack the necessary physical and legal attributes to be

qualified as slums, squatters and informal settlements. Migrant settlements hence is

used throughout this dissertation as a broader and more generic terminology that

encompasses mainly the residential activities of the migrants in the city. A more

detailed critique of the associated concepts (slum, squatter and informal settlements)

is also provided in Chapter 2 by outlining their conceptual shortcomings for this

research. In some occasions in this dissertation, the terms slum and informal

settlement are used rather interchangeably, but essentially indicating to these

settlements where migrants reside.

Urban form: is an all-encompassing term implying the emergence of form in two or

three dimensions, ranging from the scale of courtyards to cities. It may often be

represented by specific properties (e.g. density). Urban form may also refer to the

overall size or shape of the urban area, or its degree of articulation into discrete

settlement units (villages, blocks etc.). In this dissertation, urban form refers to the

more zoomed-in versions of spaces and forms at the household-settlement level of

low-income migrant settlements. In that, urban form manifests in two associated

concepts; one, built form (implying urban form in three dimensions and at the scale-

level of dwelling units; and two, settlement form (the form of discrete units

individual migrant settlements or settlement clusters) (Marshall 2005: 696-697).

Home: the idea of home can be viewed as a co-construct of three essential

dimensions: (1) Spatial and temporal dimensions: formal structural properties across

diverse geographic scales and time periods; (2) Societal dimensions: ideological,

political and socio-economic factors; and (3) Experiential dimensions: emotions and

7. The Challenge of Slums recognizes various migrants as the residents of slums, but
continue to use slums as their places of residence (UN-HABITAT 2003: 10).

8
values related to the residential biography of individuals and households (Lawrence

1995: 58). Home is also relative and place-specific. In Bangladesh, the meaning of

home is rather ambiguous and complex. The Bangla word bari, although often

denotes the physical house, also indicates to a sense of rootedness, and closely

resembles the western notion of home. On the other hand, ghar denotes the

physical house/dwelling unit(s) built on the vita, i.e. the piece of land, often

ancestral, on which ghar is grounded. Samaj, however, is the social setting of

which ones bari is part of. To be at home means to be part of the samaj within a

highly stratified yet connected Bangladeshi society (Ghafur 2004: 268).

1.5 The broad question and objectives

The primary question this research asks and seeks to answer is: what socio-spatial

mechanisms explain many homeless rural migrants successful re-making of home in

the urban context of Khulna, despite the failures of Governments and formal private

sectors to provide housing for the poor during modernization and industrialization?

The objectives are:

1. To underscore the effects of politics (of land and housing),

production (industrialization) and population (migration) in the
evolution of Khulnas urban form shaped by modernist policy
thinking.
2. To find out about the permanent migrants socio-spatial practices of
territorial control for a sustained ownership of his/her dwelling
environments during these modernization-industrialization decades.
3. To examine the spatio-physical consequences of these various
practices of territorial control particularly at the level of dwelling.

1.6 Scopes and limitations

Disciplinary boundaries are slippery and theoretical discussions on migrants home

frequently overlap each others domains. This problematizes the question of

9
disciplinary boundary. In addition, the sheer volume of available scholarly works8

makes the construction of a conceptual framework rather tricky. Yet, in order to

outline a disciplinary boundary for this research, it can be said that works of four

interrelated subject areas have been primarily considered (Figure 1.2). The key

threads of the conceptual framework, i.e. home, privacy territoriality and

control are drawn and discussed with reference to works done in behavioural

studies, architecture, anthropology and geography. In order to comprehend the socio-

political components of the migrants spatio-physical environments, literatures on

post-colonial-studies, subaltern-studies and informality are also cited. These works,

supported by the country-specific

Sociology
studies on Bangladesh (and Geography
Urban planning
Khulna), the various literary works

Demography studies
Post-colonial studies
Subaltern studies

Socio-spatial

Country studies
UN documents
on demography (migration,
Informality

construction of
urbanization, population etc.) and home under
conditions of
modernity
UN documents (mainly those by

UN and UN-HABITAT) provide

Behavioral studies
Architecture
necessary empirical basis for the Anthropology

formation of the conceptual

framework. Figure 1.2: Disciplinary affiliation of research.

In terms of primary data, socio-political history (morphology) of 10 migrant

settlements has been studied on the basis of their respective tenure types. A total of

89 households are surveyed while amongst them, a representative 34 household-

neighbourhood tissues being studied and documented using architectural tools and

techniques. In addition, 10 focussed group discussions have been carried out during a

8. A Google Scholar search on 11 May 2013, using the keywords slum, squatter,
informal settlements, housing and home returned with figures 5,120; 1,780; 1,020;
176,000; and 3,880 for scholarly literatures respectively.

10
three-phased fieldwork (detailed in methodology chapter 3). Another 6 key

informants were also interviewed.

The strength of multi-disciplinarity is also probably the main limitation of this

research. The frequent referencing to non-architectural works/theories from allied

disciplines may sometimes appear unfamiliar to and burdensome for some readers. A

comparative study, with reference to other national and/or international contexts

could have been more useful. And as in most academic research, inclusion of

additional study subjects and quantitative figures would have made generalization of

the identified phenomenon more reliable and consistent.

1.7 Significance of research

Drawing examples from a mid-sized city in Bangladesh, this research demonstrates

how, under modern conditions, the many forms of population displacement

(including rural-urban migration) have contributed to the transformation of urban

spatio-physical environments in transitioning societies. In a time that necessitates the

understanding of the New mobilities paradigm and its spatial implications (Sheller

and Urry 2006), this research outlines a particular context and hence aims to grasp the

diversities associated with this context by analyzing its urban physical spaces

(especially the dwelling environments of once-homeless migrants) in relation with the

policy environments across a range of scales.

This research also illustrates how the deliberately constructed and maintained scarcity

of resources (especially land) by influential elitist agents has lead to the creation of a

number of binary conditions (e.g. formal-informal or legal-illegal) historically. The

research further shows how these binary conditions have been exploited by the elitist

actors and successful migrants alike, in order to construct and maintain control over

their individual territories, leaving significant consequences for third world urban

11
form. It also reveals how the material manifestations of these contradictory

coexistences, particularly evident at the many different levels of migrants dwelling

environments, have over the years established these environments as critical spatio-

physical sites for socio-political interplays between the ordinary migrant and

authoritative actors both seeking legitimacy in their own rights.

1.8 Contributions from research

With reference to the levels/areas of contribution, Table 1.1 summarizes the possible

contributions that this research aims to make.

Table 1.1: Research contribution.

Levels/areas Possible contribution

Contextual - A framework to understand the combined effect of industrialization-
understanding migration-politics trinity in the production of built environments in the
transitioning third world city
Knowledge, - Contribution to the literature on home by identifying home as a socially
theories (externally) constructed entity beyond its traditional internal focus
- Elaboration of the concept of scarcity in a threefold way; (1) scarcity as a
deliberately constructed backdrop; (2) scarcity as a political tool for
controlling spatial boundaries; and (3) scarcity as an instigator of various
spatial negotiations
- Hinting of a plausible lens called Negotiated Urbanism (other than
resistance) in understanding the migrant spaces and their everyday life
Policy, - Advance the hypothesis by Keivani and Werna (2001: 69) that home-
practice making, instead of direct physical provisioning, may also be defined by
the processes through which they are achieved. In this case, the processes
entail the various socio-spatial negotiations practiced in response to
scarce conditions, and also the interactions between contextually
significant agents involved in all aspects of the provisioning of home (i.e.
production, delivery, exchange and consumption)

1.9 Research framework

The framework (Figure 1.3: overleaf) phases out the key components for this

research:

12
Figure 1.3: Research framework.

13
1.10 Structure of dissertation

Table 1.2 outlines the organization of the chapters in this dissertation. Objectives for

each of the chapters are followed by brief descriptions of the key themes covered by

each of these chapters.

Table 1.2: Chapter objective and chapter arrangement in the dissertation.

Chapter Objective Description

1 Introduction to the Personal motives; research in brief;
dissertation introduction to context; broad questions and
objectives; operationalization of important
terminologies; and research framework
2 Positioning of research Literature review; identification of gaps in
within existing knowledge; present knowledge; proposition of the
formulation of the conceptual framework; and identification of
conceptual framing key indicators
3 Formulate research Formulation of sub-research questions;
methodology outlining of research design; data collection and analysis
strategies and instruments methods
4 Assess Khulnas macro- Findings 1: urban spatial transformation in
level urban spatio-physical relation with different migration waves;
transformation in relation modernization-inspired policy environments
with various socio-political- (rural and urban land/agricultural policies,
economic dynamics planning doctrines); and local-level politics
occurring from modernity during migrants settling down
5 Understand migrants Findings 2: tenure history (settlement- and
dwelling-level socio-spatial dwelling-level) and morphological
practices in relation with the transformation; everyday territorial practices
territorial control of their and dwelling forms; cultural (contextual)
present homes during post- components underlying territorial practices;
WWII decades under social organization and decision-making
modernization structure of communities
6 Associate control Scarcity as a political instrument for socio-
mechanisms of home as a economic gain for the ordinary migrants;
response to the scarce scarcity as a contextual expression of
conditions (social, economic alternative socio-spatial practices; the
political and spatial) of alternative urbanism of negotiations; scarcity
modernity and the social construction of home

14
 Chapter 2: Literature review and conceptual framework

2.1 Introduction

In order to understand once-homeless migrants home-making process in a third

world city, this chapter begins by outlining a literature review framework. With

regard to the broad question and objectives stated in Chapter 1, this framework

identifies key scholastic materials from various allied disciplines interested in the

built environment. A review of these works originating particularly in the disciplines

of urban planning, architecture, anthropology, sociology and geography are

assembled under five main threads. Through this review, a few niches appear within

existing knowledge, which are summarized under gaps later in the chapter. On the

basis of the reviews and the knowledge gaps, a conceptual framework is proposed

that helps frame the specific objectives, identify variables and select indicators.

2.2 Preliminary literature review framework

Among scholars, there is a growing interest in the processes, products or process-

product models regarding the spatial environments of various mobile population

groups1. A review of selected literatures across allied disciplines2 reveals that

academics historically have been putting together efforts to comprehend the socio-

cultural components underlying these rather informal dwelling environments, in

order to identify the elements and mechanisms that bring about spatio-physical

1. Sheller and Urry (2006) coins the term New Mobilities Paradigm to point to this
contemporary era of numerous movements.
2. Herbart Gans (1962)s The Urban Villagers Group and Class in the Life of Italian-
Americans; Turner (1976)s Housing by People; Rapoport (1988)s Spontaneous
Settlements as Vernacular Design; Serageldin (1990)s The Development and
Morphology of Informal Housing; Heynen and Loeckx (1998)s Scenes of
Ambivalence: Remarks on Architectural Patterns of Displacement; UN-HABITAT
(2003)s The Challenges of Slums; Roy (2004)s The Gentlemans City: Urban
Informality in the Calcutta of New Communism; Kellett (2005)s "The Construction of
Home in the Informal City"; Dayaratne and Kellett (2008)s Housing and home-making
in low-income urban settlements; Datta (2009)s Home, Migration, and The City,
Spatial Forms And Practices in a Globalising World; Nijman (2010)s A Study of
Space in Mumbais Slums; and Kim Dovey (2012)s Informal Urbanism and complex

15
transformation at the many levels of migrant settlements. Likewise, with regard to the

broad research question, the key object here is to work out a theoretical-conceptual

structure that helps identify the context-specific social and spatial components

underlying the migrant environments. These benefit migrants to retain some form of

ownership to material property (land and/or house) and become permanent in the city.

However, studies are almost non-existent which provide any comprehensive

framework that to help the study of host environments in relation with historically

significant waves of population movement (in- and out-migration). Research on

migration and urban form, though not plenty, thus remain confined within certain

timelines and referring only to an in-situ context of the host city. Studies on migrant

spaces, at least those in the third world urban context also do not maintain reference

with the many forms of rural-urban interactions3. A diachronic reading of the spatial

impacts of top-down politico-economic doctrines (e.g. modernization)4 on pre- and

post-migration ways of life needs to be conducted as well. Impact-study of these

micro-level policies on the shaping of rural and urban spaces, particularly considering

an agrarian context such as Bangladesh, hence is felt necessary. Any appraisal of

modern third world urban form thus necessitates the inclusion of all the forces of

modernity including population (migration), policies (politics) and production (e.g.

industrialization).

The micro-level studies on migrants dwelling spaces and forms in this research thus

make sense as it is assessed with reference to a specific timeline. In consideration of

adaptive assemblage are a few amongst a host of scholarly literature that looks at
various migrants everyday socio-spatial environments.
3. Lynch (2005: 6) identifies five ways in which rural and urban may be linked: food,
natural flows, money, people and ideas. As later chapters reveal, peoples social network
(discussed here under People category, p. 106) and hybrid spatial practices and socio-
cultural customs and behaviour (discussed under Natural flows category, p. 92) remain
important components in the shaping of physical dwelling environments. A home in the
city, in many cases, hence retains reference with the long lost rural home.
4. This includes the broader structural conditions formulated by supra-national institutions
(World Bank, IMF etc.) and implemented by national and local governments.

16
the required variables as stressed in the earlier paragraphs, five key theoretical-

empirical areas are chosen and reviewed subsequently. Table 2.1 outlines these

phenomena which are of interest to this research, disciplinary areas where the

reviewed literature originate from, and explanations why they have been chosen and

how they contribute to the conceptual framework:

Table 2.1: Literature review framework.

Key area Discipline Contribution to framework

Bangladesh, Sociology, Local context of Bangladesh and Khulna often in relation
Khulna Planning with global
Population Sociology, Correlation between migration and urbanization in the
displacement, Planning, third world context. The relationship between the global
urbanization UN forces and the local consequences is also highlighted in
documents many of these works
Slums, Geography, Theories and empirical works on slum formation.
informal Sociology, Theories of informality, silent encroachment, informal
settlements UN economics, informal urbanism and assemblage, subaltern
documents studies (subaltern urbanism, politics of the governed)
Migrancy and Architecture, Architectural patterns of displacement, architecture and
built Anthropology, migrancy
environment Geography
Home, Environment- Home-making through the manipulation of various socio-
privacy, Behaviour spatial control-mechanisms; understand how control over
territoriality Studies, ones own environment is practiced in relation with
Architecture, different actors as a process of physical home-making
Geography,
Anthropology

2.2.1 Bangladesh and Khulna

In the context of Bangladeshi cities, studies that seek to investigate migrants settling-

down process in relation to urban spatio-physical transformations are scarce. This is

particularly true of the research conducted in and about Khulna. Apart from a very

small number of studies supervised in local universities (mostly unpublished), three

works can be mentioned, which, to some extent, discuss the spatio-physical

17
transformation in Khulna in relation with various socio-political forces historically.

Devoid of any particular focus on migration and its consequences at the lower level

spatial form5, these studies provide partial accounts of: (1) spatial distribution of

migrant settlements (termed as slums mostly) analyzed according to demographic

variables (Hasan 2003); (2) urban morphological transformation following two

significant phases of in-migration (Dudek and Van Houtte 2008: 39, 45); and (3) a

comprehensive and updated database on poor settlements in Khulna, according to

variables such as settlement location, number, size and age; residents demographic

characteristics and economic information (CUS-UNDP-KCC 2011). Clearly, all three

of these studies provide a birds eye view of the situation, and suffer from not

having a complex analytical framework to examine urban spatio-physical changes in

relation to socio-economic-political forces.

In the context of Dhaka, similar dearth of research is also found. Works (such as

Kemper 1989, DCosta 1994 or Ghafur 2010s) amongst many things, mention of the

contribution by migration and refugee-movements in the shaping of urban form. Yet

they are all generalized studies as none focuses solely on the phenomenon of

migration as a driver for urban form6. These are not architectural studies either, since

they have lesser interest in the spatio-physical transformation of settlements. Instead,

they outline frameworks and suggest of a methodology useful for discussing urban

spatio-physical transformation in a historical manner. However, the need to

incorporating both global and local forces (e.g. colonialism, economic doctrines,

industrialization and globalization) in the analysis of urban form is stressed in all of

these works.

5. Adapted from Habraken (1998); it states that lower the level of spatial form, lesser is the
participation from agents, hence is their public character.
6. Although migration as a contributor to urbanization has been identified on several
places; see Kemper 1989: 380; DCosta 1994: 702; Ghafur 2010: 7.

18
As scholars discuss urbanization in relation to migration, urbanization is discussed

mostly in terms of population increase and demographic changes in the city (Afsar

2003; Khan 1982; Islam 1999). When consequence of migration-driven

urbanization is discussed, they are discussed in terms of environmental outcomes

(e.g. water and air pollution) and socio-economic outcomes (e.g. increased violence

and crime, economic gain and empowerment etc.). When spatial outcomes are

discussed, they remain limited within the discussions of encroachment of land,

growth of slums and pressure on housing (Islam 1999: 13-14). These studies provide

only a top-down view, focusing on the breadth of the socio-spatial problems arising

from urbanization not the depth. Ghafur (2010)s study on urbanism, however,

appears most useful, as he discusses how housing provisioning in Dhaka under

neoliberal conditions has become subject to the market forces. He shows, with a

theoretical inclination, how present neoliberal condition has for its own gain led to an

overall privatization of the housing sector. With the help of planning bureaucrats and

with active political patronage, here private formal sector (developers) grabs land and

develops/builds informally, while privatization of slums remain the only home-

making option for growing number of urban poor (migrants). Although not directly

relevant to the present research objectives, Ghafurs work stresses the importance of

situating any research within a broader framework of analysis (here a modern

phenomenon, the politics of Neoliberalism). It also argues that as neoliberal

conditions lead to the blurring of formal-informal boundaries, studies rather should

aim at and assess the alternative dwelling perspectives in order to grasp the in-

depth understanding of lived lives in spacein its hierarchical relation to the urban

totality (Ibid: 13).

In the studies of dwellings and households, researchers interested in the process of

how the migrant populations manage to survive and (occasionally) prosper in the

destination city, have seek to investigate the livelihood (and survival) strategies of the

19
city living migrant chiefly (Huq-Hussain 1996; Siddiqui 2003; Hakim 2010; Hossain

2011). While defining these migrants living places as slums and squatters, many

demonstrate a methodological inclination toward a longitudinal study. Thus many

seem to assume a biographic approach to trace the various adjustments in migrants

social, political and economic strategies at different intervals ranging between pre-

migration and present times. A few amongst such works have dedicated special

sections of their analysis only describing the spatio-physical dimensions of slum-

living migrants dwelling environments (Huq-Hussain 1996: 99-104; Shakur and

Madden 1992: 80-81; Hossain 2011: 112-114).

Attempts as these, however, remain largely unsuccessful considering the interest of

this research. Although some architectural/spatial analyses are there, yet they mostly

fail to provide any analysis of spatio-physical transformation (at least) at the level of

dwellings in relation with their changing socio-economic-political circumstances. For

example, Huq-Hussains article implicitly mentions about the need for privacy

particularly amongst female migrants (Ibid: 97). Yet she still does not follow this up

with spatial evidences that show how this particular need is eventually being

mediated, using which socio-spatial-economic means/mechanisms, and with what

socio-spatial consequence. Similar is found in the other articles. Although there are

mentions about the importance of kinship-networks (Shakur and Madden 1992: 75)

and active political participation (Hossain 2011: 9), their spatio-physical analysis

appear to be mere descriptions of inert house forms and spaces, construction materials

and tenure status. It is hard to comprehend the role of such socio-political or

economic forces in the shaping of urban form at the level of the concerned dwelling

environments. Generally, for understandable reasons, these works are also

unsupported by graphical analysis of any sort. But notwithstanding the shortcomings,

there is a common important lesson these studies seem to offer. They all highlight the

need for including a temporal dimension for studying migrants urban adaptation

20
process; this is akin to the need for a morphological study as frequently used in the

study of built environments. This approach certainly allows tracing back various

phases of once-homeless migrants settling down process (becoming permanent) in

the host city. It helps understand the occasions for transformation of spatial practices,

behaviours, spatial needs, customs and habits and hence the overall urban form in

response to changing circumstances. This approach also helps compare the possible

evolution in permanent migrants social identity the uplift from a mere rootless

status to that of a citizen in the particular context of Bangladesh.

2.2.2 Population displacement and urbanization

Globally, a number of studies have been carried out during the post-WWII decades

addressing the correlation between internal-migration and urbanization (Abu-Lughod

1973; Halpern 1966; Roberts 1978; Wu 2010), or more recently on international

migration in relation with the socio-cultural-spatial aspects of the host-city (Blunt

2007; Colombijn and Erdentug 2002; Davis 2003; Eriksen 2001; Fenster 1996;

Lozanovska 2003; Pieterse 2000). Within the Western scholarship, the latter has

found most attention compared to the former, as scholars tend to show more interest

in the assimilation/integration process of the international immigrant within the

western urban environments. Efforts are given to comprehend the driving forces and

processes underlying this quite extraordinary influx of immigrants in recent decades7.

Tensions arising from this radical influx of immigrants mostly from former European

colonies have led to the publication of critical works8. It hence comes to no surprise

that spatial segregation, ghettoization or ethno-racial discrimination have become the

most recurring of themes among the mobility/displacement scholarship in the

postcolonial discourse.

7. In comparison to 1990s, percentage of immigrant-inflows has fallen a bit in recent years

(due to economic crisis) (OECD 2009: 12); yet the net quantity of in-coming immigrants
are on a constant rise for these countries of the developed world (OECD 2010).

21
Although scarce, some authors have actually aimed to analyze the relation between

internal migration and the socio-cultural-spatial transformation of the host

environment. For example, Janet Abu-Lughod (1973) provides an ethnographic

account of rural migrants adjustment-efforts in the Egyptian city. Here, migrants

economic, social and ideological perspectives have been analyzed in relation to citys

physical growth and overall fabric. Similarly, Kezer (1998: 11) talks about Ankara,

where structural changes within the state and its institutions triggered unprecedented

contestations over space by opening it to new uses and users while displacing the

old. Zheng et al. (2009), in the Chinese context, also analyzes how the city living

migrant-workers housing preference for the fringe (rural) areas is increasingly being

challenged by urban expansion. Shao et al. (2008) examine the spatial clustering of

migrants in Bangkok and analyze that on the basis of various social networks.

Weiping Wu, through her two versions on rural migrants spatial distribution in the

reform-era Chinese city (Wu 2008; Wu 2010) highlights how these migrants are,

being subject to hukou, are spatially trapped within a few particular locations in

and around the city.

Arif Hasan (2010b), in his Migration, small towns and social transformations in

Pakistan gives an elaborated account of three Pakistani small-towns where various

forms of migration (rural-urban migration, in-coming foreign refugees and

international emigration) have had both positive and negative effects on the urban

environment. Urban form, he informs, is being shaped by poor rural-urban migrants

and refugees illegal subdivision of land on the citys fringe areas as local

governments prove inept to project and deliver housing for these groups.

Simultaneously, the older city core becomes more crowded with the growth of

informal businesses after the affluent class gradually moved out to peripheral new

8. Please refer to, Ashcroft B., G. Griffiths and H. Tiffin 1989, The Empire writes back:
theory and practice in post-colonial literatures, Routledge, London and New York.

22
towns (fuelled by foreign remittance flows). This same remittance that has kept

contributing to national GDP growth has also led to the creation of socio-spatial

inequality. Without public spending, urban spatio-physical transformation has

remained concentrated largely around private dwellings, constructed by both affluent

and poor belonging to both informal and formal sectors. All these processes,

however, have continued to receive sustained political patronage by a landholding

elite class (Ibid: 49). This groups political influence on both informal voter

population and bureaucracy (including municipalities and planning departments), as

Hasan recognizes, is conceivably the most important social component that underlies

the physical transformation of these smaller towns in Pakistan.

Now, in terms of the studies on immigrants assimilation in the West, they only cover

a certain (and very exclusive and) affluent portion of the third-world mobile

population, leaving the bulk of the others, i.e. the rural to urban movers, to be

discussed under different threads. It is therefore, even if the studies on rural-urban

migration in the third world city has remained one of the most cultivated areas of

research during the past 5-6 decades, these have been interested solely in the socio-

economic processes and consequences. These scholars have continued to demonstrate

their interest in the impacts of macro-level socio-economic policies on slum-

dwelling objects at the receiving end (Chan and Zhang 1999; Deshingkar and Grimm

2004; van der Hoeven 2000), with focus on, for example, employment and income

(Todaro 1969). And when these migrants have been studied as research objects,

issues such as migration-motives (Skeldon 2003), vulnerability context (Moser 1998),

poverty (Lall et al. 2006) etc. have dominated the literature.

On the other hand, as rural migrants in the city are looked at as subjects, i.e. as actual

people as they are, micro-level studies here actually attempted to understand their

livelihood (or survival) strategies (regarding migration decision-making and settling

23
down process) (Hakim 2010; Kuhn 1999), gender (Fan 2003), effect of remittance to

origin (Fletcher 1997) etc. Similar have already been seen in the works on

Bangladesh as well. Other available theoretical threads that are concerned with

internal migration, mostly focus on issues pertaining to climate change9 (Black 2001),

rural-urban continuum (Tacoli 1998) or labour market (Betcherman 2002) to name

just a few.

As in the literatures on Bangladesh, most of these global-level studies also look at

migration and urban form from above not through migrants own eyes. In a few

cases when such studies tend to focus on the migrants actual day to day space-

making practices as in Abu Lughod (1973)s, they originate in disciplines other than

architecture. These works therefore do not comprise of any architectural analysis of

urban form and spaces; neither these aim to measure the spatio-physical

consequences of migration using architectural variables10. None of these studies

provide any theoretical direction either, which helps comprehend the spatial practices

by the migrant population for claiming a sense of ownership over their dwelling

environment.

2.2.3 Slums and informal settlements

Settlements where migrants live in the city are commonly referred to as slums,

squatters or informal settlements. Migrant settlements, i.e. their places and spaces are

often categorized, rather crudely, as poor-settlements, informal settlements, slum

or squatters (Gilbert 2007, UN-HABITAT 2003: 1111). This homogenization

9. Migrants, when compelled to live outside their places of origin (due to war, climatic
disasters or political views), assume the title of a refugee (IOM 2004: 53).
10. For example, diachronic study of formal and spatial transformation of migrant
settlements, their neighbourhood characteristics and dwelling environments in relation to
changing levels of density.
11. Interestingly, UN-HABITAT recognizes the potential heterogeneous and spatial qualities
in slums and with its dwelling communities; yet, it is probably due to their interest in
indicating a more global picture and stressing on the stature of this great problem that
led to their usage of the term slum in the first place.

24
reduces the scope for grasping the possible heterogeneity and multi-layered meanings

associated with and manifested in these spaces. As Roy (2011: 226) cites Echanove

and Srivastava (2009) to portray life in Dharavi12, places like Dharavi, these authors

claim, are perhaps amongst the most active and lively parts of any city that have

developed without any public funding or support. These are also places of intense

economic activities manufacturing products for even the global market. So

understanding such a place solely by the generic term slum ignores its complexity

and dynamism.

Labelling migrant dwellings as spontaneous (Rapoport 1988) or vernacular

(Kellett and Napier 1994) also does not help much. Although these concepts are

appreciative, these still appear ahistorical and apolitical without asking for any

particular reference to the dwellers past and for not considering dwellers many

responses to everyday socio-economic-spatial constraints. Considering third-world

urbanization, scholars and research organizations easily approve of internal migration

as the number one force behind it13 (Abu-Lughod 1973; Correa 1989; Halpern 1966;

Neuwirth 2007; UN 2008; Wu 2010). Yet, even the most provoking of all UN

documents to date, THE CHALLENGES OF SLUMS (UN-HABITAT 2003) keeps

calling these spaces as slums and its inhabitants as slum-dwellers, and thus take the

agency away from the latter. So a clarification on the concepts of slum, squatter and

informal settlements becomes imminent.

The terms slum, squatter and informal settlements share a few common threads.

Although there are clear conceptual differences14, they all indicate to an actual

12. Located in Mumbai, it is considered as the largest slum in South Asia, housing more
than half a million population at a density of 3000persons/ha (Nijman 2010: 8).
13. UN (2008) summarizes this; Table 1 in Appendix provides a comparative matrix.
14. For example, UN and other agencies argue that the ideas of informal and slum are not
the same as informality can exist in areas which do not have conditions akin to slums and
vice versa (Jenkins and Andersen 2011: 2).

25
physical space that suffers from various sorts of lacks. A slum, according to UN-

HABITAT (2003: 12), is defined as an area that suffers from various inadequate

levels of physical and legal characteristics (e.g. poor structural quality, inadequate

space for decent living, overcrowding, inadequate access to safe water, sanitation and

infrastructure, insecure residential status etc.). A squatter, on the other hand, is seen

as an area having illegal land tenure, accumulated through organized land invasion or

gradual accretion. Informal settlements, on the other hand, are residential areas

which may have dubious land tenure; these are also officially recognized (planned)

areas where housing regulations have not been maintained while house constructions

are largely carried out without the help of professionals (Willis 2009: 403). The

sharing of a common negative attribute by these three, i.e. the lack of something one

assumes, has led to their interchangeable use by even the global level agencies (as in

UN-HABITAT 2003: 9).

However, the term migrant has often been interchangeably used, for example, with

slum-dweller (Mangin 1967; Karan et al. 1980; Mukhopadhyay and Dutt 1993;

Rapoport 1988; UN-HABITAT 2003). They have also been found described as

informal (Serageldin 1990; AlSayyad 2004; Brillembourg et al. 2005 as in Beardsley

2007; Kellett 2005; Kudva 2009; Roy 2005), indigenous (UN 2007), peasants

(Halpern 1966), urban poor (Noe 1981; Roberts 1978; UN-HABITAT 2003; UN

2005), and floating population (Li 2006) when considered in the less developed

nations context. Migrants are generally considered as ethnic or minority (Eriksen

2001; Fenster 1996; Gallagher and Tucker 2000; Hutchison and Krase 2007; Pieterse

2000) and belonging to a particular race (Mercuse and van Campen 2000) when

discussed in a developed nations context. Scholars from the housing sector in

Bangladesh also commonly identify that migrants constitute the most of the slum

dwellers (Ahmed 2007: 8; Angeles et al. 2009: 11; Miah and Weber 1990: 145;

26
Rahman 2001: 49; Shakur and Madden 1991: 69); yet they go for frequent labelling

similar to that of the previous parties.

Labelling migrant spaces crudely as slums and squatters also does not allow

understanding the proper background of these people under investigation15. It

overlooks the all important time-space continuum16 that migrants remain part of

notwithstanding their spatial implications. This, similar to Datta (2009: 4)s assertion,

indicates to a dualism that leads to the conceptual limitations toward understanding

migrants different place-making efforts.

The tag of slum-dweller also has deep political implications primarily for

authorities in control. Therefore, I argue in favour of a disinterested investigation into

migrants everyday lived spaces. Rather than devising a taxonomy based solely on

their legal status (as squatters) or physical-infrastructural conditions (as slum-

dwellers) of their places of living, this research aims to look at their ordinary

dwelling environments more as an alternative way of living compared to the

mainstream city dwellers. However, the migrant needs to be identified because he/she

can be found actively practicing and belonging to similar socio-cultural-economic

elements in the city, much in the same way during his/her rural times. Even if these

people have been away from their places of origin for many years while their new

urban-born generations would probably never return to the rural homes (Hakim

2009; Hakim 2010), it is still not hard to find, even amongst these apparent slums, the

15. For example, Kellett and Napier (1994) frequently use the term squatter; this however
leads to the question, Who exactly they are talking about here? and Isnt it reducing
scopes for incorporating at least all the ethno-cultural differences these squatter-people
may actually have amongst themselves?
16. This remains one of the major threads of debates regarding the international immigrants
in western cities; referring to the previous section, one may recall terms such as multiple
belonging; transnationality, juxtaposition and overlapping; flow, porosity and
connectivity; layered structures of nodes and networks etc, all used to ascertain that
migrants sense of belonging has much to do with their past and places they used to
reside previously.

27
clear existence of village-like zoning and other land-use17 on the basis of religion,

language and regional origin (Hakim 2009; Nijman 2010). So when studies

homogenize the origin and history of these migrants by labelling them as slum-

dwellers or urban poor, the possibility of a fair and unbiased research is

fundamentally compromised.

Moreover, there could be different groups of non-migrant urban poor, whose poverty

could be attributed to reasons other than that of the migrants. Satterthwaite (2005:

22) criticizes equating the poor or illegal settlers with migrants this way, since many

migrants probably have attained the stature of a mainstream citizen through decades

of upward socio-economic mobility. Classifications such as informal and slum-

dweller essentially indicate to the present legal and material aspects with regard to

the migrant citizenry while keep ignoring their history, a definite past (of the first

generation migrant), and migrants gradual socio-economic-spatial efforts to

becoming a true citizen. In most cases, describing the places and spaces of the

migrant as squatters or slums thus appear to be a refusal of migrants spatio-

political existence; it also overshadows their efforts to becoming during their long

years of city living. This refusal becomes a case of an authoritative misinterpretation

of common peoples history of urbanization in the global south. Such acts also

resemble the denial of these migrants politico-economic contribution to these cities.

So for research purposes at least, a need is felt toward using terminologies that look at

the settlements exactly as what they mean within their local context18. Rather than

17. During fieldworks, I came across interesting concentration of people and equally
interesting village-like zoning on the basis of race, profession etc. within the same low-
income settlements akin to any typical Bangladeshi village.
18. Local expressions often provide clues about what these settlements mean actually in that
particular context. For example, in Turkish, Gecekondu is a somewhat equivalent
expression to that of slum in English, where this word literally means it happened at
night. For years Turkey's low income residents (who currently constitute about half of
Istanbuls entire population) have continued to build at night to take advantage of an
ancient law stating that if such constructions start at dusk and people could move in by

28
investigating these settlements and their inhabitants in terms of what they lack, an

alternative view in terms of what they have may also prove useful here. For this

reason, this research prefers using a less prejudiced term migrant settlements to

identify these particular dwelling environments. To understand the underlying socio-

political forces responsible for these settlements spatial transformation, four

empirical-theoretical areas are further discussed in the following sections.

2.2.3.1 Informality

According to Castells and Portes (1989), the idea of the informal must be viewed in

congruence with three aspects. One, informal is only conceivable in the presence of

formal informal sector is an integral component of the national (read formal)

economy. Economy, in any country, works in a two-tier system where boundaries

and interactions adapt to variable shapes depending on its social conditions and the

political orientation of the government. In any country, for example within a closed

market system, small businesses often operate as extensions of larger firms. So there

is no clear-cut distinction between formal and informal19. Rather, a series of complex

interactions between the state and the informal is what operates there. Two, the labour

employed in the informal activities have special characteristics. This involves

personnel, such as migrant workers, ethnic minorities and women, who, for both

social and demographic reasons, are not able to access formal economy and its labour

sunrise without being discovered by the authorities, they would gain legal standing and
could not be evicted without a court fight (Neuwirth 2005: 8). Similar is with the Bangla
version of the slum. Bastee in Bangladesh is the most frequently used expression for
slums. Yet, Bastee is derived from the root bashati, meaning a place for human living
(Rahman 2001: 50). Camp and Colony, derived primarily from English are another two
local expressions referring mainly to refugee settlements and low income government-
funded housing areas respectively (Hakim 2009).
19. Although defined as a binary, the notion of formal and informal are grounded in particular
cultural, social, institutional, economic and political realities of particular contexts.
Moreover, what are formally classified as informal settlements, are not a concept that
residents recognize or apply to their reality (Jenkins and Andersen 2011: 1). Formal
standardization as urban planning was primarily meant for the benefit of colonial elites.
Yet in present post-colonial conditions, urban planning mainly benefits the new elites. In
all formal situations, some form of informality should be present. Formal and informal are
not separate sectors but co-exist in complex inter-penetrated manners (Ibid: 3).

29
market. Informal economy hence evolves through a process of social struggle and

involves weaker people who are similar in socio-economic status. Informal

economic activities by these people are also often characterized by stamina and

surrogate entrepreneurship. Three, government has an invariable attitude toward the

non-regulated sector. Governments tolerate or sometimes even stimulate informal

economic activities as a way to resolve potential social conflicts or to promote

political patronage. Squatter settlements, which flourish on public land, can be seen

as one such example (Ibid: 26). The process of informalization hence can be

viewed not as a social process. Rather, it is the expression of a new form of control

characterized by the disenfranchisement of the state. For the latter, the loss of a

formal control mechanism over all informal activities is compensated by short term

acts of legitimation and renewed economic growth they offer (Ibid: 27).

Informality therefore operates on the margins of rules and organizational

arrangements that no longer fit these peoples real condition and experience.

Informal economic acts tend to be flexible and ad hoc, while they make use of more

primitive (modes of) exploitation. These acts are more small-scale, face-to-face,

decentralized and predominantly social-network based. Benefit occurs from a

significant reduction in overhead costs (for not having a bureaucratic structure) as in

large-scale organizations (Ibid: 29-30). The process of informalization may reinforce

some particular social groups that differ from the mainstream in any prevailing

society. For example, migrant communities may frequently be found living in ghetto-

like enclaves. Informal economic activities thus may take place as the migrants, for

being confined within this enclave, would often combine residential functions with

income-generating activities. With the development of informal economy, an added

sense of autonomy also develops within the social sphere (Ibid: 32).

30
Nezar AlSayyad discusses informality in the neoliberal urban (spatial) context. The

current era of market liberalization and globalization, he says, has given rise to a new

form of informality. Informality has created a situation in which an individual may

belong to both formal and informal sector at once. In spatial terms, informality has

assumed new forms and new geographies in terms of developments that may serve as

a key avenue to property ownership. Informality hence acts as an organizational

logic which emerged under the context of liberalization (AlSayyad 2004: 24-25).

The processes of urban informality also vary greatly between contexts and in

response to conditions. For example, whereas in Latin America urban informality

culminates into organized political affiliation and establishment of a reciprocal

relation between squatter groups and the state, in the Middle East the similar groups

assume a more covert stance by deliberately making themselves invisible from

political processes (Ibid: 14).

Ananya Roy (2004) discusses how in neoliberal Kolkata, the ruling communist

government used to make strategic use of both formal and informal spatio-political

mechanisms to transform Kolkata into a marketable Gentlemans city. In order to

accomplish both political objectives (ensure vote and loyalty) and to serve the interest

of large-scale developers, Roy shows how the same government machines (formal)

and party cadres (informal) were used in combination. A number of events were

choreographed and implemented in a synchronized manner through the

establishment, eviction and re-establishment of migrant and refugee populations in

the citys peripheral lands. These urban poors need for remaking home in the city

was exploited by the ruling regime to prove the regimes legibility and power. This

home-making also helped develop agricultural land into sellable plots; promises were

given to these populations for their wellbeing and eventual settlement. In this, the

homeless population was first rehabilitated on peripheral agricultural land, which,

without proper land records (maps or a master plan) was left alone for decades as

31
disputed properties. Government then would engage its party workers on a day-to-day

basis to look after this large number of people by managing for them the gradual

access to urban services and infrastructure. With the absence of any formal/legal

document (e.g. title deed) whatsoever, a persistent sense of uncertainty was

deliberately maintained with regard to peoples land tenure. This in turn, would

ensure their absolute loyalty.

A lack of policies and regulations regarding land development on these disputed sites

was also maintained quite strategically. These migrants, left without a choice and for

being promised of future service provisioning cleared up these sites using their own

free labour, and turned these into habitable places. Yet this very land which they

were once allowed to live on would only be appropriated back later by the same

provider (government) in the name of public interest (actually to give way for large-

scale private-sector development projects for the upper-middle class). This tactic

proved to be quite successful; migrants again found themselves on similar new

frontier plots of land and putting in the same efforts, knowing they might be evicted

once again.

The power of the state therefore was derived from certain regulatory manipulation,

including unmapping (an intentional maintenance of a lack of land records and

maps). Coupled this with the activities of ever-present party workers and cadres, this

would keep options open for relentless negotiations between government and other

actors on matters related to land right, proper title and land use. This territorialized

uncertainty thus would guarantee the flexibility of the state to retain its grip on the

grass roots as it would be required periodically. This strategy by the higher power

hence gave rise to grass-root politics by the minor groups, even if their part was

insignificant initially.

32
2.2.3.2 Subaltern studies

Works done by the Subaltern Studies Group, particularly on post-colonial Indian

history is another interesting track that again shows a theoretical insight for this

research. Proposed mainly by expatriate Indian scholars and later followed closely by

other Asian scholars, these works emphasize the fundamental relationships of power,

domination and subordination in a post-colonial society set within apparently modern

democratic conditions. Here subalternity comes to be seen as the condition of

people, those who did not and could not belong to the elite class (Roy 2011: 227,

citing Guha 1988). The subaltern politics hence means micro-level politics of

disenfranchised grassroots people outside that of the civil society in order to claim

habitation and livelihood. Needless to say, these efforts for claiming habitation or

livelihood involve violation of state law. In that, subaltern urbanism essentially

involves two key qualities: opportunistic entrepreneurism and political agency (Ibid).

Similar has been echoed in Partha Chatterjee (2004)s concept of political society,

in which the latter is seen as a construct between the political relation between ruling

elites and urban subaltern population groups. Although most citizens in recently

modernized countries like India are rights-bearing citizens constitutionally, in

reality they are not part of the civil society whatsoever. Yet they are not outside the

reach of the state machines nor are they excluded from the political domains. As part

of territorial jurisdictions of the state, this subaltern population needs to be looked

after and controlled (Ibid: 38). Politics emerge out the developmental policies of the

government aimed at specific population groups. Many of these groups although

organized, exist by transgressing the boundaries of legality to manage their livelihood

and habitation. So to deal with them, authorities do not treat them similarly as they do

with other legitimate groups. Yet, as they remain important for their sheer number in

terms of clientele value, both governments and non-government organizations deal

33
with these groups as convenient instruments for the administration of welfare to

marginal and underprivileged population groups (Ibid: 40).

On the other hand, these groups accept their illegal activities, but continue to claim

habitation, livelihood and government welfare as matters of right. They also conform,

for example, they would move out if provided with suitable alternative sites for

resettlement. Although some welfare claims are met, the other claims are not regarded

by officials as justifiable, in the fear there would only invite further violation of

public property and civic laws. So negotiations with regard to these claims take place

on a political landscape. Government agencies give selective attention to particular

population groups on the basis of their political importance. To buffer such

uncertainties, groups in political society maintain numerous connections outside the

group with similar groups, with more privileged and influential groups, bureaucratic

personnel and with political parties and leaders. However, for their power to vote in

elections, subaltern groups demand significant attention. This is where, Chatterjee

(Ibid: 40-41) argues, The field of citizenship overlaps with that of governmentality.

Considering this rather political relation between the subaltern and the elite, another

concept requires attention here. Put forward by Asef Bayat, and developed mainly in

the context of the Middle East, it discusses the silent, compromised and hidden acts

of the subaltern population that is used for getting access to livelihoods and housing.

In his From Dangerous Classes to Quiet Rebels: Politics of the Urban Subaltern

in the Global South, Bayat (2000: 542-543) critiques20 the typical association of the

20. He also critiques contemporary studies, and their ideas of the passive poor (for
portraying the urban poor as a marginal man and also for generalizing and disregarding
the various ways in which the poor in different cultures deal with poverty; see Bayat
2000: 538); the surviving poor (for portraying them as merely as victims and hence
denying them of any agency thus such peoples resistance efforts, advancements,
opportunistic endeavours and many social associations are neglected; see Ibid: 539); the
political poor (for being Latin America-centric and hence failing to grasp again that
apart from mainstream political associations, urban poor may also have other social
networks and culture-specific ties that could help them achieve their aims; see Ibid: 540).

34
term resistance with urban poors effort in third world cities. For him, the term

resisting poor lacks a clear conceptualization, and also overemphasizes the

resistance phenomena and therefore undermines the more quiet and incremental

strategies assumed by the poor21.

By definition, negotiation implies a process in which two or more parties seek a

mutual agreement through an explicit or implicit exchange of views (Aggarwal and

Dupont 2009: 10473). A successful negotiation ends up with an agreement, where

both sides have a stake in ensuring a deal comes out right. Deals are put together.

Deals are worked out together (Low 2010: 3). These considered, the idea of

negotiation finds its best expression probably in the discussions on quiet

encroachment by the ordinary by Bayat (2000: 545) in the third world Asias

context. Quiet encroachment, hence represents the silent, persistent yet pervasive

advancement of the ordinary on the propertied and powerful that helps the former to

survive and improve their lives. Marked equally by quiet, largely atomized and

prolonged mobilization, and by episodic collective actions these are open and

fleeting struggles without clear leadership, ideology or structured organization. Here

the struggles and gains of the agents take place not at the cost of fellow poor or

themselves, but of the state, the rich and the powerful. These grassroots activism are

neither necessarily defensive nor resisting but cumulatively encroaching as the actors

tend to expand their territory by winning new positions.

This is also how the notions of order, modern city and urban governance are

challenged. Often whole communities emerge as a result of such intense struggles

and negotiations between the poor and the authoritative elites in their everyday lives.

21. It comes as no surprise that in many disciplinary areas, and in the understanding of
diverse acts, the idea of resistance is equally pronounced alongside the idea of
negotiation (as in Mondal 2006: 153).

35
Their actions may be collective and hence viewed as political only when they are

confronted by those who threaten their gains (Bayat 2000: 546-547). For example,

the poor do not directly challenge the effect of globalization. Rather, in their quest

for security, they get involved in constant negotiations with globalization to maintain

or seek autonomy in any space remained unaffected. At the same time, (through this

process) unintended consequences of their daily encroachments and negotiations

beget significant social changes in urban structures and processes (Ibid: 553).

Two goals drive this quiet form of action. One, redistribution of social goods and

opportunities (such as land, shelter, supply-water, electricity, roads) in the form of

unlawful and direct acquisition of collective consumption of public space (street

pavements, intersections, street parking places); opportunities (favourable business

conditions, locations and labels), and other life chances essential for survival and

minimal standards. Two, there is a need for attaining autonomy, both culturally and

politically, from the regulations, institutions and discipline imposed by the state and

modern institutions. The poor tend to function as much as possible outside the

boundaries of the state and modern bureaucratic institutions. They base their

relationships on more traditional modes including reciprocity, trust and negotiations

rather than on modern notions of individual self-interest, fixed rules and contracts.

This remains the most practiced mode of relationship not because these people are

essentially non- or anti-modern, but because the conditions of their existence compel

them to assume this informal mode of life (Ibid: 548-549).

Such entrepreneurism is best evident in the ways the subaltern populations continue

to engage in activities in many visible forms and spaces (see, for example, Tunas

2008). In many cases, such activities run parallel to official developments in both

overt and covert forms, and by taking advantage of loose official systems and its

spatio-political cracks and niches (Kudva 2009; Perara 2009). Or, as Koolhaas (2002:

36
179, 184) tells of Lagos, the formal infrastructure of planning seemingly useless

and restricting to the intensions of the subaltern, also provide the all important grid,

within and through which these peoples entrepreneurial activities take place while

affecting urban spaces and forms. This is also akin to occupancy urbanism through

which the urban subalterns assert territorial claims, practice vote-bank politics and

penetrate the lower, porous reaches of state bureaucracy (Roy 2011: 228).

2.2.3.3 Assemblage

Kim Dovey (2012: 353)s Complex adaptive assemblage has a particular

significance in understanding the processes, identity formation and becoming of

informal settlements. It is probably one of the very few examples of conceptual

models that have ever been used in the architectural analysis of informal forms and

spaces. This framework has its roots in the works of Gilles Deleuze and Felix

Guattari (1987), while it was later developed into assemblage theory by DeLanda

(2006). The term assemblage is a translation of agencement in French, which means

layout, arrangement or alignment. It suggests at once a dynamic process and a

diagrammatic spatiality. An assemblage can be seen as a whole, formed from the

interconnectivity and flows between its constituent parts. It is more like an organism

in real life a socio-spatial cluster of interconnections between parts where identities

and functions of parts and wholes emerge from the flows among them. It is not a

structural set of predetermined parts which are organized to work a particular way. It

is more a whole that expresses identity and claims territory. For example, a street may

be viewed not as a thing or as a collection of things. Instead, the buildings, shops,

signs, police, shoppers, cars, hawkers, rules, footpaths, goods, trolleys all come

together as it they are parts of a single organism to become the street as we know it.

Yet the relation between these components, for example, the relations between

footpaths and roads or between the interconnections between public and private

37
spaces, remain crucial. In that, assemblage is a dynamic phenomenon, which is

dependent on flows (Ibid).

The key quality of assemblage theory hence lies in its ability to use acts of

territorialization and de-territorialization to explain the ways social and spatial

boundaries are inscribed and erased, and the ways identities are formed, expressed

and transformed22. In the territorialization process, wholes form from parts and

identities occur from differences. Territory hence can be seen as a stabilized

assemblage a zone of order, a sense of home, and a stable space. In present urban

world, focus is given on the processes of (re)territorialization (e.g. invasion of urban

interstices, construction of house, inscription of boundaries etc.) and de-

territorialization by which stable territories are eroded (demolition, slum eviction etc.)

(Ibid: 354-355). Assemblage theory is particularly useful for its ability to explain a

number of twofold concepts associated with informal settlements. For example, in the

twofold concept of formal-informal, formal resembles a tree-like framework23 of

regulations such as urban planning, while informal practices resemble a rhizomic

form involving minor adaptations and tactics in contrast to the fixed ideals of

Master Planning. These two, therefore can only be explained when the dynamic

relation between them are understood. They cannot be seen as separate nor as

dialectic but rather as overlapping creating an assemblage (Ibid: 355).

22. AbdouMaliq Simone (2004)s People as Infrastructure is a similar piece of work, where
he discusses ordinary peoples open ended, unpredictable, flexible, mobile and
provisional acts in order to sustain the changing politico-economic realities of the
megacity. In his words, people engage into a conjunction of heterogeneous activities that
take place in the presence of seemingly incompatible institutional rationalities and modes
of production. Connection between places, people, action and things remain inseparable,
as tactics are formed in the interstices of complex set of constrains. People seem to derive
maximum outcomes from a minimum of elements; rules are formed form processes of
endless convertibility turning commodities, found objects, resources and bodies into
uses previously unimaginable or constrained.
23. This reminds of Christopher Alexander (1966: 3)s A City is not a Tree, where he talks
about Berkeley street corner. Here he highlights the interdependence of various designed
and non-designed (natural) components of the socio-physical environment, which, in
combination creates an overall system. It is the unchanging receptacle in which the

38
2.2.3.4 Settlement process

Raharjo (2010: 10)s PhD outlines a useful framework for understanding informal

settlements in terms of their tenure types, spatio-physical formation process and types

of built environment that result from such formations24. His research, although

somewhat different in terms of objectives compared to this present research25, begins

with a simplified review framework that provides useful benchmarks for a number

of key variables. These variables are: type of settlement process; settlement location;

actors involved; nature of ownership; transformation and morphology. Depending on

Raharjos thorough reviews (Ibid: 15-36), the following paragraphs summarize each

of his sections. These sections are used later to contribute to the research findings and

analysis scheme for this present research. To keep the discussions concise, only the

summaries are presented without citing the many different authors. Additional

references are only used as felt necessary for further explanations of the variables.

Table 2.2: A typology of slums (Davis 2003: 30).

Location Tenure category Settlement type

Metro core Formal Tenements: (1) hand-me-down; (2) built for poor
Public housing
Hostel
Informal Squatters: (1) authorized; (2) unauthorized
Pavement dwellers
Periphery Formal Private rental
Public housing
Informal Pirate subdivision: (1) owner occupied; (2) rental
Squatters: (1) authorized; (2) unauthorized
Refugee camps

changing parts of the system such as people, newspapers, money, and electrical
impulses can work together.
24. Please refer to Table 2.2 for a typology of slums.
25. Focusing mainly on urban Indonesia context, his primary research question is, How do
continuity and changes of the built environment mediate the process of tenure attainment
in Kampung development? (Raharjo 2010: 4).

39
Types of settlement process: looks at how informal settlements develop with respect

to time and in terms of the (formal) influence of the state. As such, informal housing

follows a reverse pattern to that of formal housing, as tenure security is only ensured

once the buildings are constructed initially. Informal development follows two paths;

one, invasion a planned communal act, carried out in a participatory manner

involving sudden and simultaneous arrival of invaders and occasional clashes with

authorities. Here the invaders remain well aware of their responsibilities, posses a

sound understanding of the political situation, and tend to have good time

management. Sometimes civil society groups may also be involved in the process. In

terms of land invasion, three types can be characterized: organized, collective and

scattered. Organized type is a planned invasion resulting in organized settlements,

while collective invasion results in semi-informal settlements with some degree of

formality since land being mostly legal. The last type scattered invasion, usually

occurs in the form of unorganized squatting on the government owned land.

Accretion, on the other hand, refers to the more gradual settlement process. For

example, initial house construction by workers may take place informally beside the

factories where they work, while the factory-owner may remain silent for these

workers being of his/her interest. However, non-workers may join in later in the

house construction process without seeking consent from the factory-owner. Various

negotiations may take place later between these groups and the owner regarding their

stay and claims they make.

Settlement process may also be categorized according to the ways it is practiced

socio-economically. For example, Post-occupancy territorial control of accreted

property may occur in two ways: traditional and modern. In the traditional model,

control is practiced by conforming to the rules made by respected community elders.

Permissions and consents of these elders are sought for by potential occupants before

40
they move in. The modern form of control, however, takes place in a more developer-

like manner as illegally subdivided land is allowed to be occupied for a fee. There is

also a third model where landowners build without state authorization on titled

property mainly for the purpose of rent and seldom for sale.

Location of settlements: there can be

several locations in the city (Figure

2.1), mainly in the gaps and cracks

between the formal zones where

informal settlements can be found.

These are: waterfronts, escarpments,

infrastructure margins, inner urban

blocks, construction sites,

cemeteries, and abandoned

buildings. Waterfronts are typical of

Figure 2.1: A typology of informal settlement
South Asia and South-East Asian
locations (Source: Dovey and King 2011: 20).
cities; they are prone to floods and

other hazards yet job locations remain nearby. Escarpments are common to Latin

America; Favelas in Brazil or Barrios in Venezuela are two such examples. These are

mostly dense settlements and dilapidated permanent structures built on steep

mountainsides. These settlements do not have any streets or paved roads; people

move up and down on foot using steep stairs. The third location is the infrastructure

margin the unused space between infrastructure facilities and used public or private

lands (e.g. space underneath the bridge, gaps between railway line and boundary wall

of adjacent property or sidewalk encroachment). Another location for informal

settlement formation is inner urban block pockets of vacant land behind formal

commercial or residential blocks lining main streets. The formal facades keep these

informal ones invisible and protect them from thoroughfares. Construction sites and

41
cemetries are another two locations frequently subject to encroachment. In both cases

however, people who were once building construction workers and cemetery keepers

respectively, refused to give up claim.

Actors and roles they play: seven groups of actors could be identified each of whom

having a stake in informal settlement process. These are: providers, operators,

customers, suppliers, regulators, facilitators, and funding agencies. Providers are

landowners who put their land up for sale. The operators actually the informal

speculators and developers, who after buying land from the providers illegally

subdivide land for sale targeting particularly the low-income customers. Suppliers are

brokers and contractors for customers; this group mediate transactions and construct

buildings for a fee. The state is the regulator; but as discussed in the earlier sections,

their role is often compromised and many regulations are systematically negotiated.

Facilitators are public and private formal sector organizations who would often

provide assistance/support to socio-physical development of settlements. Funding

agencies are formal sector organizations (e.g. banks) that fund land purchase.

Tenure security: can be defined as the right of all individuals and groups to effective

protection by the state against forced evictions, where land and house remain the

most important and inseparable components. Land tenure, on the other hand, is a

mode by which land is held or owned, or the set of relationships among people

concerning the use of land and its products. Land tenure is influenced by social and

political context of a certain locality. Yet, a complete tenure security imply neither

complete nor any right to sell, develop or sublet land and vice versa. Table 2.3

summarizes a classification of tenure types that UN-HABITAT has prepared.

Depending on global practices, this table consists of both formal and informal, and

traditional and modern tenure practices. Here, traditional refers to the type falling

outside state-defined tenure system. These are customary practices or religion-based

42
rules and laws, which may concern the whole community other than some individual.

Within these systems, tenure security and subsistence opportunity arise out of kinship

amongst and membership of the community group. Here land remains a social

resource; an individuals relationship with land gives him a sense of place and

relationship. Non-formal tenure hence is complex, inexplicit and context-based.

Table 2.3: A classification of land tenure types (Source: UN-HABITAT 2004: 8).

No. Tenure system Attributes

1 Freehold Ownership in perpetuity.
2 Delayed freehold Conditional ownership. Title granted on the completion of
payments or when development has been completed.
3 Registered Ownership for a specified period (from a few months to many
leasehold years).
4 Public rental Occupation by rent on publicly-owned land or house.
5 Private rental Occupation by rent on privately-owned land or house.
6 Shared equity Combination of delayed freehold and rental in which residents
purchase a stake in their property (up to even 50%) and pay rent
on the remainder to other stakeholders.
7 Co-operative Residents are co-owners; ownership is at a group level and vested
tenure in the co-operative which owners are member of.
8 Customary Ownership is vested in the tribe or in the group; land is allocated
ownership by traditional authorities like the tribe chief.
9 Religious For example, four main types of land tenure: (1) religious trust
(Islamic) tenure land; (2) individual full ownership protected by law; (3) state
system owned land with usufruct rights; (4) collective/tribal ownership.
10 Non-formal A wide range of systems with varying degrees of legality and
tenure system illegality including regularized and non-regularized squatting,
illegal subdivision of legally owned land, and various forms of
official rental arrangements. Often, different forms of tenure may
co-exist on the same plot of land with each stakeholder is entitled
for a certain type of right.

Geoffrey Payne (1997)s classification of informal tenure is also an important one for

understanding informal settlement processes. These are summarized in Table 2.4

overleaf. What becomes evident from this discussion on various tenure types is that

43
types of tenure and tenure-security are not necessarily related. For example, so called

house owners in informal settlements might well be able to buy and sell properties,

while a formal-sector renter of an apartment may not have the rights to do the same.

So integration of informal tenants with a formal land/housing market may not serve

the purpose of these tenants at all. It is more likely that as formalization would take

place through the granting of legal tenure, the tenants would sell their property and

return to another space of informality.

Table 2.4: A classification of informal tenure types (Source: Payne 1997).

No. Tenure type Attributes

1 De facto No legal status for residents; sense of tenure security differs between
secure tenure cultures (e.g. Gecekondu in Turkey). This type of tenure may be
attained through state intervention, recognition (of residency) and
provisioning of utilities and infrastructure.
2 Official Although illegal, tenure recognition is eventually achieved with
recognition efforts from residents, developers and politicians. This idea is
promoted through international agencies that dwellers autonomy in
decision-making on their housing needs should stimulate the
improvement of life qualities, and it should be viewed as a key force
behind official recognition process (e.g. slum-upgrading projects
using participation and self-help). Gentrification is common to these
projects once land is developed and land price increases.
3 Land rental Found in areas where private or traditional landowners wish to derive
profit from undeveloped land by renting. Renters tenure position,
remain vulnerable since agreements remain unofficial and unwritten.
4 Use rights A level of tenure between full, formal title and de facto tenure; this
type is intended to retain long term control over land by the owners,
usually the state, while providing the tenant with sufficient security to
stimulate improvements.
5 Cooperative Collective ownership instead of individual; land is collectively owned
ownership and managed by the concerned community.
6 Customary Initially derived from agrarian practices; locally derived unwritten
tenure rules, yet known to members in such societies. So by nature, this is
also an informal-extralegal tenure type.

44
Transformation: occurs as a result of socio-spatial interventions from both dwellers

and external actors (e.g. the state, NGOs, influential personnel etc.). However, it is

the latters intervention that leads to two opposing consequences: either improvement

of tenure condition or displacement of tenants. Different forms of negotiation also

take place between the tenants and external actors during either of the processes. For

the purpose of this research, discussions are made only about the improvement and

negotiation processes. Settlement improvement through state involvement takes place

in two ways: physical upgradation and regularization. For the former, various utility

provisioning and infrastructure upgrading take place gradually, provided mainly by

government agencies and NGOs. In regularization, as seen mostly in Latin American

nations, legalization plays the key role behind the conversion of extralegal property

into liquid capital. It also involves infrastructure improvement as part of its holistic

nature. Indeed, not all informal settlements are feasible for regularization. Also,

regularization does not always take place on the present site; relocation can be viewed

as another type of regularization when current site is deemed unsuitable for future

growth (by external actors mostly).

Many acts of negotiation and resistance may underlie both settlement upgradation

and eviction by external authorities. Such acts prove essential for preventing eviction

and/or stabilize and extend illegal tenants tenure. Intermediaries may be used;

government officials may be approached, and money can be spent during a prolonged

and persevering negotiation processes. Thus negotiation stabilizes the physical

environment and hence strengthens tenants communitys identity formation. This

process of negotiation has already been discussed in the previous sections on

subaltern politics. All these socio-spatial interplays, that involve negotiation, hence

influence the way built environments transform and evolve.

45
2.2.4 Migrancy and built environment

Compared to the prior socio-economic studies regarding migrancy and urbanization

in the third world, little has been contributed to knowledge in the built environment

disciplines (Fenster 1996; Cairns 2009); such works are hard to find with regard to

urbanization in the western world also. For example, Roberts (1978), Karan et al.

(1980), Bapat (1981) and Hardie (1989) represent a generation of researchers who

had attempted to describe migration-induced urbanization in the global south but with

a more top down approach. Only a handful of works (such as Perera 2009; Kudva

2009; Treadwell 2003), although partially, have in fact tried to show how the

presence of different migrant population has contributed to the physical shaping of

the host built environment. And as most of these studies do not, works such as

Nabeel Hamdis outlines a useful framework. His analysis of low income housings

spatial environment departs from the subsequent understanding of the actors, politics

(i.e. various interests that people bring into a particular scenario) and place (Hamdi

1995: 109-111). His frame-fabric-function triad as an analytical framework also

proves useful for measuring the nature of ownership one enjoys in a low income

settlement (Ibid: 113). Yet, Hamdis work is more intervention-oriented rather

explanatory. Despite its provisioning of useful tools for comprehending the

underlying socio-political structures of these settlements, the framework informs only

to the extent required for an efficient and methodically sound professional practice in

such settlements. In that, it does not seem to delineate any theoretical thread and clear

variables. Housing literatures in general also do not study its users (here the

migrants) in relation with a larger context maybe with some other spatialities in the

city, or with some other people or kinship network outside his physical house in the

slums, or perhaps with some well-retained rural customs and traditions.

Mainstream studies in architecture are also often criticized for being myopic and for

not having interest to relate their studies with the larger picture (Knox 1987). For

46
example, Kostof (1989) draws a superb account on why and how settlements should

be seen as a continuum beyond the rural-urban divide, yet very seldom talks of the

role and intension of people (actors and agents) driving it. Architectural studies by

this particular generation can be criticized for not being eager to count the actual

agents, i.e. the people and their socio-political-economic acts behind the processes

of urbanization. To answer the present research question, there is a similar lack of any

comprehensive framework. There is also a lack of working knowledge and data

regarding internal migrants contribution to urbanization (Hogan and da Canha 2001).

When compared with the in-depth works done in the allied disciplines (e.g.

geography, planning and anthropology), architectural scholars are rarely found

working in the migrant settlements and with the migrant population. Kim Dovey, a

prominent architectural scholar with his expertise on working with the informal

settlements affirms that, the complexities of informality remain under-researched

and under-theorized at micro-spatial scales. Even if insightful studies of informal

settlements and urban informality are available (he mentions Turner 1976; Davis

2006 and Neuwirth 2005), we do not have any well-developed theories of how such

urbanism works (Dovey 2012: 351). On the other hand, research on slums is often

aspatial, as if the ways in which they have been designed the detailed materiality,

spatiality, density, amenity and spatial structure are of interest only to the degree

that they affirm the idea of poverty and disadvantage as a prelude to transformation

(Ibid: 365). Study on permanent rural migrants spaces, the social and spatial means

they deploy for home-making and the resulting spaces and built forms thus have been

found relatively unattended, taken for granted, or confused with something else.

There is however two important works that have seek to investigate the correlation

between migrancy and architecture. First, Scenes of Ambivalence: Remarks on

Architectural Patterns of Displacement puts forward a framework and hence

explains displacement (usually associated with keywords such as dislocation,

47
disruption, deconstruction, and otherness) as an instigator of creative practices and of

cultural change (Heynen and Loeckx 1998: 100). Referring to the architectural

implications of poetics of everyday reality26, and yet admitting that there is a

significant lack of its recognition in mainstream artistic and architectural scholarly

works, the authors hypothesize that the intricate and complex practices of

negotiation, negation, shifting and disjunction as parts of the everyday reality of

others must have some architectural implications (Table 2.5). In a world provoked

by numerous structural conditions such as instant urbanism and globalization, this

framework aims to explain the aforesaid architectural implications with regard to

various forms of displacement (Ibid).

Table 2.5: Indicators for architectural patterns of displacement (prepared in light of

Heynen and Loeckx 1994).

Implications Indicators
Condition and - Pre-displacement conditions: critical moments in life un-balance and
consequence of
confusion; destabilization and disruption of a normal order of life;
displacement
appropriation, confrontation, tension and contestation over same space.
- Post-displacement consequences: variable meaning and ambiguity in
host fabric that cannot be understood with existing wisdom: semantic
gaps (lack of meaning or illegibility of prior meaning e.g. new use of
public as private); semiotic gaps (lack of presence of meaning hidden
existence and practice), and praxeological gaps (absence of well-
defined practices to guide movers behaviour); juxtaposition of forms,
habits and conventions in host environment.
- Improvisation, intuition, risk and creativity involved for adjusting to
present situation; new signifying practices, creativity and re-
codification of signs (using imitation, mimesis or traditional form and
spatial practices even alien to the host society).
- Unstable and contradictory forms, spaces and practices (conflict with
meaning in an oppressive, such as in a racist environment); creation of
a closed system against an existing forceful and oppressive system;
self-contained nature impeding hybridization and mediation.

26. Generally refers to the works of Pierre Bourdieu, Henri Lefebvre and Michel de Carteau.

48
 Process of - Borrowed signifiers (image and form); meaning and practices from
settling down
other fields to produce new layers of meanings; metaphoric expression
of architecture using multiple external references including icons,
formal citation, and typological links from outside; metaphorical
transfer of architecture in ordinary practices (e.g. dwelling and
building).
- New situation leading to new practices, technology, forms and
meanings; borrowed and displaced building elements; contradictory
environment leading to ambivalent meanings; metaphoric transposition
(e.g. squatters inhibiting a city that does not exist on the master plan).
- Bricolage (combination of experiences belonging to different and not-
coherent whole such as rural forms in the city or vice versa, or colonial
architecture with local-influenced faade and western luxurious
interior).
- Problem-solving strategy to bridge reality with imagination; hybrid
architecture (architectural ambivalence, such as colonial architecture).
Role of - Architecture as receptacle/medium (architecture bear, represent and
architecture
manifest imprints of socio-culture due to conditions of displacement).
- Architecture as instrument (built environment as instigator of cultural
change architecture used as spatial tool for regulating behaviour and
discipline as did the Colonial rulers; new laws, new spatial regime and
territory, new philosophy, destruction, replacement, abolition;
demonstration of authority, purpose-serving).
- Building/dwelling as stage (creating theatrical space of negotiation
people try out new roles, new text, new costume and body language,
new social relation; active and passive roles).
Identity - Constructed as a process resulting from displacement; identity is
formation
formed by identifying with roles, names and behaviour offered by
(cultural)
social environment; mimetic appropriation produces shift, selection,
recombination and interpretation yet ever-dissatisfaction leads to
ever-search in outside sources; transformation and multiple
interpretation; ever-evolving and relative.

In Drifting: Architecture and Migrancy, Stephen Cairns (2003) views architecture

and acts of migration as a coexistence of the binaries. His analysis entails the

international immigrants building practices within the Western urban realm. He

argues, whereas architecture is associated with the ground-ness (of essentially

49
buildings), constitution of places and the delimitation of territories, migrancy is

mostly about uprootedness, mobility and transience. The situation gets complicated

as migrants, instead of settling down27, continue to search for a sense of permanence

and go on to create home. In so doing, a number of consequences arise.

Architectures capacity for grounding, delimiting, and accommodating are

constantly challenged through the material, social, cultural and emotional re-

territorialization of homeless migrants. Such reterritorialization also takes various

architectural forms ranging from the creation of segregated enclaves to the

construction of exotic or alien dwelling units scattered around the host built fabric. A

range of adaptive, syncretistic and hybridized architectural edifices may also be

found. Here architecture functions as a specific isomorphic technology and

imaginary for conveying migrants home-making efforts as acts of claim. The

signs of a migrant's origin continue to be reshaped and morphed according to the

cultural norms and forms that operate within the host society. For the migrant to

dwell in these times requires negotiation of increasingly forceful flows - of capital,

ideas, images, goods, technology, and people (Ibid: 1-3).

Within a multicultural environment, immigrants home-making efforts using their

own architectural signs can be affected by governments efforts to assimilate them

with the host environment. Rather than acting as an acknowledgement of difference,

27. This notion can be explained with the concept of Multiculturalism; the expectation that
immigrants would simply arrive, settle, and assimilate, has been tempered by an
assumption that immigrants might settle in their new destinations in ways that openly
acknowledge and express their own cultural origins, even in ways that sustain links to
their places of origin. Under a multicultural conception of national or metropolitan life,
the split loyalties that accompanied migrant dislocation are given public expression.
Architecture and migrancy accommodate each other in an altered way...Architectural
reterritorialization takes place not according to the dominant territorial logic of the host,
or according to some universally assumed principle of settlement. Rather, it is expected to
articulate the diverse styles of settlement that distinctive immigrant cultures bring. Under
the logic of multiculturalism, national and metropolitan citizens take comfort In the Image
of a reconstituted architecture of places, regions and territories. These are places that have
been rearranged and disturbed perhaps, but they are also places that are understood to
have been culturally enriched and enlivened, and are consequently celebrated (Cairns
2003: 7).

50
architecture is made to operate as a defensive mechanism (Ibid: 7). If contemporary

dwelling is co-constituted with migrancy, then this sets challenge for architecture's

traditional investment in statics, foundations, groundedness, and stability...migrancy

means...not only changing places; it also means changing the nature of places (Ibid:

8). When architecture and migrancy are juxtaposed, one can expect an unwieldy

stream of associations...from the obvious to the cryptic, the significant to the trivial,

the reliable to the anecdotal, the threatening to the comforting (Ibid: 17). Altogether,

architecture and migrancy can be correlated and work for each other as Table 2.6

outlines.

Table 2.6: Indicators for architecture-migrancy pairing (prepared in light of Cairns

2003).

Relations Indicators
Architecture- Exotic architectural forms, styles and motifs and their interaction with
by-migrants
everyday life (Chinatowns); less articulated forms (expat-towns in non-
Western world); settler (colonial) territories; politics of cultural
production; vernacular form (Bungalow); hybridity; out-of-place-ness;
unorthodoxy; ever-evolving agency of migrants; informal architecture.
Architecture- Marginalized architecture of refugee camps and shantytowns; overlooked
for-migrants
agency of migrants; architecture of emergency and poverty; large-scale
and bureaucratic operations; coded with economic, logistic, structural and
material efficiencies; portable architecture, architects as migrants.
Architectures Optimism, enthusiasm and possibility of enrichment against nationalism
migrancy
and territoriality essentially promotes humanism; architectural
typological logic over social needs disarticulation of form and function;
macroeconomic forces of globalization; home instead of housing since the
former associates mobility while the latter does not; mobility and
settlement.
Drifting Instability of language; slippage of meaning; memory/anxiety of displaced;
intersection of migrancy and its diverse languages; denaturalized bond
between being and place; agent in relation to its productions, its laws and
the world that it creates; a capacity to see oneself somewhere else;
entrapped between the place of birth and the place of desire; pluri-local
places; ongoing, multiple, intermittent and intensified investment in place.

51
2.3 Summary: threads and gaps in knowledge

The literature review provides important directions for comprehending rural-urban

migrants home-making process in the city. It also helps identify a number of key

areas that are necessary for framing the research methodology. Table 2.7 summarizes

these important directions and looks at the gaps that appear. Depending on these, a

framework is proposed at the final section of this chapter, aiming to facilitate this

study and contribute to filling in many of these gaps.

Table 2.7: Threads and gaps in knowledge (derived from literature review).

Key area Important threads Gaps in knowledge

Population - Socio-spatial consequences - Studies carried out in the Western
displacement,
of (im)migration-driven context, focusing on the assimilation
urbanization
urbanization is studied with and/or integration process of the
reference to global-level immigrants
economic and political forces - Primary focus on socio-economic
outcomes in relation to migration; no
spatial consequences discussed
Bangladesh, - Diachronic research carried - Despite some demographic data, their
Khulna
out for investigating both meaningful interpretation in relation
migrant livelihoods and with socio-spatial components are
urbanization trends scarce
- Important historical contexts - Migration studies have not been
are established that facilitate conducted with spatio-physical focus
grounding of micro-level - Birds eye view of built environment
studies and preparation of a studies; actual ground-level processes,
comprehensive framework mechanisms and methods ignored
for analysis
Slums, - Ethnographic investigation of - Lack of in-depth architectural studies
informal
slum spaces and social similar to ethnographic works
settlements
structure - Focus shifts when migrant spaces are
- Effect of global market viewed as slums (and migrants as
forces on slum formation slum-dwellers)
- Formal-informal is a - There is no oxymoron to denote the
continuum (rather binary) formal-informal continuum
- Structural forces (market - Most focus on structural conditions;
liberalization, globalization) grassroots-level architectural

52
 discussed as conditions processes are ignored. Studies such as
leading to informality, while forms/spaces of informality are
informality remains the scarce and inadequate28 for grasping
mechanism to resist and/or how question on micro-processes
negotiate with these
- Subaltern studies identify key - Draws examples from India mainly
economic resources, and - No architectural studies actually use
explain how in modernized any subaltern studies frameworks to
third world nations various investigate the spatial consequences of
actors engage in persistent the politics of the governed or silent
political acts to access those encroachment of the ordinary both
focusing on power relations and space
- Assemblage theory explains - Theory is mainly for studying twofold
twofold concepts (formal- concepts (e.g. formal-informal); but
informal) lacks a clear analytical framework;
- Shows how social and spatial generally conceptual and less tested
boundaries are inscribed and (and hence less developed)
erased, and expressed and - Requires supplementary theoretical
transformed using support to be optimized for particular
territorialization and de- studies (e.g. Dovey 2012, adds
territorialization complex adaptive systems)
- Nature of tenure and - Framework to study settlements only
ownership identified as key down to the level of morphology; not
components for informal developed enough to study dwelling-
settlement process level transformations
Migrancy and - Well-developed methods for - Theories, though only a handful, are
built
studying ordinary developed with reference to Western
environment
environments context chiefly
- In relation to migrancy, - Theories are not adequately tested
architecture is used by - No direct relevance with the question
migrants both as an arena and asked in this PhD; there are variables
a means to achieving developed by these theories that might
permanence and identity be useful only

28. Akin to earlier architectural studies, Dovey and King (20011)s Forms of Informality
discusses form-making at the urban level (and in terms of urban morphology). It however
does not discuss the informal peoples space-making practices at the lower-level of
settlements in relation with possible socio-spatial compromises, and also in consideration
of the obvious constraints (spatial, economic) that informality is prone to.

53
2.4 Conceptual framework: justification

Notwithstanding their lacks, the literature review certainly clarifies one thing. Any

form of transformation of the built environment, including accommodation,

construction of dwelling units, securing land tenure in whatever temporary forms that

may be, or even provisioning of infrastructure these all require being in control.

People, who use these functions, need to have a sense of ownership and hence the

ability to be in control of the processes these ownerships involve. The nature of

ownership, as realized through various control (mechanisms), actually determines the

allowable limits to transformation of any spatio-physical setting29. This is particularly

true of the migrant settlements where tenure status is ambiguous while the meaning of

tenure is slippery. Yet, to measure the nature of control in relation to socio-spatial

practices and consequences, there is no framework which is readily available. For

this, the research begins with a theoretical thread called Home, which focuses on the

social dimensions of built environment in relation with the spatial. Later, the concept

of Privacy, the key variable of home is further elaborated. This exploration leads to

the realization that privacy is a goal, for whose attainment various control

mechanisms are used by actors who seek for it. In the interest of architecture, focus is

given on the environmental control mechanism called territoriality. The concept of

territoriality is used throughout this research to demonstrate how the various actors

have been involved in different spatial practices for retaining control of their

boundaries within a context characterized by a severe shortage of resources.

The diagram as in Figure 2.2 (overleaf), which is further developed in the later

sections, demonstrates the conceptual relation between privacy, control and

territoriality as an elaboration of the home framework.

29. This is discussed elaborately in the next section under conceptual model.

54
Figure 2.2: Relation between Privacy, Control and Territory (framework borrowed from
Altman 1975: 7).

Crudely, as in the housing literature, the word home is used, for example, to indicate

something that needs to be possessed (Turner 1976: 81). Home is also used

interchangeably with (the acts of) abode/dwelling (Ibid: 103; 146). Other housing

scholars from both worlds, such as Patton (1998: 268), Payne (1984: 120), and Singh

(1992: 200) associate home with tenure, affordability and building respectively.

What all these studies commonly imply is that for home-making, there is a need for

acquiring a sense of control by claiming and occupying a piece of land, a dwelling

unit or an overall settlement. With regard to the research question that aims to

understand the underlying conditions, mechanisms and consequences of home-

making in the low-income migrant settlements, control appears to be the

independent variable.

The theories of home, as will be seen in the next section, have the qualities to

comprehend historic conditions. As mentioned in Chapter 1, this research is

55
interested particularly in post-WWII conditions, during which the global mindset

has been dominated by a need for modernization and hence industrialization.

However, in the interest of this research, the home framework focuses on conditions

particularly prevalent in the developing nations. The key role of this framework is to

aid a critical understanding of the production of home under modern conditions. As

seen in the reviewed literature and also in the problem statement, the crucial role of

various actors in the many stages of tenure acquisition process demands of a

framework that enables the measure of these actors role in the production of

migrants home in the city. In that, the chosen home framework has been further

tailored and elaborated to aid the measure of spatial control mechanism of migrants

physical home environments, with reference to all the actors involved. On the basis

of the literature review summary, following arguments aims to justify the selection of

home as a theoretical premise for this research:

a. All individual actors in social systems are, among others, physical

organisms that are related in physical space. The physical nature of
organisms is significant with regard to the actual residential location,
i.e. home the base of operations of the actions of an individual
(Werlen 1988: 189).

b. Home is the sphere of the daily life and the arena in which
fundamental restructuring of society is materialized (Buchli 2002:
210-211, on Soviet society). As seen in European cities, changes in
the layout, meaning and use of domestic space is revealed in the
changes in ideology, economics, social organization and the
morphology of particular urban quarters at the scale of the city
(Lawrence 1995: 59).

c. Home refers both to a product and a process (Rapoport 1995: 29).

d. A geographic perspective shows that home is a construct that spans

across different scale-levels: dwelling, settlement, city and nation

56
 (Lawrence 1995: 65); in fact, it spans across the body to
transnational space (Blunt and Dowling 2006: 27-29).

e. Home is also a multi-dimensional construct; it has, (1) Spatial and

temporal dimensions which include formal structural properties
across diverse geographic scales and times; (2) Societal dimensions
which include ideological, political and socio-economic factors; and
(3) Experiential dimensions which include emotions and values
related to the residential biography of individuals and households
(Lawrence 1995: 58).

f. In a recent conference titled Home, Migration and the City, the

flyer reads, ...at the heart of migration lies a fundamental
transformation in spaces and places that are linked to the social and
cultural meanings of home and belonging...Migration brings about a
material change in the places and locations through which notions of
identity, individual expressions and belonging are transformed.
Through the movement of people...cities, homes and localities
become re-narrated...Home can be described as translocal,
transnational and diasporic shaped by consumption, remittances
and social networks. The domestic spaces inhabited by migrants are
especially important for their roles in constructing attitudes and
behaviours towards others (ESF-LiU Conference 2010).

g. Unlike the usage of slum or informal for example, which are

mostly evaluated and labelled by externals (other than the so-called
slum-dwellers) and quiet often have a prejudiced overtone,
migrants home appears to be a more neutral terminology.

2.5 The social construction of home: a review of literature

Migrants home-making efforts, as Saunders and Williams (1988: 81) put it, open up

a range of crucial and interrelated issues beyond its material dimensions, and thus

beyond the primary levels of the dwelling. If named, household structures and

relationships, gender implications, property rights, questions of status, privacy and

autonomy, and consumption would only be a few amongst them. Within the

57
developing world characterized by resource-scarce governments and bureaucratic

planning regimes, rural migrants home-making thus necessitates the strategic use of

all the spatio-political niches, loopholes and cracks within the formal system. As

highlighted in A home in the city (UN 2005), it is exactly in these cracks and niches,

spatio-political boundaries between the migrant and external elitist agencies are

constantly being negotiated. Such negotiations, to a large extent, determine what sort

of home is made.

Nevertheless, home-making as such is (and has been) also influenced by modern

conditions. The transition from village living to city dwelling comes as a trauma for

many of the neo-urbanites. Drawing examples from urban Mexico, Stea (1995: 194-

196) shows that these newly urban population commonly lacked the necessary

coping mechanisms to adjust to the modern ways of life once they were suddenly

exposed to it. As found, the initiation of the modern idea of a citizen had actually

left a levelling effect on the predominantly agrarian (hierarchical) community

structure in terms of how social responsibilities are exercised at the public spatial

environments. The notion of an intermediary community elite that once abridged

the level of family to the local municipality became largely absent. For any such

need, households started clinging more to the friends and family network. A similar

effect may also be found in modern apartment house interiors, where a conflict

between cultural needs and modern needs lead to a fundamental transformation of the

spatial organization of the house interior (Ibid: 191). This discussion, however, points

to the way in which personal and social identities are found being shaped under

modern conditions, and through sets of relationships between members of a society in

the contextual conditions of a place (Lawrence 1995: 56-57). Considering these, the

concept of home and its spatial practices seem correlated with the sets of complex

and inter-dependent relations (e.g. formal-informal, patron-client, master-servant

etc.) between individual and larger society, and mediated by sets of affiliations.

58
Collectively, these affiliations define and are defined by duties and claims, rights

and obligations, and social status and role of persons and groups. These influence

self, social and place identities, and shape how the notion of home is interpreted in

specific situations in a given time (Rapoport 1995: 28). Altogether, this particular

construct of home hints of a framework that accommodates both tangible and

intangible constituents of interpersonal relationships involving the family,

community, government, education, employment, religion and recreation in the daily

lives of individuals and groups (Lawrence 1995: 65). Given the historic socio-

political context of Khulna, and considering the significant relation between the

societal and physical dimensions of home, the home framework necessitates the

study of residential biography of migrant individuals and groups (as in Lawrence

1995: 66).

The Weberian idea of action relates to the physical world; it subjectively links

objective social meanings with an activity, which involves the physical world as a

condition of action (Werlen 1988: 183). Houses and settlements for someone like

the migrant thus become very important signifiers of their socio-psychological-

economic circumstances. Since the social components of built environment are

expressed through social actions and interactions (Herbert and Thomas 1990: 261),

social relations greatly affect the physical components (namely house-/settlement-

layout and house-/settlement-form). This reminds Rapoport (1995: 45)s fundamental

question about home-making: What kinds of relationships link which people to what

attributes of which setting30, why and through which mechanism? It emphasises the

fact that a sense of home only emerges when certain sets of relationships between

people and their system of settings in which the physical house becomes the primary

setting or anchoring point. Yet, many studies of home, conducted primarily in the

western context, emphasize only the individualist and family-centric conditions of

59
home (Ibid: 40). The dwelling remains the setting for the family, writes Sebba and

Churchman (1986, as in Ibid: 30), in which maximum control may be exerted

allowing self-expression and leading to feelings of security. The result is that it

acquires unique psychological and social meanings, which...turn it into a home, i.e.,

which establish particular relationships between people and that setting. Discussion

on social process yet again focuses on the internal members of the household.

Hayward (1978: 419) identifies nine relationship-dimensions of home, amongst

which one considers home as sets of relationships with others; relationship with a

wider social group and community; and relationship with the physical structure

(and shelter). This research again was developed in the context of modern western

housing estates and their inhabitants socio-spatial behaviours. The question of

possible ways of home-making thus remains absent here. One fails to understand

the possible other alternative mechanisms underlying. Similar concerns are echoed

in the works of prominent scholars. In his studies of home, Lawrence (1995: 58)

asserts, its societal dimension, i.e. the political and socio-economic factors that

define home, are frequently ignored. Stea (1995: 183) also that usually ignored is

the fact that ones ability to maintain an identity between house and home that is,

actually to dwell in the place one regards as home are strongly related to the socio-

political economy of the country (context) in question. This need for realizing the

social construction of home in low income migrant settlements is further advanced by

the claims of subaltern/informality study groups as discussed earlier. The

theorization of the megacity and its subaltern spaces and subaltern classes provides

accounts of the slum as a terrain of habitation, livelihood, self-organization and

politics (Roy 2011: 223).

30. Setting is a precise locality at specific points in time (Lawrence 1995: 54).

60
Referring back to the problem statement and literature review, the most interesting

attribute of migrant settlements is their predominantly loose-fit and unorthodox

dwelling form, which can also be viewed as creative and often autonomous. The

flexibility of these forms owes to the manageable presence of external elitist actors

and hence is shaped by the reciprocal decisions these actors and the migrants make.

Here constraints are used as advantages, while the distinct presence of many forms of

silent interactions continues to drive all forms of spatio-physical transformation at the

different levels of these settlements. It is the migrant-inhabitants, whos compromises

and negotiations with both horizontal and vertical actors both formal (governments

central and local, NGOs) and informal (political leaders, businessmen, landlords),

which is maintained generally in socially amicable ways, becomes the most essential

of all social components determining the spatio-physical (i.e. planological)

transformation of migrant settlements.

These considered I refer to THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF HOME by Peter

Somerville (1997). This framework helps understand the societal processes of home-

making in relation with the spatial and phenomenological components. This

integrated framework examines the meaning of home in terms of a socio-

phenomenological trinity namely: privacy, identity and familiarity as they make

sense of each other by complementing each other and combining variables from

allied disciplines (Figure 2.3). Here, privacy suggests mainly of the spatial notions,

identity refers to the psychological notions and familiarity to the social (relational)

notions. Since studies of home are commonly carried out with a phenomenological

focus, Somerville argues that a social dimension is also essential to comprehend the

meaning of home since a mere phenomenological dimension of home runs the risk of

neglecting the economic and material meanings and hence of becoming inept to

recognize the social relations behind the process of meaning making. A social

dimension, in addition to phenomenological dimensions, is capable of determining

61
social relations and/or tenure issues as in here, for example, as an essential social

process underlying home-making (Ibid: 231).

Figure 2.3: The social phenomenology framework showing three essential dimensions
for a Social Construction of Home (prepared in accordance with Somerville 1997).

According to this framework, each household makes its own world within

boundaries which it erects against the world outside. At this level, familiarity is most

strongly linked with privacy, because the power to exclude others is essential for

securing a place for ones own (close kin), with shared personal activities, lifestyles,

furnishings, decorations etc. Success in creating such domestic familiarity however

requires certain economic resources and legal rights which act as the means to

support and manage a household; this also requires security of possession of a

dwelling for that household. Lack of such means or security results in homelessness,

and in such conditions domestic familiarity and privacy tend to break down, and the

identity of the household unit is also weakened. A reasonable level of household

income and security of tenure are therefore essential for domestic privacy, identity

and familiarity (Ibid: 236). To forward this argument, focus is given on the Privacy-

Identity pairing, since they link spatial with social which is also the focus of this

62
research. Identity can be seen as a formation by the interplay of privacy practices

through social relations. The three components of the framework are:

Privacy is manifested in private specialized space a sort of separation from rest of

the society leading to demands for privacy. Privacy is constructed through a dialectic

interaction between the inside and outside of a boundary of a particular type (e.g. as

room within a house or dwelling within the settlement etc.). The ability to remain

private demonstrates the power to decide for both individuals and households

whether or not to engage with strangers and to what extent. This ability guarantees

anchorage a status mandatory for maintaining membership to a social network by

continuing economic and legal relations to gain economic benefits and legal rights.

For example, in modern day Europe privacy practices involve both physical and

psychological construction of boundaries.

Physical construction of boundaries takes place according to familial

and cultural ideology. It is due to the change in political and familial
structures in response to economic and social changes, rather than
physical or psychological ones that determine the meaning of home.
Privacy practices may be manifested in the creation of front and
back areas of house, and through the different layout/spatial
arrangements (and subsequent rise and decline) of house spaces.
Semi-public or semi-private areas are used as contact zones, i.e. the
permissible/penetrable depth of space. Gendered spaces are
demarked according to gender or master-servant roles. Privacy is
about maintaining distance from neighbours and surroundings. In
some countries, public display and public recognition of households
private identity and social status is common; it demonstrates that the
extent of being private is also variable. For boundary control,
dialectic negotiation between insider and outsider takes place,
where both insider and outsider maintain their own roles and
contribute to create boundaries to achieve the desired level of

63
 privacy. Privacy may also be achieved through the psychological
establishment of personal space (Ibid: 232-234).

Identity is formed through a process of dialectic between self and other for

individuals and households alike. It essentially involves dialectic of boundary

control as works from allied disciplines show.

In social terms, identity is a product of negotiation of boundaries

between actors with different power status; identity is constructed
through the articulation of pre-existing social relations, especially
those of class, status and power. It thus remains more external,
while domestic privacy is required to ensure self identity. Identity
may also be constructed at the level of groups; it can be measured in
terms of relationship between ones own (e.g. ethnic) social group
and others. Although not dialectical, yet the way boundary is
demarked and maintained is same as in phenomenological accounts
of self identity; social closure is required for group identity. At this
level of groups, the common identity stems as a consequence of the
operation of a complex dialectics of appropriation within core ethnic
communities with a shared historical experience and shared
association with a specific origin/homeland. Identity of a human
being as an autonomous individual is bound up with his membership
of a body of citizens who all own property (material and/or
intellectual) according to the same set of rules and laws. Identity,
however, stems essentially from the notion of individualism.

In phenomenology, identity forms from the dialectic of

appropriation, concerning the acquisition of symbolic meaning
through changing transaction (interaction and interrelation) over
time; identity is constructed from the viewpoint of the conscious
subject, thus making it more internal in nature (Ibid: 234-235).

Familiarity is the maintenance of identity through continuity and stability of

experience; it is the loss of the familiar (for refugees or migrants driven out of home)

64
is a loss of identity to a considerable extent. Domestic relations are dominated by

familial structures; the process of domestication involves familiarization the

process of creating and maintaining permanent relationships of caring, sharing, and

solidarity of feeling and action.

Phenomenology people, as individuals or as groups, feel at home

(private, familiar) if they are in control of their own boundary where
they can be themselves and they are being able to (re)produce the
world within this boundary they make.

Sociology links between domestic and family relations create a

sense of familiarity; familiar are those locations in space where
regular activities are performed; time of regular activity also create a
sense of place. Stable kinship and other wider social relations as
part of a network membership leads to mutual familiarity.
Frequency and regularity of intra-network transactions throughout
life is the key determinant of familiarity.

Anthropology familiar is seen as a natural opposition to foreign,

alien, exotic while dialectic is understood in structural terms,
primarily determined by structures of kinship; familiarity is
produced by ritual (repeated acts) and by myth (inter-generationally
transmitted interpretive records or narratives) and essentially by
culture (a combination of practices, customs and traditions particular
to a certain group). However, at the level of groups it is
comparatively difficult to maintain boundary which is much easier at
individual and household levels.

Heterophenomenology familiarity is produced by repeated

voluntary transactions within groups. Subjects make themselves at
home by marking and safeguarding their own boundaries and they
manage this partly through repetitive behaviour and story-telling.
Familiarity implies regularity of appearance. Exclusion of others (i.e.
ensure privacy by creating various forms of boundary between self
and the other) is prerequisite to secure a place of its own at the level

65
 of households; within households, it is the shared activities,
lifestyles, furnishings, decorations etc. amongst close kin.
Successful creation of familiarity hence requires certain economic
resources (income) and legal rights (tenure security) means to
support and manage a household and the security of possession of a
dwelling. Without these, domestic familiarity and privacy tend to
break down and identity of the household unit is also weakened
(Ibid: 235-237).

Going back to Somerville (1997)s model, few mentions of an external force behind

the shaping of ownership is found. And when the issue of ownership in relation to

external forces is discussed, the experiences of the western democratic society (hence

formal) does not help much toward the understanding of complex social processes

(politics) present in the pseudo-democratic and essentially class-based societies in the

developing world. It is therefore, even if the sociological literature interprets the

meaning of home through sociological categories such as class, gender and tenure

(Ibid: 229), they mostly use concepts of domestic (in-house) relations and household

structure rather explaining how in the developing world external (elitist) actors and

their networks fundamentally influence the process of ownership of land and houses.

Although many contemporary literatures discuss the effect of socio-political factors

in the shaping of home they again depend too heavily on western experiences (as in

Mallett 2004; Blunt A. and R. Dowling 2006). In other cases, they share experiences

from the global south but without any discussions on the influences of external social

relations on form-making (as in Dayaratne and Kellett 2008).

Adapting a Western model for the proposed research has other downsides too. Since

the life priorities of the western subjects are different compared to the slum-living

migrants from the developing world, any research on the meaning (and process)

associated with home demands for a change of priority while choosing variables.

While focus on psychological and phenomenological notions (e.g. security, status,

66
feminism etc.) dominate home research in the western context (Somerville 1997:

229), the issues of basic needs (e.g. ownership, accessibility, economic/livelihood

dimensions) find greater significance in the research framework for studying rural

migrants home and its spaces in the non-Western context. The nature of democracy

that is practiced in the developing world is also questionable compared to that of the

west; Rapoports question on mechanism hence probably bears greater significance

as in the cases of Khulna or in Kolkata (Roy 2004) than in western societies. It is in

these places social relations exogenous to the immediate level of the house tend to

play a key role in determining successful home-making. From a migrants perspective

and with reference to the context of class-based third world societies, Rapoport

(1995: 45)s initial question could be further elaborated. Given the circumstances, it

should be asked: What sort of social relationship link which classes of people to

what attributes of which setting, and through which (informal) mechanism and to

what effect (on the built environment)?

This relationship, in which the urban poor in the developing world engages with the

powerful elite, is more complex and informal compared with its counterparts of the

west. The persistent acts of negotiation, resistance or compromise involved in such

processes hence demands for the further development of Somerville (1997)s

framework. Even in the dearth of economic resources and considering the market-

turn of western societies, a typical western citizen is still benefitted by the

governments welfarist principles and rule of law. In the absolute presence of the

formal in western societies, the question of possible mechanisms outside formal

means hence is not an essential component, and understandably is difficult to find

out in the numerous frameworks of home proposed by western scholars.

On the basis of Somervilles framework and in light of the literature review, it can

now be argued that the notion of privacy, i.e. the idea of being in a decision-making

67
position of ones own environment, by being in control of tenure (an anchorage)

remain the most important start-up component for home-making especially

considering the poor migrants socio-economic status. For the same reason, scholars

have viewed home tantamount to ownership, and affirmed its key role for security,

family and continuity of any household (Dupuis and Thorns 1996). These

deliberations also coincide with the prime objective of home-making as found

earlier in the reviewed housing literature. Nevertheless, how one acquires the

ownership outside the formal mechanisms and hence continues to enjoy his/her claim

has not been elaborated and incorporated in Somervilles model. This requires further

elaboration of the concept of Privacy in relation with the notion of control.

2.6 Privacy, control and territoriality

Privacy: is essentially an interpersonal boundary-control process that paces and

regulates interaction with others (Altman 1975: 10). Similar to the way the boundary

properties (permeability) in cell membranes adjust and shift to achieve a

desired/viable level of functioning, physical, social and psychological boundaries and

barriers are also used by persons and groups in response to changing circumstances to

control others access (Ibid: 27). Privacy hence can be defined as a selective control

of access to the self or to the ones group. The following characterize privacy:

1. Privacy is of two types: desired and achieved. Desired privacy

is a subjective statement about how much or how little contact is
ideally desired at a given moment in time, while achieved privacy
is the actual degree of contact that results from the interaction with
external actors (Ibid: 10). If the achieved level of privacy is higher
than desired, a person or group can be seen isolated from the society.
If the achieved level is lower (as can be hypothesized of slums), the
situation can be termed crowded. Different reactions may occur
from the person or group to counter these situations. Attempts may
be made to reinforce the existing boundary or assume additional

68
 boundary control mechanisms to address crowding. A person or
group may increase distance from others. He/she may use more
vigorous nonverbal behaviours to communicate undesired intrusion,
or may even put in clear territorial boundaries (Ibid: 8).

2. There are three reoccurring themes of privacy. One, the desire for
privacy the most essential component of home-making involving
multiples social units or actors (e.g. the permanent migrant and other
elitist actors with varying interests, in this research). Two, analysis of
privacy and its boundary-control mechanisms need to be viewed as a
bidirectional process, (e.g. involving both inputs from external
actors to the migrants, and vice versa). Three, the definition implies
selective control (a dynamic process), where privacy practices
assume different forms in response to different circumstances over
variable periods of time (Ibid: 18).

3. There are also the behavioural mechanisms used by actors to

achieve their desired level of privacy. These mechanisms, which act
as an integrative system, are a combination of four components;
these are: verbal behaviour, nonverbal use of the body,
environmental behaviour (personal space and territory), and
culturally defined norms and practices. In many cases, these
components may substitute for each other (Ibid: 32). A framework
for understanding the nature of boundary control (for achieving
privacy) requires a focus on the environmental mechanisms. These
different levels, however, operate as a coherent system (Figure 2.1,
earlier) where one may substitute for another (e.g. appropriation of
roadside space using objects rather claiming it verbally). This
operation of the coherent system however shapes and is being shaped
by the concerned socio-physical environment (Ibid: 4).

Control: as a concept, control is related to dominance; yet it has a much broader

implication. It accommodates the influence that a person can have on other people, on

spaces, and even on ideas in both active (initiating or offensive) and passive (resistive

and defending) ways (Edney 1975: 1109). In the built environment, the key to

69
perceiving change rests in the idea of control. Control then can also be defined as the

ability of the actors (interested in the built environment) to transform parts of the

environment. Actors exercise control by many acts of inhabitation exerting formal

control means transforming. Alternatively, behind all transformation underlie the

intension to control. Any addition, subtraction, displacement or removal of physical

parts with or off the built environment involves some form of controlling actors a

person, a group, an organization or an institution (Habraken 1998: 8). This invariably

brings on the discussion on territoriality, which involves ownership or possession

and occasional active defence by actors in control. Territorial behaviour as an

interpersonal boundary-mechanism is not simply confined within keeping out

somebody from ones own turf (Altman 1975: 104). Actors who territorialize the

environment bring individual interest to the field, and transform it to their likings,

using acts of personalization. These actors in control may contest for a particular

territory, while simultaneous communication, negotiation and cooperation take place

keeping the environment in equilibrium (Habraken 1998: 29).

Territoriality: the relation between territoriality and control can be outlined in

different ways. A territory may be viewed as an area controlled by an individual, a

family, or a collective body. Personal territory may be a private claim on space,

where the individual develops some form of comfort, control and tacit rights. Yet in

all cases, actors use their territories to increase power and control. Thus territoriality

can be defined as an act of achieving and retaining control over a particular segment

of space; for the latter, control is essential for achieving a fundamental goal of

humans, i.e. the freedom of choice in their environments (Edney 1975: 1109). If

territory provides control (i.e. desired level of privacy), people act tolerantly to crowd

and shorter interpersonal distances (Ibid: 1110).

70
Built environment can then be viewed essentially as a territorial organization, as a

space under the control of various actors/agents. In order to control form, the agents

must possess the capacity (read power) to transform space which is constructed by the

form under consideration. Transforming a material configuration, i.e. controlling of

form is a prerequisite for controlling space. Control of space denotes the ability to

defend that space against unwanted intrusion. Space under control is territorial, and

distinguishing such territory is fundamental to inhabiting. Territorial control,

primarily as an instinctive act is the ability to close a space for restricting entry

(Habraken 1998: 126). The very act of inhabitation i.e. that of occupying space and

selecting what comes in and what stays out is essentially territorial. Territory hence

can be recognized as space into which only certain items may enter. Following are the

typical attributes that associate territoriality:

1. A few common themes underlie the many definitions of

territoriality. One, territoriality is always referred to certain places
or geographical areas. Two, territorial behaviour serves a number of
socio-physical needs and motives. Three, all definitions convey the
idea of ownership of a place. Four, there are processes of
occupation and personalization (e.g. by spatial marking device
such as signs or fences) involved in all territorial behaviour.
Movement by outsiders across such boundaries take place with
caution and subject to permission only. Five, a territory may be a
domain of social units of varying sizes (a persons place as a
bedroom, or a groups place as house) (Altman 1975: 105). Six, in
the presence of territories, intrusion and defence is also natural;
preventive and marking behaviour is used to set up territories (and
hence personalize and symbolize ownership). Reactive or defensive
behaviours occur in response to actual or potential moments of
invasion (Ibid: 107).

2. Rules determine how parts are admitted or excluded from territorial

space (Ibid: 127). Various territorial acts, norms and customs, and

71
 legal deeds are used to keep boundaries under control (Altman 1975:
128). Local enforcements, whether formal or informal, establish (the
allowable) territorial depth within broader urban fabric (Ibid: 145).
Form hierarchies eventually reflect the common values of agents
who within certain accepted constraints, mutually interact with
external material, technical and economic conditions.

3. Depending on the degree of control as practiced by occupants, and

also considering the relative duration of users claim to the space,
three types of territories are identified (Ibid: 111):

a. Primary Territories: owned and used exclusively by individual

social units (individuals or groups), and are clearly recognizable by
others. These are controlled on a relatively permanent basis, and
are central to the day-to-day lives of the occupants. Ones house is a
good example of a primary territory where the identity of the owner
is salient, invasion or unpermitted entry by outsiders is a serious
matter, and control over access is highly valued. These territories
are powerful privacy-regulation mechanisms, violation of which lead
to the (re)adjustment of boundaries. Unsuccessful readjustments for a
longer time lead to a lack of self-esteem and self-identity (Ibid: 112).
These territories are places, which evolve through gradual
personalization and control as practiced by its users. As an important
boundary-regulation process, this links privacy regulations, territorial
mechanisms and self-identity.

The idea of interactional territory, on the other hand, explains

how a social groups personal spaces are formed and maintained,
surrounded by an invisible membrane rather than having
boundaries associated with objects and areas. These spaces have
elements of public access but also a degree of control by occupant
social groups. The restricted use of an area by individuals and groups
are ensured by a certain framework of rules. These are public level
personalization by groups rather than individuals that benefit the
group rather the individual (Ibid: 117). There is a greater mixture of
use of privacy-regulation behaviours, as people constantly adjust and

72
 readjust to ensure adequate understanding of others boundary
processes and ensure proper communication of their own.

b. Secondary Territories: less central, less pervasive and less

exclusive. In home territories as they are widely known, regular
users have relatively free access and a certain amount of control over
others use of space. Ownership and possession sometimes extend to
specific objects such as seats or tables in a public space, with certain
rules limiting the users from certain acts. Secondary territories act as
a bridge between the absolute control of primary territories and
almost-free use of public territories by all users. As boundaries are
continuously being established, tested and violated, confusion
regarding its threshold (and possible conflict between actors) may
arise (Ibid: 114).

c. Public Territories: are temporary spaces where almost everyone has

free access and occupancy rights. Occupancy of places such as
streets and parks is generally available without restrictions as long as
certain rules are adhered to. Although the individual has freedom of
access, he must refrain from certain actions and behaviours
restricted by laws, regulations and cultural customs. Their access and
use are usually limited in time. Public jurisdictions, for example, do
not usually involve ownership or possession; rather, they control
only the right to access for a brief period of time facilitating a
particular purpose (Ibid: 119). In the absence of efficient boundary-
control mechanism in a public domain, people rely heavily on
alternative mechanisms to attain some degree of privacy (Ibid: 120).

The concept of defensible space explains how some undesignated

and ambiguous territories within a public realm generate social ills.
These places are not controlled by the residents they are not
personalized and could not be easily watched by the occupants.
Secondary territories, because of their semi-public quality, thus often
have unclear rules regarding their use and are susceptible to
encroachment by a variety of actors with the use of a variety of
techniques. Studies show that a lack of surveillance, territorial

73
 control and a less-than-evident territorial ownership or marking of
the place lead to cases of heightened crime rates (Ibid: 116).

Territorial encroachment has a negative connotation with regard to

territorial acts. These are spatial acts of violating a territorial
boundary by persons or groups for varying time periods aiming at
disrupting ongoing activities or literally conquering the place and
changing its owner. Thus Violation involves unwarranted use of or
entry into a territory. No specific territory owner remains in this case
except for only a culturally defined class of permissible users.
Invasion involves bypassing boundaries and interrupting someone or
taking over a territory of another person or group either on a
temporary or a more permanent basis. Obtrusion occurs when a
claimant exhibits territorial demands in excess of what is socially
acceptable. Although primary territories are not given up readily,
public territories are often given up in response to encroachment
especially if alternatives exist (Altman 1975: 121).

In all cases, boundary crossings produce situations in which achieved

sense of privacy remains less than desired. This leads to the possible
readjustment to the boundary system. As encroachment occurs,
reactive responses may range from repetition of the markings to
warnings and physical defence. Preventive markers can involve
symbolic or actual physical barriers and boundaries (e.g. fences,
hedges, signs, controlled access and guards etc.). Houses may often
be designed and sites planned to prevent physical and visual
encroachment, while objects may be used to mark the threshold of
public territories. Both verbal and non-verbal means are deployed in
their various mixes; hostile or questioning looks, glances and
gestures serve to warn outsiders. Cultural mechanisms, such as local
dialect may also be used to keep off potential intruders (Ibid: 123). If
continuous or serious violation into primary territories does tend to
occur repeatedly, rapid escalation or reactive responses may take
place culminating into aggression (Ibid: 125).

4. Territorial hierarchy is experienced as territories situate themselves

within larger territories. Through diverse inhabiting acts by different

74
 actors, two or more territories may be housed under one large
territory without affecting the physical form. In addition, actors who
inhabit a particular territory maintain the right to control the
movements in and out of that territory as in a landlord-tenant
situation (Habraken 1998: 136).

5. Territorial depth is an important social indicator; it demonstrates

the underlying processes about how decisions are made on the
transformation of the built environment in the particular context of a
society. Two processes underscore these transformations. First, a
territorial power, subdivides its own space in a top-down manner to
create increased depth in order to enable more intensive use hence
leading to an increased density. Second, action is bottom-up, where a
number of included territories join together and appropriate their
own personal space from more public space and hence increase
depth (Altman 1975: 214). Vernacular forms, which may also be
viewed as an outcome of communal preferences, also explain this
bottom up process. Although individual actors exercise individual
preferences, their acts typically conform to a socially determined
framework of rules and norms (Ibid: 227).

6. Depending on duration, territories may also be dynamic and its

territorial depth may cyclically increase and decrease with time (e.g.
a roadside stall) (Ibid: 160). Environmental order, regardless of its
particular form, is always a continuous chain of public spaces of
increasing territorial size (Ibid: 178). Territoriality is a complex
process that changes with time and circumstances. While certain
well-defined territories may exist, their boundaries may be flexible
and may shift and evolve in response to changing situations.
Territorial behaviours are also adjusted and readjusted over time and
work in combination with other behaviours (Ibid: 104).

7. Agents: In form hierarchies, physical parts and their configurations

are controlled by actors or agents. In territorial hierarchies, space is
controlled where form remains part of the controlled space. Agents
controlling higher levels dominate agents controlling lower levels.
When higher-level agents control what goes into included territories,

75
 included agents must, as a rule, accept the imposed limitations on
what filters through the higher level (Habraken 1998: 139).

Eventually, dwelling proves to be a territorial act of occupation. It may involve a

single house or a room. House-building, however remains a form-making act within

acquired territory. The resulting house form always remains open to territorial

interpretation. It is therefore, various interpretation of a single house type, such as

shops, bakeries, and other residential scale commercial activities are common

(Habraken 1998: 154). Extreme changes in social organization following initial

occupancy may also trigger unforeseen variations in the original use and form (Ibid:

155). Once form is present, just as a container, life makes use of it, adjusting it and

adjusting to it, offering ever-changing territorial interpretations within its relatively

constancy. Territorial interpretation of a given form hence may lead to new forms

and new meanings (Ibid: 156). Given a fixed territorial structure, different forms may

also be placed in it. Various built forms and variable control distributions may go

with the same territorial structure. The building may operate in either territorial depth

but may also be controlled by outside actors (Ibid: 171).

2.7 Control and the social construction of home: the framework

In light of prior discussions, a framework is proposed here that aims to explain how

(and with what spatio-physical implication) a segment of permanent migrants in the

third world city have continued to enjoy ownerships of land and dwellings amongst

widespread resource scarcities and even without any formal/legal title. In that, a five-

stage literature review has been carried out, in which: (1) contextual works (in

Bangladesh and Khulna) have been reviewed; (2) global-level theoretical and

empirical works from allied disciplines were studied; (3) discussions have been made

about how home is socially constructed with further elaboration of the concept of

privacy; (4) the concept of control has been discussed as both an object and subject of

76
privacy needs and practices; and (5) empirical-theoretical discussion on territoriality

has been used to establish territorial practices as a way to studying various control

mechanisms. Figure 2.4 (overleaf) illustrates the conceptual derivation of home as an

arena for various social controls. It also identifies necessary indicators, depending on

which, a detailed study framework is proposed in the Methodology chapter.

Figure 2.4: Conceptual model Control and Social Construction of Home (prepared mainly
in accordance with Altman 1975, Habraken 1998 and Somerville 1997).

77
 Chapter 3: Methodology

3.1 Introduction

This chapter details out the strategies and instruments for carrying out the research.

Initially, it begins with the further elaboration of the stated problem in Chapter 1 that

helps a better substantiation of the primary research question. The sub-questions are

then derived in line with the stated objectives and with the help of the conceptual

framework. Each of the sub-questions is followed by a brief discussion about their

respective aims and field of data that each covers. This is followed by an introduction

to the context, here Khulna, the third largest urban agglomeration in Bangladesh.

Immediately follows an introduction to the particular migrant settlements to be

studied and rationale for their selection. Discussions on research type and strategy

come next, succeeded by a brief discussion on research subjects (and their selection

rationale). The next two sections briefly discuss the research instruments and data

analysis framework respectively. After that, a study framework is prepared which

outlines indicators and the concerned variables essential for data collection.

3.2 Research questions

This research, depending on the earlier theoretical and empirical studies, is premised

on the fact that rural migrants home-making occurs at the interstices of the formally

planned city (Dovey 2012), as the particular socio-economic-spatial realities of the

third world city lead them to assume a unique informal way of life (AlSayaad

2004). Considering the fact that many of these migrants have been living in Khulna

for more than two generations now and many have managed to own a house or a

plot of land even in the absence of the formal sector, this research begins by assuming

that the building and spatial habits demonstrated by them are in fact manifestations of

their unrelenting negotiations with other socio-economic-political actors. Such

negotiations have remained vital in compensation for the formal sectors absence in

78
the delivery of land and dwelling units. Over the years, as demonstrated by Walton

(1992:132) and Watson (2009: 176) in similar third world contexts, the top down

policies have been implemented mainly to serve the formal sector economy and its

elitist proponents. This has been observed even in the modern policies of the

European Colonia across the human settlements of the global south1. Yet, it is the

ordinary migrants marginalized by various forms of domination who still retain some

command to re-construct habitats (e.g. in the so called slums and informal

settlements), and play with and manipulate space to negotiate with authorities (as

described by Cupples 2009: 371 in similar contexts). In the present day, these

migrants have continued to influence the spatio-physical environments of the planned

city by transforming forms and spaces of their apparently illegal habitats in a

manner described by Bayat (2000) as silent encroachment. These migrants may also

be engaged in activities in many visible forms and spaces (as in Tunas 2008) that

typically take place alongside formal sector developments and take advantage of the

loose formal system (Kudva 2009; Perara 2009). Ordinary people such as these

migrants make use of the apparently useless formal infrastructure of planning in

various imaginative and alternative ways which was not considered by the planners

initially (as highlighted by Koolhaas 2002: 179 and 184 in the case of Lagos).

Given these, a number of binary conditions (e.g. legality-illegality or formality-

informality) have come to coexist over the years, while it is the many spatio-political

manipulations of these binaries by both migrants and the elitist actors that have

guaranteed an urban home for the former and a greater political control of the

ordinary masses (e.g. migrants) by the latter. For this, often the formal bodies (e.g.

government offices, NGOs) act and operate informally, while the informal migrants

try to obtain authorization from as many formal sector organizations as possible. A

1. Nahiduzzaman (2003) discusses a similar case of Bangladesh as elaborated in Chapter 4.

79
mutually beneficial socio-political arrangement between ordinary migrants and socio-

economic-political elites thus remains at work. This contributes to the spatio-physical

transformation of migrants homes (Figure 3.1). To avail public/formal sector urban

services and amenities (e.g. housing) in their absolute deficiency in the context of

Khulna, socio-political relation with influential elites hence has remained crucial.

Both synchronic and diachronic studies are therefore required that aim to investigate

the different forms of negotiation between the actors, their spaces, of the rules, and

the way they affect the built environment of the concerned settlements during

modernization and industrialization in Khulna.

This understanding is what led to the

formation of the primary question in

Chapter 1: what socio-spatial

mechanisms explain many homeless

rural migrants successful re-

making of home in the urban

context of Khulna, despite the

failure of Governments and private

formal sectors to provide low-income

housing during modernization and

industrialization in the third world

Figure 3.1: Problem statement in graphics;
nations? This requires a historical
showing the social-relation (with elites) access
to land/housing built environment triangle.
research; which has already been

identified in Chapter 2. A deeper understanding of the larger socio-economic-political

context thus becomes essential to fully appreciate the settlement- and household-level

spatio-physical transformation. It is realized that this transformation of Khulnas

urban form needs to be looked at and assessed in relation with the modern socio-

political doctrines to enable a better understanding of the processes underlying the

80
spatio-physical transformation at the level of migrant settlements. These considered,

the two sub-questions could be stated as in the following paragraphs:

Q1. In what ways have the modern policy regimes contributed to the spatio-

physical transformation of Khulnas urban form?

This question addresses the consequences of modernist land-related policies (and

politics) on the predominantly agrarian society of Bangladesh with a focus on

Khulnas spatio-physical transformation. Here, modern refers to the particular time

period that began with the post-Enlightenment Englands colonization of the Indian

Subcontinent in the mid-18th Century. It shows how a succession of top-down policies

targeting the agrarian countryside of Bengal (hence peasantry) had left grave

consequences for both its rural and urban areas. These transformations have also been

addressed in the case of Khulna. Modern however also includes the postcolonial

policy environments in Bangladesh to date, which have all been influenced by global

neoliberal policy thinking focusing on economic growth, rational planning,

industrialization and need for modernization of the former European colonies. This

question therefore aims to assess how in the predominantly agrarian context of

Bangladesh, the market-driven land and housing policies by successive authoritative

regimes have deliberately created different forms of scarcity in the lives of peasant-

turned-migrants in Khulna. A premise becomes apparent where Khulnas urban form

manifests as the outcome of the co-working of modernization-industrialization,

migration and politics triad.

Q2. What socio-spatial practices by the permanent migrant help control (hence

maintain ownership of) the spatio-physical boundaries of home during the

modernization-industrialization decades of Khulna?

This question is answered using a three-stage analysis of settlement history, spatial

practices and decision-making structure pertaining to the particular nature of spatial

81
and building practices in the context of Khulnas migrant settlements. Individual

settlement histories are discussed under predefined categories of ownership, but

pointing out to the problems related to such absolute categorization as most

settlements share attributes of both legality (formal) and illegality (informality). With

regard to this challenging context, both private- and public-level spatial practices and

their consequences are highlighted. It also underscores the motivations behind such

particular acts/forms of territorialization by identifying possible economic,

demographic and cultural forces at work. Recognition of the roles of involved elitist

actors, particular socio-spatial rules guiding the building and construction practices

and an outline of the underlying decision-making structure by community members

supplements the prior findings.

3.3 Research location

Figure 3.2: (Left) Khulna (circled), in relation to Bangladesh and India (Kolkata can be seen
on the left hand side of Khulna); (right) administrative boundaries of Khulna darker portion
is indicative of the present city boundary (Source: Dudek and Van Houtte 2008).

82
This research has been carried out in Khulna, the third largest city in Bangladesh with

a population of around 2million and with a density of 67,944/km2 within 45.65km2 of

its municipal area alone (KCC 2010). With its 37th ranking amongst the worlds

fastest growing cities (Citymayors 2007), it also has the highest concentration of

urban poor amongst all the coastal towns and cities in Bangladesh (Ahmad 2005: 16).

Khulna has one of the largest concentrations of poor settlements in the country as

well (5080 of varying size and classes), with half a million people living there

presently (CUS-UNDP-KCC 2011; Figure 3.3). Most of these poor however are

recognized as ex-migrants (KCC-LGED-UNDP 2009). Following statistics give a

contextual understanding of the economic status of these informal poor in Khulna

(and in Bangladesh) with regard to their home ownership2.

1. More than 20% of the

urban dwellers are landless
slum-dwellers in Khulna
(KCC-LGED-UNDP
2009); amongst, 27% own
a house of some sort while
66% remain as tenants
(Ahmed 2005: 10).

2. More than 60% of the total

national stock is owned
property rest belong
mostly to the central
Figure 3.3: Present
government; more than Khulna characterized
by mosaic-like (dots)
90% of these owned distribution of poor
properties are built by the migrant settlements
within formal
informal sector (GoB-ADB developments, home to
half a million migrants
1993: 2-4). (KCC-LGED-UNDP
2009).

2. National level data is used where local level data was unavailable.

83
 3. Low income groups constitute around 70% of the entire population
in larger cities like Dhaka but manage to enjoy only around 20% of
its total land area (Hoek-Smit 1998: 15-16 citing Islam 1986); in
terms of national average, less than 30% of these poor people are
actually owners of some kind of land. Other forms of tenure include
tenancy in private house and government housing, sub-tenancy, rent-
free stay, illegal occupation and pavement dwelling (WB 2007: 36).
The trend however is that the more expensive living in a city,
diminishing is the rate of ownership. In cities like Dhaka, around
53% of the migrants live in private slums, while the other 44% squat
on public land. Commonly, about 14m2 space is being enjoyed by a
family of five members (Afsar 2003: 4).

4. Average income for a migrant slum dweller in a typical Khulna slum

is between BDT3000-4000 (USD42-55) (Hasan 2003: 43); the
informal sector provides 85-90% of national urban employment
(ADB 2009: 13; 20); the contribution of informal sector to GDP is
around 63% (Ibid: 22).

3.4 Settlement-selection and settlement types

Considering the perspectives of the disciplines of economics and politics, the tenure

status of land or house, with its implications for personal control, is considered as the

most critical element that defines what makes a house a home (Johnson 1971, as

cited in Lawrence 1995: 55). Differences occur within and between cultures in terms

of ownership of houses (Ibid: 56). For example, the term home is used by Turner

(1976: 81) to indicate something to possess, while Hamdi (1991: 165), uses

ownership as an adjective to home. Similar can be said of other prominent scholars

such as Habraken (1998: 79) and Patton (1998: 268), who associate the terms

ownership and tenure respectively to designate home. Similar has been echoed in

the works of De Soto (2001: 7-8). The conceptual model in Chapter 2 also identifies

control as the key element for home-making pointing essentially to the need for a

secured tenure and hence the need for ownership as the key prerequisite for home-

84
making and continuity. This research remains interested in the migrant-dwellings and

settlements that have been owned, formed and maintained by the ordinary ex-

peasant-turned-migrants. Ten (10) migrant settlements (Figure 3.4: numbered dots)

of varying population size and land area (Figure 3.5) are hence selected based mainly

on the nature of ownership each of these settlements and their inhabiting migrant-

owners enjoy. The key area of interest remains in the ways each of these settlements

has succeeded to attain the present form of ownership using various socio-spatial

negotiations during the post-WWII years of modernization and industrialization in

Khulna.

The preference for this phase

of urbanization history is Migrant Settlements

Post-partition industries

simple. It is during these SAP-industries

4

particular years, two

significant global economic

9 8
doctrines (ISI and SAP) have 7

fundamentally affected the

spatio-physical environment 6

of this once little town of 3

10
Khulna by initiating
2
industrialization through the
1
establishment of a number of
5
large-scale public and private- 0 1km

sector industries, chief

Figure 3.4: KCC jurisdiction map; green dots
amongst which were Jute and (numbered) show locations of 10 migrant settlements.
Red and yellow dots show locations of post-partition
Shrimp processing industries (public sector, mainly jute) and post-SAP (private sector
export-oriented, mainly shrimp) industries respectively
respectively (Figure 3.4: (Source: Map courtesy KCC 2012).

85
smaller dots). It is during this particular period of time, massive inflow of rural to

urban migrants (mainly as factory workers and industry-related support workforce)

to Khulna surpassed all previous instances of urbanization. From 1961 to 1974,

during the first phase of industrialization when public-sector industries (mainly Jute)

were thriving, Khulnas population grew from 60,000 to 420,000. The population

further rose to 850,000 in 1998 (from 550,000 in 1981) (KDA 2002: 40) owing

mostly to setting up of private sector shrimp processing industries (export oriented).

As discussed, it was during these two phases when most of these selected settlements

matured and became home to half a million low-income migrant population in

Khulna.

1 6

2 7

3 8

4 9

5 10

Figure 3.5: Growth of migrant settlements: alongside industries (post-partition: 1, 2, 4; post-

SAP: 7, 8, 9); on Bangladesh Railways land (3, 10); on site and service plot (6); on private
property of city periphery (5) (Source: Image courtesy Google Earth 2012).

86
3.5 Research considerations

This section outlines the strategies and instruments intended for this research. As part

of this proposed methodology, it covers the research type, research strategy and the

key considerations for data collection and analysis.

3.5.1 Context of research method

The research is essentially exploratory as it seeks to understand the compensatory

(and often alternative) socio-spatial processes underlying migrants home-making in

the ordinary third world city, and hence reveals the un-anticipated. In that, it assumes

a qualitative stand, using qualitative means for data collection and analysis and an

overall qualitative methodology. In a few occasions during analysis, some numbers

are referred to. But these numbers are not claimed to be representative; rather, these

are generated from the different phases of the fieldwork, and are intended only to

supplement the arguments and findings. The strategy for this research is a

combination of deduction and induction3, although it commences with the former.

Relying initially on a range of theoretical and empirical reviews from

multidisciplinary sources, it defines the problem and proposes its own framework

(control-social construction of home framework in Chapter 2) to facilitate data

collection from the particular context of Khulnas migrant settlements. With regard to

this framework, the systematic analysis of the initial findings in Chapters 4 and 5 lead

to the identification of a number of themes and threads, which are further analyzed

and refined to propose (inductively) a new theoretical area (Scarcity-negotiation) in

Chapter 6. This however, contributes to the original conceptual framework as well.

Eventually this research proposes a framework (Home-negotiated control) consisting

of a number of hypotheses only to be tested further and hence to be developed into

a potential theoretical premise.

87
3.5.2 Strategy: combination of synchronic and diachronic

This research is both diachronic and synchronic. It relies on historical data for

constructing the backdrop against which the effects of various land-related policies

on ordinary peasants (and later migrants) lives are assessed. A five-phased analysis

of historical trends (beginning with British colonization of Indian subcontinent in

1757 by the East India Company) is carried out using secondary sources. At the level

of settlements and households, histories of both dwelling- and settlement-

transformations are collected and accounted for. Focus is given on post-WWII

decades because this is when modern urban planning and industrialization started

taking place in Khulna. Historical information remains necessary for understanding

the various socio-spatial negotiations between different actors at these two levels of

migrant settlements. In both cases, primary and secondary sources are used

simultaneously to complement each other. Particularly at the level of households,

present spatial practices for territorial control by migrant-owners are also recorded

and analyzed in-depth. In some cases, migrant-landlords tenants spatial practices

are also collected and analyzed. Information is collected more in a biographic-

ethnographic manner using both architectural and non-architectural instruments. A

combination of these two approaches allows for a comprehensive understanding of

both depth and breadth of ordinary migrants home-making efforts and its associated

socio-spatial processes.

3.5.3 Types and levels of settlements

Investigations in Khulnas migrant settlements, in-depth studies on households and

dwelling units, and their spatial transformation are used in this research to

demonstrate a correlation between land/housing politics and more successful

migrants socio-spatial negotiations. This research is hence scoped for studying types

3. Qualitative, open-ended, circular, iterative (generating and continually testing working

hypothesis), rooted in lived experience, flexible, changing design, knowledge generating

88
of migrant settlements at their different scale levels. As discussed earlier, it

commences by identifying a number of available types of low-income settlements in

Khulna, as these different types are considered as the centre of different home-

making efforts. Types are defined according to tenure status of the resident migrant.

Since tenure-status is the essential element for home-making, it remains, in this

research, the primary criteria for initially selecting and later categorizing of the

selected settlements. This different ownership types also benefit a comparative study

and reveal how different settlements facilitate home-making differently. For example,

a tenure-secured settlement, when compared against another with unsecured tenure

reveals of a different socio-spatial negotiation process. When assessed historically,

such comparative study between settlements reveals different forms of home-making

using different processes and with different spatio-physical consequence. This also

makes organization and categorization of similarities, differences and unique socio-

spatial attributes of each of the settlements and individual dwelling units possible.

Generally, socio-spatial aspects of migrants dwelling environments in Khulna are

assessed in relation to three hierarchical levels of home: house, house-

neighbourhood, and settlement-city. This is facilitated by the theoretical discussion

on home, which establishes home as a larger system beyond the mere level of the

house. There is however another level beyond the city (migrants rural home), which

is also referred to in a number of occasions; the primary aim of making reference to

this particular level is to observe whether or not and to what extent migrants present

socio-spatial practices are correlated with the practices of their rural place of origin.

Since migrancy associates multiple-belonging (e.g. migrants remain influenced by

both their place of origin and present domicile), spatio-physical outcome of migrants

home-making efforts should therefore display some sort of hybrid forms, spaces and

spatial practices. Considering the migrant as a vehicle of multiplicity and

and participatory (Jennings 2005: 29).

89
movement, it seeks for the spatial-physical manifestations of a possible relation

between migrants rural places and practices within their present dwelling

environments.

Additionally, literature reviews are carried out to understand the national-level land

and housing policy environments in relation with dwelling-level spatio-physical

transformations thus maintaining a constant reference with supra-national (global)

socio-economic policies and their consequences.

3.5.4 Assessing spatio-physical to understand socio-political

Although this research does not assume his methodology, it shares the same

environment first position of Hillier (2008: 216), which views social processes as

evidence of spatial forms in the built environment. Based on the conceptual model

and its spatio-physical variables, it commences initially by collecting

data/information on the spatio-physical attributes and looks into the above mentioned

levels of built environment that migrants produce. It is only simultaneously or later,

the social mechanisms (social activities, interactions and structures) are assessed

against these already recognized spatio-physical attributes. Data collection and

analysis focuses on spatio-physical and socio-political aspects (Figure 3.6).

3.5.5 A perspective from below

The research assumes a more bottom-up approach that takes account of migrants

interpretation of their own socio-spatial environments pertaining to their home-

making. Although additional information on urban history, policy environments and

elite actors roles are gathered using both primary and secondary sources and

methods, migrant spaces and their physical forms remain areas of primary interest.

For an understanding of migrants lived spaces and forms, their own versions of their

home environments become crucial. And particularly considering the contextual

90
factors (local cultural aspects, mid-sized city, Muslim majority locality etc.) and a

lack of research on rural migrants dwelling environments in the third world city, a

bottom-up approach is assumed appropriate for this research.

3.6 Research population and sampling design

3.6.1 Permanent migrant as subject

This research is primarily interested in the dwelling environments of the more

successful and permanent of the migrants in Khulna. The subjects for this research

are the migrants who were once-homeless in their rural home, and later migrated to

Khulna and have been living with their families in this mid-sized third world city for

at least two generations. By using the term successful, particular reference is made

to those migrants who despite their dubious tenure status (illegal or lease-holding

without documents) currently enjoy some form of ownership and possession of a

piece of land, or a dwelling unit (preferably constructed using permanent materials)

or both. Especially considering that these particular segment of the migrated

population is unlikely to go back to their villages since many of them does not have

any land or homestead to return to, their selection for this research gives an

opportunity to understand their inevitable home-making efforts in Khulna.

Other forms of less-permanent migrants are not of interest to this research

considering their variable presence, lack of belonging, non-availability of data and

time constraint. And albeit many nature-driven forced migration (IOM 2009: 260-

262) and seasonal pushes continue to send people to cities like Khulna, such

movements do not necessarily imply that these neo-movers would stay permanently

(especially considering the recent developments in transport/communication

networks; see Hakim 2010: 72). All these short term or iterative movements however

demand for additional research.

91
Since there are no established parameters to define permanent in relation to

migrancy, the criteria of the two generations in fact places a useful bracket to

include the significant decades for this research belonging to global socio-economic

policy thinking under Neoliberal conditions. This becomes particularly important

because it is during these decades under market economy when most notable rural-to-

urban exodus in history took place in the third world cities. As the pace of rural-

urban migration is believed to have decelerated (Hogan and da Cunha 2001: 7736), it

becomes crucial to find out about this particular generation of migrants assimilation

process, who came to Khulna in response to a particular phase under market

economy, yet denied of any residence by the proponents of it (i.e. formal authorities

who decided to go for market economy instead of retaining a welfarist stance).

3.6.2 Units of analysis and sampling quantum

The primary unit of analysis for this research is the individual migrant household. For

that, 34 dwelling units (4-5persons/household) are studied. These are selected from

10 different settlements, categorized according to the nature of tenure enjoyed by the

resident migrants living there. Individual history of each of these settlements is

collected focusing on their spatio-physical transformation in relation with the socio-

political forces. An additional 57 households (4-5persons/household) were surveyed

during the pilot fieldwork that helped refine the final data collection framework and

also the triangulation of the finally collected data for better validity. Another 10 focus

group discussions were also conducted in each of the settlements. Finally, a total of 6

key personnel were interviewed that includes a KDA Urban Planner, an Ex-

Councillor from present opposition party (BNP), a UPPRP personnel (Settlement

Improvement Assistant or SIA), an urban historian, one senior resident of Khulna (an

Ex-refugee from Kolkata, and later Jute Mills employee), and one shrimp industry-

owner.

92
For selecting particular migrant owners, targeted sampling has been used4. Initially,

snowballing technique was used by establishing contact with one migrant and later to

reach other migrants from his/her same regional origin using his/her social network.

While selecting migrant-owners and their households, variety was maintained. For

example, migrant owners were selected according to religion (Muslim, Hindu and

Christian), gender (male or female headed households), or headship (leader of the

community) and ethnicity (Bihari or Bangali). It was ensured that households with

variable in-house income generation sources (e.g. presence of tenants, shop-houses

etc.) are also included in the study of individual dwelling units.

3.7 Data collection: strategy and tools

Considering the units of analysis and the sorts of data required, this research

primarily makes use of a biographic approach (using a combination of social and

architectural methods) for collecting in-depth information on selected households. In

addition to this, a number of supplementary instruments are also used for collecting

both architectural and social data/information. Phased-out and sequenced fieldtrips

remained the main strategy for data collection. A total of 12 months out of a total 48-

months PhD candidature were used for data collection through a number of fieldtrips

to the aforementioned migrant settlements in Khulna. In terms of the fieldtrips, a

reconnaissance fieldwork was initially carried out in the first year of PhD

candidature. A second exploratory survey was conducted in the second year; Annex:

Tables 5, 6, 7 give details of all of these field-trips. In all cases, different settlements

(according to tenure types) were looked for, resident migrants were discussed with

and social networks were established. These trips also helped identify a few threads

and themes, which, during the final phase of data collection appeared useful as they

4. Targeted sampling is a prescriptive sampling procedure, and to some extent purposive as

well, which is used in the field as a means of systematic targeting to reach specific
subjects (Wilson 2005: 49-50) as required for this present research (i.e. permanent
successful migrants).

93
provided with necessary directions to further modify and amend the preliminary data

collection framework. Two more field trips (5-months each) were carried out in the

final two years of candidature. A 6-months evaluation period between these two

phases was planned and carried out. This helped assess the quality and quantity of the

collected data, and also the appropriateness of the data collection instruments for the

first phase of the final fieldwork. This helped make necessary adjustments for the

final phase. Following sections briefly outline the data collection methods and the

tools/instruments used in this research.

3.7.1 Literature review

A number of relevant literatures were reviewed initially for problem identification. In

addition, further reviews were conducted to construct the conceptual model in

Chapter 2. To facilitate the understanding of national and international policy regimes

particularly concerning the land and housing sectors in Bengal and Bangladesh, a

review of historic documents and relevant literature were used as secondary sources

in Chapter 4. Archived materials (e.g. historical maps of Khulna) were also used as

necessary.

3.7.2 Life history and everyday life

Biographic research seeks to understand the changing experiences and outlooks of

individuals in their daily lives, what they see as important, and how to provide

interpretations of the accounts they give of their past, present and future (Roberts

2002: 1). Biographic method particularly involves life stories and oral history (Miller

2008: 61), which this research used mainly for household-level and settlement-level

data collection respectively. Considering migrancy (whose both past and present

home-making efforts are essential), both methods proved useful since both of them

seek to provide accounts of how people make sense of their lived experiences in the

construction of individual and social identity. The contextual location of a life story

94
also allows exploring the generative interplay between individuals and culture that

characterize a life history. By positioning descriptions of everyday life within the

contexts in which they occur, life history narratives convey a sense of how individual

lives are socially constructed (Gough 2008: 484).

Everyday life techniques hence seek to understand social experience based on how

people do and experience social life. It studies social interaction in a natural

environment, and provides a realistic reflection of life rather than an oversimplified

and generalized version (Boylorn 2008: 306). It focuses on details and seemingly

insignificant occurrences that collectively contribute to the understanding of how a

situation, a phenomenon or an occurrence is interpreted and experienced. This

method is particularly chosen because it encourages diversity. It is widely used

among marginalized groups to privilege their personal perspectives and viewpoints

that might otherwise be silenced and misinterpreted (Ibid: 307). For this research,

information on everyday practices for personal space and territorial control was both

collected using thematic semi-structured interviews, field notes and non-participant

observation (no active participation by researcher)5.

3.7.3 Mapping and architectural drawings

The locations of migrant settlements noted for spatial practices in the migrant

households were mapped in Khulna. Other sites, which are of importance for

migrants everyday livelihoods (e.g. sites with religious significance or sites for

economic production), are also identified in the settlement-level maps. With

reference to the indicators identified in Chapter 2, migrants building activities and

spatial practices at household-neighbourhood sections and individual settlements are

also recorded. Zeisel (1984: 89-90)s techniques for observing physical traces are

5. This method is particularly highlighted by Altman (1975: 127) for territoriality studies.

95
hence used for particularly studying the house interiors and the house-neighbourhood

sections to find out the spatio-physical traces of migrants various territorial

behaviours, practices and rules that have rather consciously or unconsciously been

left behind. These are both identified and documented. A number of questions such

as how an environment got to be the way it is, what decisions its decision-makers

and builders made about the place, how people actually use it, how that

particular environment meets the needs of its users were considered while

illustrations and detailed architectural drawings were prepared particularly for the

house-neighbourhood sections of migrant settlements. In addition, annotated

diagrams and field notes were taken alongside the architectural drawings. Ample

photographs and video recordings were taken equally of house interiors and house

forms, neighbourhood sections and of the overall settlements. These proved

beneficial (supplementary) later during the off-site refinement and finalization of

architectural drawings and diagrams.

3.7.4 Community level group discussion

Focus Group Discussions (FGD), which capture real-life (qualitative) data in a

participatory social environment, are conducted in the presence of a small group.

FGDs help learn about the biographies and life structures of group participants; in

the presence of a moderator (here the researcher), information from the participants

are drawn out on topics which are of interest to the research (Berg 2001: 111). FGDs

were used for collecting settlement history mainly, although some helped understand

the spatial practices as well. FGDs were conducted with the non-participating

households. For this particular research, FGDs helped draw out the same information

on settlement history (oral history), social relations and community (decision-

making) structure but from a groups perspective, which individuals (household)

provided later. Thus it helped better triangulation of the same household-level data on

various socio-spatial aspects.

96
3.7.5 Key informant interview

As discussed in the previous section, a number of informants (other than the

migrants) were interviewed using a thematic semi-structured questionnaire. KDAs

Urban Planner was interviewed to understand the actual planning process by KDA

and grasp KDAs real motivation behind the way they plan. The Ex-Councillor

from present opposition party (BNP) was also interviewed since in many occasions

his name came up as a patron while working in settlements 2 and 3. His interview

was also necessary to understand a mainstream politicians view of these settlements

and his role in their decision-making structure. Similar remains true of the shrimp

industry-owner whose socio-political role in the operation and sustainability of

settlements 2 and 3 was of interest. The UPPRP official (SIA) was interviewed to

collect initial working information on various tenure types and cross check the

validity of the primary findings following the pilot surveys. The urban historian was

interviewed to cross check the validity of secondary data on Khulna, which are used

particularly in Chapter 4. Finally, the senior resident was interviewed to understand

the context of post-WWII refugee movement, his settling down process in Khulna as

part of a refugee family from Kolkata and also to understand the housing condition of

the public sector Jute Mills where he was an employee.

3.8 Data analysis and interpretation

Data on Khulnas migrant settlements is analyzed covering three spatio-physical

levels (household, neighbourhood and settlement), while the findings span across

chapters 4 and 5. For initial analysis and categorization of data/information, three

particular methods are used in this research. These are descriptive morphology (focus

on socio-political-spatial history of settlement transformation), everyday spatial

practices and social world analysis. Commonly recurring themes and threads in

chapters 4 and 5 are finally interpreted in Chapter 6, using common and disparate

codes, categories, similar phrases, and patterns of relationships in terms of spatial

97
practices. In all analysis however, reference is

constantly maintained with the roles of involved

agents/actors, social practices, customs, rules and

decision-making structures (Figure 3.6). The term

socio-spatial is used frequently throughout this

research much like an oxymoron. All spatio-

physical indicators for grasping the territorial

practices by the migrants therefore are Figure 3.6: The correlation

between social and spatial in
supplemented by social indicators. the analysis of collected data.

3.8.1 Settlement morphology (settlement history)

In built environment studies, Urban Morphology is defined as a science of studying

the material built-form of urban landscapes andexplaining variations in urban

form through historical processes and social agency (Bauer 2006: 316). Urban form

and its processes of formation and transformation are therefore defined by the acts of

agents6. The interest here is then in those who have agency in the urban landscape,

and how much influence they exert in matters of decision-making, both individually

and as groups. Urban transformation is traced here by examining the nature of

everyday changes occurring to built environment (e.g. incremental expansions over

time) rather than by authoritative plans. In the historical studies of urban form, the

concern for agency also prove vital as it recognizes cultural and social processes

shaping urban landscapes in the past and also as it links particular periods of urban

formation and transformation to certain agents (as in Ibid: 67). Considering that urban

morphology aims to explain the mechanisms of evolution or creation and

transformation of urban forms (Levy 1999: 81), the recognition of agents

contribution and the diachronic reading into the spatio-physical transformation of

6. The direct agents are the landowners, developers, architects/planners, and whose
activities can be examined by using documentary sources.

98
individual migrant settlements and house-neighbourhood fabric in Khulna seem

appropriate.

This leads to the preparation of maps, plans and sections, and a description of

settlement/household transformation history (descriptive morphology). A descriptive

approach, although supplemented by present analytical maps and photographs, makes

sense because of a lack of historic morphological maps of these settlements. Analysis

of Khulnas overall urban transformation helps identify the historical land/housing

policy environments and show how they can be viewed as deliberate constructions by

powerful regimes with political implications. An analysis of individual settlement

histories, which classifies them according to existing tenure categories, also advances

this claim; a further analysis identifies problems with this categorization.

3.8.2 Behavioural regularities of everyday life

There is the individual lifeworld and the collective structure of shared meanings that

are derived from the lived experience of everyday practice (Knox 1995: 217). It is

through the actual day to day activities and strategies that people negotiate shared

everyday realities, routines and ideas (Gurney 1999). In terms of the research

question on territorial practices, the built form may suggest of a territory, but it is

the ongoing acts of occupation that fix and maintain the actual extent of claim. The

actual boundary is indicated less by the acts of building but more by the lower-level

configurations and parts by the everyday acts of individuals or groups (Habraken

1998: 130). In addition to descriptive morphology, Everyday life method is also

chosen for this research because of its focus on details, and on the sameness and

difference. It also makes connections and associations between emergent and

repetitive themes, and make comparisons between existing theories and territorial

practices by the migrants to control various boundaries of their urban home. Everyday

life approach is also useful for analyzing qualitative data since it enables the

99
identification of themes and threads amongst otherwise monotonous daily life

occurrences (Boylorn 2008: 307).

Long-term Life-span Daily life The social-lifeworld

processes
Long- Institutional Coupling of Dialectics thus remains part a
term
time history and between longitudinal study
processes
History life history institutions and
daily life
where the present day

Life-span Life history Relation between practices are viewed as

life strategies and
part of a socio-spatial
daily life
Daily life Daily life Day by day temporality. Hence, for
routines
analysis, this
(time use)
temporality of social

Figure 3.7: Interrelation between various dimensions of life is broken down

temporality (Source: Knox 1995: 217 citing Simonsen 1991).
into different

interrelated levels (as in Knox 1995: 217). Table 3.1 (column 4: highlighted) shows

three hierarchical levels of analysis, of which the dialectics between institutions and

daily life would already be addressed by the descriptive morphological history of

settlements. The latter two levels are considered suitable particularly for the analysis

of in-house and house-neighbourhood level spatial practices of the present day. This

analysis of everyday life data involves identification of details (spatial activities,

marking of spatial boundaries, socio-spatial compromises for social practices,

community decision-making structure etc.), descriptions of phenomenon (here

substantiated by detailed architectural drawings and diagrams), and comparative

analysis between these findings according to selected themes.

3.8.3 Social-world analysis

The third method is the analysis of migrants social world where the social

component of the built environment is expressed through social actions and

100
interactions. As Herbert and Thomas (1990: 261)s model (Figure 3.7) points out, a

study into such interactions takes account of a number of origins and destinations and

also of the flows (e.g. past influence from rural times in the migrants lives).

Theoretically, sociable relationships are purposeful and voluntary; they exclude

business or contractual transactions, while relations are based on systems of exchange

and familial/kinship ties. Attention is given to the different roles (of the involved

agents) that bring into play varying levels of social interaction. Some of these roles

may be separated from another as others may well overlap but each contributing to

the multiplicity of social relationships which form the base of interaction (Ibid: 262).

Figure 3.8: A typology of informal relationships (Source: Herbert and Thomas 1990: 262).

For the present research, ideas are taken from this above model considering the

presence of a number of agents/actors in the different migrant settlements and the

way these agents have been contributing to settlement sustainability even if most of

them are viewed as illegal. This method of analysis is used to identify particular

actors/agents and their particular nature/level of influence in communitys decision-

making structure and their diverse forms across different migrant settlements (as in

Chapter 5, Section 5.4).

3.9 Study framework

Table 3.2 summarizes the overall methodology for this research in light of the earlier

discussions. Necessary indicators and variables are also mentioned.

101
 Pre-Colonial Post-Colonial

Sub-
Bengal under East-Bengal &

unit(s)

threads
method
Subjects

Analysis
British Rule Bangladesh

variables

Sampling
Variables
Questions

Indicators

quantum &

Theoretical
(1757-1947) (1948-Present)

Instruments
-
-
-
-
Personal space and primary territory
Territorial occupation
Territorial practice and public territories
Boundaries between settlements and outside world and personalization

Contextual aspirations

as a response
55 households
Incremental growth Need for

X
Income generation

photographs, videos
industrialization

territorialization

social world analysis

boundary control

Social gains

diagrams, illustrations,
10 migrant settlements
Negotiation of territorial boundaries
Territorial practices for

Dynamics of

Architectural drawings, maps,

(According to time, changing demographic

10 FGDs (7-8persons/group)
territorial boundary

34 house-neighbourhood tissue
circumstances and cultural customs)
Settlements, nature of tenure and involved actors Actors

groups; political leaders; NGO personnel

102
Rules for newer construction
Rules for extension of existing buildings
Rules for community level construction and space use Rules
processes
Table 3.1: Study framework for proposed research

WWII decades under modernization and

Customary norms and culturally approved practices

X
FGDs, diagrams
Type of leadership/headship &level of spatial control Territorial hierarchy

Structured and semi-

home (hence maintain ownership) during post-

Decision-making

structured interviews,
Migrant households; migrant community (settlement-wise)
Hierarchical decision making structure

Settlement and dwelling history; everyday territorial practices;

Decision making
Variations in decision making structure
settlements to control spatio-physical boundaries of
Socio-spatial practices at different levels of migrant

Negotiated control of the boundaries of urban home

structure
Evolution of settlements
(Migrant-tenants arrival and demography; nature of
Urban level spatio-
tenure; patronizing actors and their contribution) physical
physical

transformation

bureaucrats

morphology
modernity

Settlement

Growth trend

maps, diagrams

Scarcity as a
(Settlement size and spatial distribution; spatial

- Urban Khulna

Literature review,
transformation

relation with industrial/economic production sites Individual settlement

- 6 key informants
Khulnas spatio-

structured interviews,
level spatio-physical
Political leaders, NGOs,
urban historian, planning
Planning and policy environment

- 10 migrant settlements
Urban history; descriptive
transformation under

transformation

constructed condition
(Policy; master plan; by-laws)
 Chapter 4: Urban form in Khulna

4.1 Introduction

The primary aim of this chapter is to situate migration-driven urban spatio-physical

transformation of Khulna within the wider politico-economic context. This chapter

describes how various policy ideas, conceived at the global level, have continued to

influence local level policy thinking, leaving grave consequences particularly for the

land administration sector in agrarian Bangladesh. This chapter hence focuses on

understanding this historical backdrop, i.e. the local (municipal and national)

economic and political circumstances in relation with the global, which eventually

resulted in mass emigration and became the key driver for the evolution of third

world urban form as experienced in Khulna.

Based on both primary and secondary data, discussions begin with an examination of

the impacts of post-enlightenment Europes modern socio-economic policies (to

promote trade and maximize their own economic gains) on the predominantly

agrarian socio-spatial structure of Bengal1. The following section highlights the

socio-spatial consequences of modernization doctrines on the landscapes of a

decolonized (post-WWII) East Pakistan (pre-independence name of Bangladesh).

These doctrines, however, were again promoted by the western think-tank as a cure

for their economically ailing former colonies. Discussions on a post-liberation

Bangladesh make up the final sections, where impacts of globalization and the free

market on the rural and urban socio-spatial structures are highlighted. For all of these

phases, national-level consequences are supplemented by evidences of Khulnas

spatio-physical transformation. Finally, the summary section draws upon the

1. Bengal refers to the Mid- and South-Eastern deltaic location of the undivided Indian
subcontinent formed at and around the estuarine confluence of the great Ganges-
Brahmaputra river system. This area, following the partition between India and Pakistan
in 1947 was divided into two separate provinces for these two nations assuming the

103
argument that urban spatial transformation in Khulna (and indeed in Bangladesh) can

be seen as a consequence of deliberately manufactured policy environments where

resources were unevenly distributed, and where specific groups of people or their

settlements were denied access to scarce resources (chief amongst which is land)

while prioritizing and often fulfilling the objectives of various top-down projects of

elitist actors (both local and global). Population displacement of various forms

(including rural-urban migration) and their settling down process can also be seen as

a product of such unevenness, inequalities and manipulation of insufficiencies.

4.2 Modern doctrines of transformation

4.2.1 Bengal under East India Company (1757-1947)

In order to maximize British commercial expansion across Europe, market-oriented

consumerist policies were conceived in Great Britain following industrial revolution

(Xenos 1989: 8). It is through the East India Company (EIC), this policy was infused

into its Indian colony (which Bengal was part of) leading to a systematic replacement

of its traditional agricultural products (silk and cotton). Cropping pattern was altered;

cultivation of cash crops such as indigo and jute were prioritized to feed British

mainland industries and benefit their export to European markets (DCosta 1994:

701-702). British planters, to maximize production of indigo, forced the local

peasants to reduce the cultivation of rice and cotton (Nahiduzzaman 2003: 58). EIC,

which initially monopolized Muslin2 trade, later preferred creating a new market for

British textile products following industrial revolution by replacing the same Muslin.

Hundreds of handloom factories were force-closed while those who resisted had their

fingers and arms amputated (Ibid: 48). EICs reversal of trade policy from buying

export-oriented finished products to buying raw agricultural materials for being

names West-Bengal and East- Pakistan respectively. Following a bloody war, East-
Pakistan once again got liberated from Pakistan in 1971, which now is Bangladesh.
2. A high-quality cotton-based fabric produced by East-Bengal weavers that were worn even
by the European royalty.

104
processed in Kolkata and to be sent to Britain later led to the de-urbanization at the

periphery3 and overcrowding at the old core as experienced in larger urban centres

like Dhaka. Heavy duties were also levied by the Company on locally manufactured

agriculture-based products (Ghafur 2010: 3-4).

Role of smaller urban centres, which were once producing cotton- or silk-based

products themselves through the efforts of traditional craftsmen and artisans, hence

were reduced to raw material collection and export-oriented processing. Instead of

serving as nodes for stimulating growth in peripheral areas, cities in Bengal served as

satellites to the ports that were themselves satellites to the metropolitan economy.

Port-oriented suction process thus had distorted urbanization of the Eastern part of

Bengal (DCosta 1994: 702). A more exploitative relation, as in a centre and

periphery was created replacing the long established symbiotic one. Railways

connected only those parts of East Bengal to Kolkata that used to produce products of

British interest. These deliberate acts of supply chain disruption and dislocation of

industries in most parts of the country created a disjuncture between raw materials

and their local industrial base (Opcit.).

Meanwhile in the rural hinterlands, further socio-economic disruptions were also

taking place. To raise revenue base for EIC, a new breed of revenue collectors called

the Zamindar was officialised through Permanent Settlement Act in 1793 (Ray and

Ray 1975: 82-83). Although Zamindars acted similarly as local-level tax collectors

for the earlier Mughal rulers, their roles and territories had now been re-defined under

EIC in the shape of British estate and landlord system. The idea was to raise the

productivity of land by identifying all land as taxable property. Permanent

Settlement Act thus dispossessed peasants of their ancestral land that they were in

3. Nahiduzzaman (2003: 48) also reports that shutting down of Muslin factories left
hundreds of associated artisans and traders jobless; most of them went back to agriculture

105
control for generations; land suddenly became a commodity the property of the

Zamindar (while) the landlord became the landowner; land now was bourgeois

landed property (Bose 1986: 4). This act also led to the situation of endless

exploitation and repression in terms of relation between Zamindari and its subjects

(peasants). Although Permanent Settlement Act fixed a maximum revenue collection

slab for the Zamindar, it did not do so for the peasants. The revenue collection right

of the Zamindar hence left him free to charge any amount of rent from his peasant

subjects (Nahiduzzaman 2003: 51). The EIC also abolished the village Panchayet

system and other traditional social institutions, which the Mughal rulers effectively

used to promote social stability and perpetuate the existing order (Ibid: 48).

Through the inaction of Permanent Settlement Act, class division was also elevated to

a new height in an already predominantly class-based society. Most Zamindars came

from former Hindu royalty or from the ritually high-ranking literati of Hindu priests,

scribes or physicians (Bose 1986: 84). On the other hand, most of the Raiyats

(cultivator peasants) were Muslim (Nahiduzzaman 2003: 49). Two other important

groups also became important: Jotedar and Bapari/Mahajan, and Bhadralok. The

Jotedar were the rich Raiyats who held large chunks of land through long-term lease

from the city-living Absentee Zamindar4; who would later sub-lease this land to

peasants and sharecroppers, and lend money to peasants in high interest. The Bapari

and Mahajan were the traditional trader/merchant class5 who became enormously

wealthy after being appointed by the EIC to supply raw products and marketing

European commodities. Since EIC had never allowed this class to become their

competitors by setting up industries themselves, later in the early 19th century many

amongst these wealthy merchants purchased portions of Zamindari from the

while the rest had to take up other related jobs in crowded urban centres.
4. Who would actually live in the city/towns and visit his estate in selected times of a year.
5. Some were also the former Nayabs, i.e. the local administrators for absentee Zamindars.
There were also the Mathbars the local community leaders (Ray and Ray 1975: 84).

106
declining larger ones, and became petty Zamindar themselves (Ibid: 49). However,

the situation of common peasant remained unchanged, if not declined.

Khulna, once a small trading centre for wood, fish, honey and salt, grew in

importance after EIC first set up a riverside guard post. It was followed by the

setting up an Indigo factory near the existing bazaar, re-named later as Charlies

haat after the EIC official Mr. Charlie (Figure 4.1: left). This officer brought along

with him from India, a tribal group called the Harijan6 a lower Hindu caste, who

formed the main labour force for him as locals were not willing to engage into indigo

farming initially.

of

Figure 4.1: Khulna urban-form: (left) pre-colonial; (right) under EIC

(Source: Reconstructed after Miah 2002).

The growing importance of Khulna drew in a batch of rich immigrants from

Rajasthan known as Marwari who soon became the key driver for Khulnas economy

and patron to many of Khulnas spatio-physical transformations (e.g. by making

donations to erect academic and religious buildings, public parks; building housing

6. Harijans can still be found living in clusters in different areas of Khulna employed mostly
in locally perceived lower-level works such as sweepers and cleaners. One such group
has been identified by this research, who are living in one of the 10 studied settlements
(Pach No. Ghat Harijan Para).

107
for their own etc.). The Marwari, located mainly in Boro Bazaar and Daulatpur

(Figure 4.1: right), controlled most businesses in Khulna, and followed their own

traditional way of life. It was these people, who also introduced Panchayet (a

community body of elites) to existing Khulna society (Miah 2002). Khulnas

proximity to Kolkata (capital of British East India: 1772-1911) turned it into

Kolkatas most important hinterland.

With Kolkatas industrialization, Khulna became its key supply centre for raw

agricultural products including jute. As Figure 4.1 (left) shows, the initial

introduction to modernization by then had already instigated different forms of

population movement and subsequent spatial transformation in Khulna. Rural

landless peasants had already started forming small village-like clusters on this

flourishing towns periphery, while Marwari enclaves, shop-houses and warehouses

were erected near river-side trading locations (Ghats). Non-white elite class (traders

and Zamindars) were also erecting lavish Bungalow hybrids along the colonial

enclave to demonstrate their intimacy with the colonial masters. These also helped

them express their newly acquired socio-economic supremacy over the rest both

spatially and materially (Reza 2008: 15; Figures 4.1 and 4.2).

Figure 4.2: (Left & middle) BIWTA rest-house built on the remains of Mr. Charlies
residence and office; (right) Colonia-influenced house once owned by Mr. Shailen Ghosh, an
affluent Hindu Zamindar who left Khulna after partition; house was later taken over by
Muslim League leader Mr. Khan-E-Sabur (Source: left & middle Apurba Kumar Podder;
right Hafizur Rahaman).

108
4.2.2 Bengal under British Raj (1858-1947)

The taking over of India from EIC by the British Empire led to some other significant

moments of scarcity in the lives of the ordinary. Following industrial revolution,

towns and cities were to be reconceptualised as distribution centres for mainland

industrial products while docile city dwellers (to) becoming potential consumers

(Ghafur 2010: 4-5). Again, improvements were uneven at the level of the city; only

the economically and politically suitable centres (such as Kolkata, Dhaka, and later

Khulna) were under consideration. However, this mode of thinking about the city

dweller and driven by the Victorian zeal for cleaner habitat led the colonial rulers to

a feeling that the Indian society, now living in towns and cities, need to be sanitized

through sanitation-taxation-pacification. This of course enhanced security and

surveillance for the elite class while eventually creating a deeply divided

(Chakravorty 2000: 65) dual city7 (as in white city and black town; see Bissell

2011: 210). These division lines or the cleavages of duality was characterized by

differences of settlements physical quality, services, used technology, social

structure and way of life in general (Ibid: 209). This duality was evident in Khulna

too (Figures 4.1 and 4.2: right). A fortified colonial enclave could by now be noticed

along the riverside, in contrast with a number of village-clusters on the faraway

western side of the city.

As Miah (2002) reports, these informal villages were home to most of the city

dwellers. Essential for Khulnas economy, these villages housed the service people

for the colonial masters and wage labourers for river-based trading. Yet municipal

services were never extended to them. However, at the first half of the nineteenth

century, another new class of English educated (westernized) government officials

7. See Figures 4.2 and 4.3; they show how the scheme of a divided city was articulated
even in Khulna during Colonial rules.

109
emerged who were called the Bhadralok8 (read gentlemen-class) (Nahiduzzaman

2003: 50). This group, attuned to colonial doctrines, also called for an improved and

western-style living condition (e.g. planned residential areas) prompting a Master

Plan adoption for major cities (Ghafur 2010: 4). They mimicked British Masters and

Zamindars bungalows and erected them alongside the white enclave. In 1884,

Khulna was declared a municipality, while a rail network was laid out to connect it

with Kolkata promoting further riverside trading activities and formation of newer

habitats9.

4.2.3 Bengal as East Pakistan (1947-1970)

Decolonization of Indian subcontinent led to the formation of Muslim-majority

Pakistan. The separation from India in 1947 was based on the claim that the Muslim

minority had never got their fair share of social, political or economic fruits by being

discriminated by Indian Hindus, and neither would they if things stay as it was. So

Pakistan was born with two ethno-geographically distant parts: East- (now

8. It refers to those Indians who since the 1820s started acquiring their education based on
English language and culture. This neo middle-class formed an autonomous social
group, (and) was internally consistent and differentiated from the other component parts
of the social body. These westernized elitist Indians came mostly from the traditional
high casts (e.g. Brahmins) and filled the bureaucracies of any existing Indian state.
However, questions were raised about how much westernized these class could become
with regard to the British standards of fairness and justice (Torri 1990: 2).
9. This was also probably prompted by the ever declining socio-economic conditions of
rural peasants. Nahiduzzaman (2003: 60) reports that although the Permanent Settlement
Act was abolished and tenancy rights (opening up of a rural land market ability of
peasants to sell or mortgage land that they previously leased from Zamindars) were given
to the Rayats through the Tenancy Act of 1885, the situation still benefitted the Zamindars
and Jotedars more than the Rayats. The enactment of Tenancy Act was in fact a more
political response to many events of peasant protests and resistance movements in
Bengal that were ongoing for decades. In reality, most Rayats were poor; to deal with
sudden hardships, borrowing money from or selling/mortgaging lands to Jotedars were
the only options available. Eventually, many of these Rayats became landless and turned
into the formers agricultural slaves. Zamindars, on the other hand, were still given the
authority to collect rent from Rayats. Tenancy Act, although clearly gave them power to
increase rent in certain situations, left no provision as such for the Rayats. The obvious
reason this policy was biased because Zamindars had their representatives in the policy-
formulation process while peasants had none. So as this systematic exploitation
continued, it was by the first half of 20th C, most of these Rayats would become heavily
indebted to the moneylenders while 74.6% of them downgraded to landless farmers (only
7.7% held land of 10 acres or more). In 1930s-1940s Khulna, 51% of the peasantry was
either sharecroppers or agricultural labourers (Ibid: 61-62).

110
Bangladesh) and West-Pakistan. In the East, Muslim peasants were the majority,

while a vacuum in leadership was still there as the educated elite class was

represented by the Hindu Zamindars, who, after partition had already migrated to

India. In the West however, the already existing Muslim landlordship was joined in

by rich Muslim immigrants from India following partition. Thus the West Pakistans

predominantly elitist political leadership, bureaucracy and business class continued to

dominate and exploit the resources of the agrarian East much in the same way the

Hindu elite were doing prior to partition (Choudhury 1972: 243-244). Thus, this

period akin to prior times, had once again already started experiencing a scenario of

unequal socio-political relation between East- and West-Pakistan.

The policy thinking during Pakistan was also influenced by post-WWII global hype

for modernization and industrialization, and a subsequent shift of focus away from

agriculture. During this, it was widely held that transformation of former European

colonies from traditional to modern would enhance the latters productivity and help

global (read Anglo-European) economy to thrive (Leys 2005: 109-110). There were

imperatives to promote industrialization (both state-led and private sector driven) by

the military-backed national government of Pakistan in order to fulfil its own needs

for revenue, to create an ally with business elites, and also to satisfy important foreign

donors. Again, it was the Easts agrarian social system that was affected and became

subject to exploitation. West-Pakistani businessmen used to invest in the

industrialization of the East (e.g. Jute) and take the profits back to the West and

invest in Wests infrastructure development and industrialization. Reminiscent of

colonial times, raw agricultural products were exported to West Pakistan to support

its own industries, while East Pakistani businessmen were only allowed to market the

products produced by the West. Revenue collected from the Eastern industries was

used mainly to finance military expenses and industrialization in the West

(Naziduzzaman 2003: 70-72). Importance of rural agriculture and various livelihood

111
needs of its tenets were again systematically overlooked by the ruling regime.

Although 55% of the nations entire population lived in East-Pakistan, central

governments development expenditure (and the bulk of foreign donations) here

seldom crossed the 30% mark. While East-Pakistan typically earned 50-70% of

Pakistans total export revenue, its share of import remained around 25%; the net

transfer from East to West during the 20+ years of nationhood was worth USD2.6

billion only (Morris-Jones 1972: 198-199). It is because of this largely one-way

transaction, revenue generated from agriculture and agriculture-based industries once

again failed to benefit the actual producers the peasants and the modern factory

worker respectively. Particularly, the urban factory worker continued to remain

homeless although industries were making good profits10. On the other hand, without

any real incentive from agriculture turned into surplus labour in his own home, and

assumed the name of homeless migrant while in the city.

Immediately following the partition of Pakistan and India, Khulna experienced two

significant forms of population movement in addition to its already familiar rural-to-

urban labour movements. The partitioning was both preceded and followed by violent

communal riots11 on both sides of the border, prompting mass exile of both Hindu

and Muslim population (later termed as refugees) in and out of both Pakistan and

India. The bordering districts of East Pakistan (as Khulna was) received most Muslim

refugees who came mainly from the Indian states of West Bengal and Bihar. Oral

histories collected during fieldwork (Hakim 2012) suggest that two types of Muslim

10. As early as in 1950s, East Pakistani Jute mills were supplying 75% of total global
demand for Jute (Sengupta 1971: 2279).
11. Riots were politically fuelled, particularly by the Muslim leaderships of undivided India
leading eventually to the massacre of tens of thousands of people each side of the border.
The key intension was to demonstrate to the British Viceroy of India (who was also in
charge of a peaceful British exit from India following the post-WWII crisis in Britain) that
Muslims and Hindus would never be able to live alongside each other peacefully and a
partitioning of India according to religious lines was inevitable. As the dominant Hindu
leadership opted for an undivided India, it was the socially and politically oppressed
Muslim populations, whose voice was politically exaggerated, used and later culminated
into massive acts of violation involving both parties.

112
refugees settled in Khulna. The first type was the Bangla-speaking and better

educated ones who could easily mix with the locals. As they settled in, they would

spread out all over the older core area of the city. Many of these in-coming refugees

exchanged houses and properties with the outgoing Hindus, while many others were

able to make a claim on the abandoned Hindu properties through the help of local

political figures12 (Figure 4.3). The second type of refugees was the non-Bangali

Bihari. Despite Muslim, it was due to their different cultural background (e.g.

different dialect), the Biharis could not mix easily with the locals like the Bangla-

speaking ones could. They were also less educated and came mostly from rural Bihar.

Similar to some of the rural migrants in Khulna, nearly 15,000-20,000 of them came

in quickly and suddenly, and hence had to settle themselves in clusters of slums and

squatters near the city centre (Miah 2002: 66).

Figure 4.3: (Left) Khulna Master Plan 1961 (industrial area in yellow) (KDA 2002a: 11);
(Right) Khulna under British Raj (in accordance with Miah 2002).

12. This informal process was further helped by the enactment of a curious law called Enemy
Property Law, which gave the state absolute power to confiscate or appropriate any
landed property in the interest of the Muslim state owned (previously or presently) by
any Hindu personnel. The term Enemy, quite obviously, pointed to any existing or
exiled Hindu personnel. The informal processes of obtaining abandoned properties, it is
locally believed, were benefitted by the inaction of this law.

113
By 1947, Khulna would already become the major jute trading centre for Kolkata,

where trading houses and processing industries were mostly owned by the Hindu

Marwari. However, after partition, most Marwaris left Khulna, while their businesses

were taken over by the state. Basing on Khulnas reputation and its well established

trading network, the first state-owned Jute Mills was established in Khalishpur area in

1952. An additional 11 of such mills followed while other heavy industries owned

by both public and private sectors, such as Jute Mills, Newsprint Mills, the

Hardboard Mills and the Shipyard also started operating under state ownership (Miah

2002: 67; Figure 4.3). A few other private-sector industries were also established all

along the either sides of the river.

By this time however, Khulna had already earned its name as the industrial town of

East Pakistan. The second sea port of the country was also established near Khulna.

With the establishment of each of these industries and a simultaneous inattention to

rural agriculture and agricultural peasants led only to the increase of rural to urban

exodus. Setting up of the formal sector industries in response to ISI13 thus pulled in a

large number of rural landless peasants to Khulna. What were only 42,000 in 1947,

Khulnas population grew to almost 100,000 in 1961 (KDA 2002a: 40). It is during

this phase of rapid urbanization in Khulna, the 1961 Master Plan14 was prepared. The

plan was designed in the manner similar to those schemed for British towns during

late 1940s to 1960s (Chaudhury Undated: 1-2; Figure 4.3 - left). In 1961, Khulna

13. Import Substitution Industrialization was a neoliberal economic policy that advocated for
the replacement of major consumer imports by promoting domestic industries (textiles,
household appliances etc.) aided by protective tariffs and quotas to help new/infant
industries (Ahmed and Sattar 2004).
14. Master plans were imported both in the newly independent states of India and Pakistan,
and were viewed by their respective political leaders as a key instrument for modern city
development (it was also during this same time when Chandigarh was planned in India).
In East Pakistan, they were initially designed by a British consortium of consultants for
three fastest urbanizing cities in the 1950s and 1960s (Dhaka, Chittagong and Khulna).
Master plans however, were statutory tools introduced by the British with the aim to re-
construct Europe from the rubbles of WWII. They were the physical interventionist
instruments and often with political implication, which made use of zoning, density
control, building regulation and planning standards for projecting development.

114
Development Authority (KDA) was established with their stated aims of Urban

Planning; City Development; and Development Control (KDA 2012). KDA was also

in-charge of executing the Master Plan.

Noteworthy about KDAs Master Plan was the fact that it completely failed to project

the rate of urbanization and sort out the type of housing that would be mostly needed

for a rapidly industrializing Khulna. Rural landless peasants to Khulna15 started

settling down in numerous slum-like settlements in and around the city. A new

township was also laid out in Khalishpur in 1962 alongside the industrial

establishments (Figure 4.3: right). Semi-permanent houses on small plots of land

(140m2) were constructed and allotted to more than 2,329 Bihari families in a

subsidized price (Miah 2002: 68). A number of larger plots were also developed in

anticipation of accommodating an upcoming affluent class of white collar migrants

employed mostly as officials in the nearby industries.

Altogether, another created condition of scarcity becomes evident here. Housing,

which in modern conditions was considered a state-responsibility and the

precondition for welfare and social control (Ghafur 2010: 5) thus remained elusive

for those who deserved it most. Neither the central government nor their local

administrators or political machinery did anything effective to house the key force i.e.

the migrants behind a labour-based economy. As it appears, the planning and laying

out of Khalishpur Township not at any point was prompted by the need for housing

these mass of migrants who were the essential workforce for Khulnas industries.

Rather, it appears more as a political project of the pro-Muslim central government

(and its local political leaders), which, driven by the newly acquired zeal of a Muslim

15. Most of these migrants actually originated from three particular coastal and riverside
locations, which until now have remained the exclusive hinterlands to Khulna in terms of
migrant-sending (Angeles et al. 2009: 18).

115
nationhood laid out Khalishpur rather eagerly to house the Bihari refugees instead of

the poor local migrants (Figure 4.3: right). The laying out also had uprooted the local

residents of Charerhat and Khalishpur villages as local stories suggest. And even if

Khalishpur Housing Estate - a concern of National Housing Authority (NHA),

developed small-sized apartments for the lower-income groups at a later stage, the

supply and affordability was always on the shorter side compared with the actual

demand from the lowest-income groups (e.g. the migrants).

Although state-owned, the nearby Jute Mills did not provide much accommodation

for their workers either. Only around 528 rentable flats were constructed in

Khalishpur during 1961-1964 targeting the low-income industrial workers (Miah

2002: 112). But these numbers were far from adequate when compared against the

actual demands from another few thousands lowest ranking factory workers and other

migrant population employed in the informal sector all over the city. Informal

settlements therefore had developed within the planners grid of Khalishpur to

accommodate these thousands of migrant workforce. Migrants who could not manage

a job in these formal sector industries used to settle in other riverside (and most cases

peripheral low-lying) locations such as Boro Bazaar (Figure 4.3: right) and in

peripheral villages such as Tootpara, from which other informal job locations (e.g.

riverside wood business) were nearer.

4.2.4 Post-liberation Bangladesh (1972-mid 1980s)

The politico-economic landscape of Bangladesh during the decade following 1971s

War of Liberation can be viewed as a clear case of failed Governmentalism and an era

of unfulfilled promises from an otherwise idealist regime. In terms of housing

provisioning for the masses of migrants, the situation remained unchanged if not

worse. Globally, 1970s was a time of economic downturn (most prominent was oil

crisis), growth in international financial transactions and rise of MNCs (Gleeson and

116
Low 2000: 270). In planning terms it was time that saw the ...rise of neoliberal

ideology (which) challenge(d) the notion of the Plan as superior rationality. All

forms of regulation (e.g. zoning) were questioned, while the benevolent role of

governments as a provider was severely criticized. It was a world of continuing

change where localities would be shaped by global forces (Castells 1992: 76).

In a debt-ridden Bangladesh of 1976-1990, World Bank and IMF continued to press

governments to adapt to the free trade environments for setting up export-oriented

(e.g. RMG, shrimp etc.) sectors, even if their establishment in certain locations could

be illegal in Urban Planning terms. They demanded of the governments to become

more market-oriented by relaxing tariff barriers and hence ease imports. De-

nationalization of state-owned industries and trading; de-regularization (removal of

governments presence from price control), and liberalization of agricultural sector

(now agricultural goods could be imported even if at the cost of sacrificing local

agricultural sector) was also experienced (Ahmed and Sattar 2004: 11). Compared to

the earlier episodes, a much greater number of landless peasants therefore made their

way in to the Bangladeshi cities including Khulna. Table 4.1 summarizes the

correlation between various policy environments of this period and their impacts on

rural peasants and city-living migrants lives, and hence to the general urban form in

Bangladesh (Khulnas case is referred where available).

Table 4.1: Moments of scarcity and urban form (1972-1990) (Prepared in accordance

with Afsar 1999: 237; Ahmed 2003: 298-299; Ahmed 2007; Choguill 1993; DCosta

1994; Karim 2007; KDA 2007; Khanam 2004; Miah 2002; Rahman 2007; WB 2007).

Time Key idea and Impact on Urban spatial

period, intension peasant/migrant impact and
regime Bangladesh/Khulna

117
Post- - Idealistic but - Mass in-migration - Squatter settlements
liberation
whimsical after 1971 war of formed at both city
1972-1973
development scenario, liberation and 1974 centres and peripheral
without required floods added to areas
resources and without existing housing - 27,000 low cost
any realistic plan for shortage housing units built
implementation - Inadequate job in nation-wide, although
- Urban authorities public and private most were
aimed to control industries concentrated in
squatter settlement - insufficient housing Dhaka
growth even for formal
- Public delivery of sector workers
multi-storied - Flawed tenant
cooperative flats selection process:
targeting the neediest invasion and project
emulating, but quite abandonment
superficially, the - Creation of housing
Singapore model of cooperatives failed
hosing for all in the absence of
follow ups, control
and incentives
First Five - Housing subsidization - Subsidy proved - Funds directed to
Year Plan
considered (by unfeasible in the prestigious sectors as
1973-1978
provisioning low cost presence of a large ministers housing,
land and rentable number of claimants conference centres,
tenement blocks) and for a resource- flood embankments,
- Experiments with scarce government Thana head-quarters
low cost ideas such and tourism
as minimum shelter, infrastructure
nucleus shelter, site- development
and-service projects,
workers housing and
temporary settlements
1975 - Squatter - Forced resettlement - Clearance of slums
Rehabilitation of squatting and squatters from
project; at odds with migrants to city centres
already prevailing peripheral low-lying - Many migrants
global experiences areas of the city, sold/exchanged the
and practices; this away from informal land they received as
was politically places of income part of rehabilitation

118
 motivated, and generation and project and kept
prompted by urban without affordable coming back to the
elites (including means of city centre
media personnel) communication - New slums formed
Two Year - Township models and - Serviced plot price - Nationally,
Plan
site and services was 2.4 to 7.8 times government delivered
1978-1980
schemes continue to higher than the an estimated 8,500
be considered as affordable range of low cost units and
solution to housing the average income 1,200 plots for the
shortage households; it was urban poor
way beyond rural - In Khulna, around
migrants affordable 713 plots were given
range to the landless
squatters for a fees
Second - Shift in housing - Labour unions from - Public sector
Five Year
policy thoughts public-sector programs remain
Plan
1980-1985 lower standards set in industries abolished; limited to a few land
place of high-quality more informality development and
housing/land delivery created infrastructure
- Decentralization - No government improvement projects
considered; goal was policy obliged - Export oriented
to shift development private sector shrimp industries
activities to newer industrialists to start to grow in
urban centres to provide basic safety Khulna (Figure 4.4:
reduce pressure off nets to migrant right)
bigger cities and workers including - Support settlements
promote local growth housing (slums) grow along
Third Five - Civic facilities for all; - Low-income blocks - KDA allotted a total
Year Plan
building low-cost could not address of 2984 land plots in
1985-90
semi-permanent the needs of a few the six residential
housing units using million of least areas it developed
own resources and income population - Of these, around
increase stock by - Incomplete steps fail 1000 were targeted
providing plots, to improve situation for lower-income
utilities and easy - Transfer of employed in formal
finance government-owned sector not for
- Encouragement to housing stock to lowest income rural-
private-sector private owners urban migrants
investment

119
4.2.5 Post-SAP Bangladesh (1990-present)

Market mechanisms have continued to affect this ongoing phase of urbanization in

Khulna. First, the proponents of market liberalization and free trade (World Bank and

IMF) had successfully convinced the central government that a lack of

industrialization is what holds back sustained growth. WTO, as a party to MNCs (and

their local partners) hence had influenced the governments to shift its focus away

from agriculture to urban industrialization to produce non-traditional export-oriented

items16. As an outcome of implemented SAP policies, a number of private sector

shrimp processing industries were established along the riverside zones of Khulna

(Figure 4.4: right). Supporting businesses related to shrimp industry (freezing,

scaling, packaging, construction etc.) had also started to grow alongside these

factories and in Khulnas rural hinterlands. As Table 4.2 suggests, with declining

benefits from agriculture and drastic change in livelihoods17 Khulna as in other

Bangladeshi cities had also become a major destination for jobless peasantry (or

surplus labour according to economists) off its hinterlands.

16. This closely resembles the Chile model of 1970s which was the first test-case for the
Neoliberal doctrines (Murray 2009: 380-381).
17. From 1990s onwards, aided by supportive government policies (tax reduction for export-
oriented items production and setting up of export oriented industries), shrimp farming
boomed particularly in the South-Western coastal zones of Bangladesh. Low investment
and high return lured millions of agricultural farmers to give up their traditional way of
double or triple cropping (per annum) and assume shrimp farming instead. Currently,
more than 1.5million people are employed in this sector in greater Khulna region alone;
this has led to the reduction of peasants involvement in traditional crop-based agriculture
from 80% to 25% (Datta et al. 2010: 230-231). This drastic social-environmental-
economic transformation, however, had left its adverse consequence as well. Amongst the
most immediate outcomes, a gradual decline in rice yield and increase of soil salinity has
remained most prominent. Farming by obstructing and confining the natural water flow
(by digging and constructing shrimp rearing ponds of various sorts and sizes) has often
led to sudden outbreak of diseases. Water stagnation and sedimentation, decrease of
grazing fields for livestock, loss of fish stock in rivers due to shrimp fry collection also
remained the common reasons behind the adverse affect on coastal peasants livelihoods.
In social terms, newfound affluence invited social stress in many cases leading to court-
cases to resolve land disputes even amongst family members. It has also invited large-
scale land grabbers to the remotest of rural areas, often from distant urban areas, to use
their political powers to get hold of state-owned Khas land, which were once enjoyed by
landless rural farmers. Many peasants, even with legal title, were evicted forcefully from
their ancestral lands to make way for large-scale farming and their politically connected

120
Figure 4.4: Khulna urban-form: (left) post-1971; (right) post 1990-present (Source: Miah 2002)

Newfound prosperity also gave rise to new elites and deeper spatial segregation; in

KDAs townships for the middle class (e.g. Sonadanga R/A; green circle Figure 4.4:

left), land price multiplied within a single decade. As older migrant settlements have

become more crowded, many newer and smaller settlements formed to accommodate

the influx of new migrants. And as more of these private industries were erected, the

informal settlements mushroomed alongside. Although these industries belonged to

the formal sector, none provided accommodation for its workers or furnished any

fiscal incentives for workers housing (Hakim 2012). The promoters of market

liberalization, i.e. World Bank also has struggled with devising a suitable strategy on

how the masses of so called surplus labour, who are now serving the interests of the

market economy18, were to be housed. Instead, they would now focus on advocating

for private sectors involvement in providing housing, and hence transferring

musclemen-owners. As agricultural lands were turned to shrimp ponds, many

sharecroppers and landless wage labourers lost their livelihoods (Ibid: 234-236).
18. Bangladesh accounts for around 3% of global production of commercial shrimp; it is the
seventh largest shrimp exporting country in the world (Datta et al. 2010: 232). Shrimp is
the second major industry-based export item in Bangladesh. More than 70% of national
production of shrimp is produced in Khulna (Ibid: 229). Most of Bangladeshs 124
export-oriented shrimp factories are located in and around Khulna that employ, mostly
informally, thousands of informal migrant workers (Ahmed and Sattar 2004: 21).

121
responsibility from state to poor households in order to reduce public sectors

economic inefficiency and ineffectiveness (Ramsamy 2006: 171). Influenced by this,

governments (local and central) also failed to produce policies that oblige these

industries to provide accommodation for its workers. Eventually, the stateought to

withdraw from the direct production and provision, and facilitate or enable the private

sector, formal and informal, to provide land, housing and services (Ghafur 2010:

10). In reality, the only private sector apart from the illegal informal settlements

that have remained involved, for at least during the last three decades in providing

affordable accommodation has been the poor landlords (once-migrants themselves)

living in the fringe areas of the city. The role of mainstream formal private sector 19,

quite unsurprisingly, has remained limited in the provisioning of land plots for

middle- and higher-class housing.

Table 4.2: Moments of scarcity for urban poor affecting urban form: post-SAP

Bangladesh (prepared in accordance with: Ahmed 2007; Ahmed and Sattar 2004;

Choguill 1993; DCosta 1994; Karim 2007; Khan 1999: 171-172; Khanam 2004;

Rahman 2007; UNDP 2007; WB 2007).

Time Key idea and Effect on Urban spatial

period, intension peasant/migrant impact and
regime Bangladesh/Khulna
Fourth - Government realizes - Relocation of slums - Earth filling, illegal
Five Year
its resource from city centre subdivision on city
Plan
1990-95 inadequacy; role shifts continues; migrants periphery continues
from housing provider had to live far away
to enabler of policies from their work place
to improve urban without affordable
poors economic transport; hazardous

19. REHAB (Real Estate and Housing Association of Bangladesh), which comprises of 1081
member farms and claims to have delivered around 200,000 apartment units and have
developed 120,000 land plots during the past two decades after their inception
(http://www.rehab-bd.org/rehab_at_a_glance.php), are not known for their deliverance of
affordable apartments or plots of land to the urban poor.

122
 condition locations (e.g. low-
- Involvement only in lying fringe areas)
planning and - NGO involvement
developing land, accelerates
infrastructure and
services
- Stimulate environment
conducive for private
sector involvement
- On-site upgrading, - Eviction of slum
National
Housing renovation and dwellers continues and
Policy
development with brutal means being
1993
conferment of regularly used
occupancy rights; - NGO run and
commitment for government approved
service and utility poverty alleviation and
provisioning environment upgrading
- Community projects also get
participation and affected
involvement of NGOs - Lack of commitment
become accepted and coordination
norms between agencies
- Home-lending - No further progress to
program by disburse housing loans
Bangladesh Bank for urban poor
announced for funding
poors housing; NGOs
to act as intermediaries
Fifth Five - Intention to improve - De-agrarianization - Nothing substantial
Year Plan
quality of poors life continues:, peasants is accomplished
1995-
2000 by providing adequate involvement to crop- except from the
infrastructure; based agriculture introduction of a
envisioned reduces to 18% from few small-scale
development of low- 33% in the previous housing credit
cost multi-storied decade schemes and low-
buildings for - Landless condition of cost plots
resettlement peasants worsens
- WTO and inclusion of owning to both natural
agriculture into disasters and man-
GATT; government to made causes

123
 significantly cut
involvement in
agriculture and
subsidy
Revised - Urban poor is - Governments unwilling - Very little
National
recognized an essential to provide housing upgrading takes
Housing
Policy part of economy and services fearing it place
1999
issues regarding their would encourage
tenure security and further in-migration
access to basic - Policy not fully
services were to be realized; unclear policy
addressed leading to
- In-situ slum upgrading misunderstanding and
programs received in- lack of coordination
principle approval between different
government agencies
Draft - The Poverty Reduction - PRSP does not mention - Slum eviction
National
Strategy Paper (PRSP) migrants housing without
Housing
Policy is proposed for - Policy remains resettlement
2004
Bangladesh, persuaded unapproved due to continues; but
again by World Bank deadlocks arising from slums continue to
and IMF volatile political form and exist in
- PRSP includes policy situations city centres
agenda for - Although LPUPAPs - LPUPAP had its
provisioning housing impact was significant, effect on
for challenged groups yet in its seven-year settlements built
(e.g. single working tenure (2000-2007), it environment
women, elderly and could only manage through upgrading
the disabled) around USD1million of services and
- UNDP and grant money, and utilities; it also
Government funded generate a meager sanctioned small
Local Partnerships for USD0.1million from loans for house
Urban Poverty the savings of its construction and
Reduction Project members. Despite improvement
(LPUPAP) launched having a good idea, it - In Khulnas
on 2000 in 11 towns suffered from lack of migrant
and cities for the funds and could not settlements, 133
improvement of contribute more CDC and 1226
services, utilities and groups (23,000
empowerment of poor persons; 92%

124
 community members female) had
completed more
than 200 slum
improvement
projects
Present - Advocacy for - Impact of these - UPPRP is having
times
innovative policy; policies yet to be similar effect as
allows advocacy evaluated LPUPAP had;
groups to engage in - Despite local although confined
negotiation with government and in the settlement
governments and seek UNDPs involvement level,
funds from donors in settlement upgrading improvements of
- UNDP and works, eviction and drainage, streets,
UNHABITAT funded displacement threats service areas and
Urban Partnerships are ongoing mainly even house-forms
for Poverty Reduction from land-grabbers and are evident in many
project (UPPRP) supported by of the settlements
launched on 2008 bureaucracy (e.g. (although many
KDA, police etc.) remained the same)

4.3 Summary

This chapter has looked at the structural insufficiencies and imbalances as a product

of modern conditions. This chronological review of the political and economic

doctrines reveal that little has changed in terms of top-down policy formulation and

their impact on ordinary peasants and peasant-turned migrants ways of life in

Bangladesh. Pertaining mainly to the land administration sector in the context of this

predominantly agrarian society and starting with the early colonization of Bengal, the

deliberately implemented policies by the authoritative regimes have historically

contributed to the creation of homeless-ness (including loss of livelihoods) in rural

peasants lives, and a constant dearth of housing-provisioning for peasant-turned-

migrants in Khulna. In order to fulfil both economic and political objectives, this

discussion reveals, these many modernist policies have been used by the ruling

125
regimes and their elite collaborators leaving dire consequences for Bengals (and later

Bangladeshs) agrarian socio-spatial structure in general.

It is therefore, through these examples and evidences, a thread becomes apparent.

These deliberately constructed conditions, characterized historically by only the

opposing components of the ideal situations, such as unevenness, discrepancy,

shortage, inequality and segregation hence asks for adapting to an alternative

perspective. Such a perspective should also delineate a larger context to allow a

deeper understanding of the links between migrants home-(re)making efforts in

relation with the new socio-spatial binaries in the city (e.g. standard-nonstandard,

formal-informal, permanent-temporary or legal-illegal). The concept of Scarcity, as

have been found with the cases in this chapter, can hence be viewed as a means to

fulfilling politico-economic objectives (e.g. control) by authoritarian regimes by

creating imbalance of systems or by unevenly distributing human and non-human

resources. Scarcity, a condition synonymous with a presence of lacking but

authoritatively practiced even in the presence of having enough hence provides a

useful perspective of elites strategies for control. Supplemented by the identified

threads and themes through the socio-spatial analysis of migrant homes in Chapter 5,

which shows how the aforesaid binary co-existences are deliberately constructed,

maintained and used by various actors (including the migrants themselves) in the

shaping of migrants dwelling environments in Khulna, the concept of Scarcity is

further advanced in Chapter 6.

126
 Chapter 5: Settlement history and spatial practices

5.1 Introduction

Following the discussion on modern Khulnas urban spatial transformation in

relation with migrants settling down process in Chapter 4, this chapter focuses more

on the socio-spatial practices as prevailing in migrants dwelling environments. In

view of the selected variables in Chapter 3, the following sections describe

respectively: (1) settlement history (tenure, ownership and control, and spatial

boundaries), (2) household spatial practices (transformation, spatial organization,

territorial practices and structure, contextual aspirations), and (3) decision-making

structure (type and nature, actors and rules). All sections are prepared using the most

recurring of themes from migrants spatio-physical practices by maintaining constant

reference with external actors role in their present status of land tenure and house

ownership. In order to explain the spatio-physical phenomena as outlined in the data

analysis framework in Chapter 3, household- and settlement-level information and

drawings are organized in a way which makes use of only the required number of

examples. Not all the instances and evidences from all 10 settlements and 34 dwelling

units are analyzed simultaneously for describing each of the phenomena. The idea is

not to generalize findings. Rather, efforts are given to identify and explain these

phenomena and combine them to construct particular threads of themes. The

summary concludes by mentioning the common themes which emerge from the

particular socio-spatial practices at both dwelling and settlement levels. These

themes, along with those from Chapter 4 are carried forward to Chapter 6 where they

are analyzed and synthesized in tandem.

(From here on, a particular household within particular a settlement, for example the

surveyed house 1 in settlement 5 is referred to as S1H5).

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5.2 History of settlement

5.2.1 History of tenure

This section begins with the discussions on tenure history (and spatio-physical

transformation) of the selected migrant settlements. For that, a categorization of these

settlements is exercised according to their present tenure status. However, tenure

history also discusses the earlier forms of ownership that the migrant residents from

each of these settlements have enjoyed previously. Roles of various influential

actors/policies are also highlighted in the discussion of the spatio physical

transformation of these settlements. Drawing mainly on the tenure classifications

provided by Payne (1997) and UN-HABITAT (2004: 8) as discussed in Chapter 2, a

total of seven types are identified in the context of Khulna.

Freehold
Settlement 5: Household/plot: 3-10; Density: 550-900 persons/ha
Motiakhali (approx.)

This settlement type, in general, can be understood as privately developed small

informal settlement clusters on city periphery (Figure 5.1). In most cases, the

migrant-turned-landlord lives alongside tenants on the same site (residence of 3 to 10

families are common on a single plot of land) (Figure 5.2). This, however, is the most

emerging type amongst all low-income migrant settlement types in Khulna. Many of

these are often unidentifiable as slums. Although poor people live here, there are

certain attributes of these settlements for which they are hard to be categorized as

slums. In many cases, rented dwelling units are brick-built. The tenants also share the

same utilities as those of the landlord on-site source of water, electricity, sanitary

toilet, separate space for cooking and bathing etc. In most cases, government funded

free community clinic and primary school could also be found nearby. Settlement 5

hence refers to a private property, acquired through the purchasing of land during

Khulnas initial industrialization in the 1960s and 1970s. Which were originally low

128
lying agricultural lands (for paddy cultivation mainly) in Khulnas South-Western

fringe areas, were later subdivided illegally (without any clear land use map or

detailed area plan) by owners and sold to incoming migrants.

Figure 5.1: (Left) KCC jurisdiction map showing location of Motiakhali area (Source: KCC
2012); (middle) built-form distribution in space; (right) Satellite image (Source: Google Earth
2012).

These plots of land were originally purchased for a very cheap price by people with

small informal jobs or by third/fourth class employees (and migrant workers) working

in nearby formal-sector industries (Khulna Shipyard Limited, Dada Match Factory

etc.). Cultivation and cropping was carried out with the help of peasant-migrants from

Satkhira (a South-Western coastal district in Bangladesh) mainly. But during the

1990s, when many government-owned industries were closed down in Khulna while

private sector shrimp industries boomed both retired employees (from government

industries) and newly wealthy class (from shrimp business) started purchasing land in

this peripheral location. These two groups investment in land led to the sudden

escalation of land price and drew in more speculators. Many other people, who were

not originally from Khulna, also started purchasing land in this area. This is also

when Khulnas rural hinterlands were experiencing a sharp decline in agricultural

production (Chapter 4). So as peasants started making their way in to Khulna and

kept looking for affordable accommodation, most landowners of these peripheral

129
lands took this opportunity and constructed portions of their agricultural land into

more profitable rentable units. Some migrants were also allowed to stay rent-free in

exchange of their service to look after the property and help the landlord with his/her

everyday activities (e.g. business, agriculture, household works etc.). In all cases,

non-permanent (called Katcha) houses were initially constructed using bamboo,

thatching and mud. Permanent houses are only (re)constructed later through a gradual

(and incremental) consolidation process. Since the older migrant settlements

(particularly those close to city centre) were already crowded and high-priced, this

type quickly became the most popular mode of accommodation for the bulk of the

newer in-migrants. It was during the latter half of the 1990s, population density

escalated while peoples demand for utilities and services became important

enough1. It was hence to draw the attention of local Ward Councillor, as some form

of infrastructure (particularly laying out brick-paved roads) was provisioned by KCC.

In terms of social relation, this co-living of the landlord and his/her tenants is

reminiscent of a customary form of master-servant way of life typical of the rural

Bangladeshi society2. Generally a single room is rented by one migrant family, while

services and utilities are commonly shared between the tenants, and often also with

the landlords family (Figure 5.2). In this, the tenant benefits financially from sharing

everyday services, utilities and spaces with the on-site landlord. Tenants social

world also extends beyond his/her personal network; benefit occurs from getting

immediate access to the local social network of the landlord for getting access to jobs

and other livelihood opportunities (e.g. healthcare, education etc.). This accepted

subordination to the landlord also helps receive important institutional support (e.g.

1. As density increases, so does the number of voters; so with the increase of density (and
through persistent lobbying) local public representatives (e.g. Ward Councillor)
commonly extend their activities in such areas.
2. Indra and Buchignani (1997: 26) discusses how in rural Bangladesh, landless people
make innovative use of kinship and other ideologies legitimating reciprocity and mutual
aid to re-establish themselves rent-free on the land of others.

130
NGO loans become easily available for having a legal address rather than living

anonymously in the Bastee). Alternatively, the landlord also benefits socially in

addition to the rent money received from the tenants. For example, the landlords

political importance increases as the Ward Councillor now gives him/her importance

during election times. As a guardian of his/her tenants instead of approaching the

individual tenants to vote for him, the Councillor recognizes that if the landlord

certifies him/her as a competent candidate, it would earn him/her vote (voters

confidence) much easily compared to any other forms of campaign.

Figure 5.2: (Left) Mr. Ziarul (landlord)s house plan

at Motiakhali. Brick-built house on top-left corner is
his dwelling unit, while highlighted areas are
locations of shared kitchen, toilet and tube-well areas;
remaining are 10 rented units (rooms) for 10 tenant-
families; (above) photograph showing Mr. Ziaruls
house on right and rented Katcha units on left.

Registered leasehold
Settlement 4: Area: 1 Acre (approx.); Household: 200+;
Runner Math Population: 1000+; Density 2500p/ha

Once agricultural land on Khulnas north-western fringe becomes abandoned

property as Hindu businessman-owner emigrates to India during War of

Independence in 1971. Vacant abandoned property3 continues to be used as a

playground (Maath) for surrounding villages while a small sporting club building

(named Runner Club) was erected illegally by a group of local youth. An ex-refugee

131
government official (from Kolkata) later leases it from Government and starts

cultivating it for agricultural farming. In 1972, the migrant farmer working for the

leaseholder constructs house and starts living on this land as a caretaker and bribe

the club away. In the following year, after a dispute with the leaseholder regarding

harvest sharing, this migrant farmer issues an injunction to current leaseholder with

the help of an influential businessman. Following injunction, this leaseholder

although a government official, never came back to reclaim this lands possession4.

As it becomes an abandoned property, now many start showing their interest in this

land. So as in 1976, a local political leader eyes on this land, and sends two of his

political hands i.e. Labour Sardars (leader) working in a nearby government

Godown (silo for storing food grains) to start residing here (Figure 5.3: right).

Figure 5.3: (Left) KCC jurisdiction map showing location of Runner Math (Source: KCC
2012); (middle) built-form distribution in space; (right) Satellite image showing location of
Runner Math in relation with the location of Government Silo (Source: Google Earth 2012).

All of these three migrants (the Sardar brothers and the farmer) happened to be from

the same district of Barishal5. Hence they would invite a few more families to live

3. It, by law, becomes governments Khas land, which the Government can lease to anyone
it deems eligible.
4. Since this official was a refugee himself, he feared local resistance and possible clash
with this farmer who is now backed by locally influential personnel.
5. One amongst the three particular coastal and riverside locations in Bangladesh, which
until now has remained the exclusive hinterland to Khulna in terms of migrant-sending
(Angeles et al. 2009: 18). Generally, people refer to other people from his/her same

132
with them all having their roots in Barishal. In 1979, during the tenure of army-

backed President Zia, a local college was established (read in his admiration).

Political leaders from Zias party (BNP6) used this occasion to appropriate Runner

Math by evicting the squatters and erect a students hostel there. The earlier lease by

now was cancelled; Runner Maath land was now allocated to Zia College through a

long-term lease. But knowing through insiders that this was actually a plot to evict

them and a hostel would never be erected at Runner Math, these three migrants now

aggressively start inviting their known people (relatives, friends etc.) all landless

ex-migrants like they themselves from different corners of the city to live alongside

them. They would also set the criteria that everyone who comes here must be from

the Barishal region. During the next regime of the military dictator President Ershad

in early 1980s, a vacant order was decreed by locally influential people interested in

Runner Math. But the migrants, now led primarily by the Sardar brothers, again use

their power to mobilize the Godown labour to neutralize the eviction threats. Another

eviction threat from the local MP was again resisted in early-1990s; although the MP

proposed that all Runner Math inhabitants would be rehabilitated to a new site, the

Sardar brothers declined his proposal. Instead, they went on to convey a strong

message to this MP that a relocation would lead only to the reduction of votes in the

upcoming national election. Knowing that their group role would be decisive for any

MP and Ward Councillor during elections, each new threat therefore was invariably

followed by the arrival of more migrant families. By 1995, Runner Maath becomes

full with houses. In 2008, during another non-political military regime, the local

land administrator was finally reached after several months of lobbying. As he was

now convinced and his office was bribed, leasehold for 25 years was finally obtained.

regional origin (e.g. from same village, or who speak the same dialect) as Deshi
Manush.
6. BNP stands for Bangladesh Nationalist Party, which is one of the two major political
parties in Bangladesh formed by President Zia (an ex-Army General and one of the key
sector commanders during Bangladeshs War of Independence in 1971). Zias tenure saw
Bangladeshs first Marshal Law (army-backed government).

133
 Public rental
Settlement 10: Area: 14.34 Acre; House: 600+; Pop.
Railway Guards Colony 3,000+; Density 520p/ha

This settlement is a part of Bangladesh Railways staffs planned residential quarters

in central Khulna designed and executed in a row-house manner in the 1960s

(Figure 5.4). Both house interiors and adjacent land have since been illegally

modified by the Railways staff themselves. Such modification and construction

practices were further compounded by the gradual occupation of the entire Railways

estate and nearby Ghat (loading-unloading quay) by a local Mastan (mafia boss) in

the mid 1980s. This migrant-turned-Mastan (who would be later elected as a Ward

Councillor) continued to erect slum houses within the vacant spaces of this planned

settlement until 1999. It was generally the migrant population from his home district

that were allowed to settle in those houses. Railways authority was unable to do

anything about it because this Mastan was supported by the local politicians from

successive ruling regimes.

Figure 5.4: (Left) KCC jurisdiction map showing location of Railway Guards Colony (Source:
KCC 2012); (middle) built-form distribution in space; (right) Satellite image showing the
housing area, and the riverside Ghats on right (Source: Google Earth 2012).

It was this Mastans unofficial approval that was also required even for an officer to

move in to an officially allotted formal housing unit. After his fall in early 2000s,

134
most slum-households were relocated to another nearby site7 (settlement 3). But by

now, this newly reclaimed territorial control encouraged railway staffs to construct

even more informal/illegal houses, roads, plantations and other structures within this

planned housing estate (Figure 5.5).

1
3 2

Figure 5.5: (Left) plan showing typical row-house unit transformation in Railway Guards
Colony (1) Verandah transformed into master sleeping area; (2) open yard becomes semi-
covered space used for cooking, water storage, bathroom and toilet, and entrance; (3) Katcha
building attached with permanent structure as family size increases; (top right) single storey
row-house like arrangement of Railway employees housing (Source: Google Earth 2012);
(bottom middle) fencing used to mark property line as in private estates (see plan) Katcha
house is in the background; (bottom right) informal house still on Railways land inhibited by
outsiders remains of Mafia bosss legacy.

However, getting access to Railways housing remains highly contested since this

government-provided (subsidized and hence affordable) housing for the third- and

fourth-class employees in Bangladesh has been scarce. The number of housing units

supplied has always been on the shorter side compared with the actual demand. Thus

many officers kept staying in these houses for decades, even after they got transferred

to other posts. This also led to curious situated practices amongst the realm of

public housing including renting, subletting, re-territorializing, developing and even

7. Although a few such houses can still be found in the settlement (Figure 5.5: bottom-
right); it has been learnt that some new arrangements have already been made between

135
selling out possession rights of the dwelling units to new incoming officers.

Although owned by the Railways, it has been the tenants investments in these

properties over the years8 that made them behave like private property owners. For

getting allotment and extend their stay (e.g. after being transferred), officers actually

have to bribe their own colleagues (office staff from Railways Internal Welfare

Department, in-charge of housing allotment). In addition, knowing which unit is

vacating soon and would be ready for moving in require a constant tapping of social

networks amongst their colleagues and residents.

De facto secure tenure

Settlement 1: Area: 3.44 Acre; Household: 1,600+; Pop.
Rupsha Char Bastee 11,000+; Density 3200p/ha
Settlement 3: Area: 5.11 Acre; Household: 1,500+; Pop.
5 No. Ghat Bastee 10,000+; Density 1960p/ha
Settlement 7: Area: 0.7 Acre; Household: 160; Pop. 1,000+;
7 No. Camp Density 1430p/ha

These three settlements, in the traditional sense, are all squatters. It is their de facto

status in terms of land ownership that brings them together under this particular

category. However, there are subtle differences in the ways they have been developed

through squatting on government land and public housing. Variations can also be

noticed in the way they have continued to make socio-political arrangements for

securing their present occupancy.

Settlement 1 (Rupsha Char Bastee) is located on a government-owned Char9 (Figure

5.6). Habitation begun on this southern peripheral land of Khulna in the early 1960s,

tenants and Railway officials in charge

8. From fixing house-front roads and drainage canals to construction, repair and
modification of house.
9. Chars are low-lying lands that are formed on the river edge due to siltation. This is a
natural process of land formation in the deltaic geological conditions as in Bangladesh.
Any land developed through this process is considered as Khas land, meaning such land
(including islands) would automatically be considered as central Governments property.
Khas land is central government-owned land, intended to be leased for both agricultural
and non-agricultural purposes. The most eligible for Khas land are: the landless poor

136
and has even since been developed gradually. A local Ward Councillor (called Ward

Commissioner then) started settling in migrants coming in mostly from Khulnas

coastal hinterlands. As businesses grew along the riverside, this settlement continued

to pass through the classic phases of spatio-physical transformation as observed in

other global-level examples of squatter settlements. Platform houses were first

erected followed by gradual landfill; later came the construction of roads and other

infrastructure and eventually services and utilities were provided. Self-help, support

from local traders and industry-owners, KCC and more recently NGOs and the

UNDP-led UPPRP-project have all been the means through which this gradual

development became possible (Figure 5.7).

Figure 5.6: (Left) KCC jurisdiction map showing location of Rupsha Char Bastee (Source:
KCC 2012); (middle) built-form distribution in space; (right) Satellite image showing the
settlements area and the industrial/trading area along the river (Source: Google Earth 2012).

This settlement is located right alongside one of Khulnas oldest riverside locations

that consist of numerous Ghats supporting the wholesale fish markets (Notun

Bazaar), wood trading and river transport stations (Figure 5.6: right). Migrant

settlements such as Rupsha Char have actually been developed over the years as

support to these traditional riverside enterprises. So it came as no surprise when in

the mid-1980s a number of export-oriented shrimp processing industries were erected

(both urban and rural), significant contributors to society and economy, or

137
in and around Rupsha Char area turning it into one of the most bustling (and

densely populated) trading zones of Khulna. Many supporting businesses for the

industries (e.g. ice factories to support shrimp trading, or saw-mills to support wood

trading) also grew alongside. Similar to the Shrimp industries, the abundance of

cheap labour also influenced the gradual development of other new businesses

along the river (related to construction industry, these are: storage and supplying of

building materials such as brick, sand, brick chips etc.).

Phase 1: Pre-Liberation (pre-1971)

Key actors involved: Christian
Missionary, Ward Councillor

Phase 2: Post-Liberation (post-1971)

Key actors involved: Christian
Missionary, Ward Councillor

Phase 3: Pre-SAP (pre-1980)

Key actors involved: Christian Mayor,
Foreign NGOs

Phase 4: During SAP (1980s-1990s)

Key actors involved: Ward Councillor,
Donors and NGOs, Industrial owners

Figure 5.7: Showing settlement transformation phases in Rupsha Char Bastee (the most
influential actors involved in each phase is also mentioned).

Land in and around this area is therefore highly priced and contested amongst all the

parties mentioned. Because of the Char character of land and devoid of a definite

boundary (as Chars are always shifting and morphing), land tenure status of all

parties (including the fishery giants) remain dubious and subject to the

interpretation/manipulation of influential actors10. Naturally, a settlement as large as

Rupsha Char Bastee also includes disputed areas within its boundary. Eviction threats

persons/groups/institutes who wish to use it for public benefit (Hossain 2010: 77).
10. For example, the shrimp industries and all other present enterprises along the river-edge
are located on the even newly formed Char land (hence Khas land). Yet, eviction drives

138
are also frequent11. Around 40% of its 26 Bigha12 land area is a highly contested

terrain between migrants13, a Christian community14 and the industry owners (i.e.

elites). Tenants are not landowners here; but a few amongst the 2000+ households on

the southern part of the settlement have been granted temporary leasehold, while the

rest on the northern and middle part of the settlement (disputed) live without any

form of tenure security.

Figure 5.8: (Right) Satellite image showing the actual location of Rupsha Char Bastee
(marked), with the riverside Ghats, shrimp industries and other enterprises along the riverside
on its right (Source: Google Earth 2012); (left) same area is projected on KDAs Master Plan
2002; this designates the marked (Rupsha Char Bastee) area as mixed-use and commercial
location. Riverside Ghats and enterprises are shown as parks (Source: KDA 2002a).

never target them. In addition, KDA (Khulnas planning authority)s Master Plan 2002
designates this area for parks and major arterial ways (Figure 5.8).
11. The latest threat came in August 2012 during the third phase of my fieldwork; a local
fishery mogul, who has been interested in this disputed land for many years, once again
had made an attempt to evict the migrants using his bureaucratic connections. In this
particular instance, an eviction notice was served through the local Police
Commissioner (prompted by this influential businessman) although police do not have
any legal authority to do so. This threat, as in earlier cases, was eventually neutralized by
mass protests, persuasion and the political intervention by the Mayor.
12. A local unit for land area measurement; 1 Bigha = 1340m2, or 14,400sft.
13. The older migrants claim that this portion of land was actually a paddy-field owned by a
Hindu Zamindar. This Zamindar, before his emigration to India after partition in 1947,
had donated this land for the welfare of poor people. Since the Christian Missionary in
Khulna was amongst the most active philanthropic organization (and also a non-Muslim
organization), the Hindu Zamindar is believed to had trusted this missionary more than
the land administrators of the Muslim state of East Pakistan. Devoid of any land
ownership record (due to its being a Char land) or without any official document that
shows if any declaration of donation was made by the Zamindar, the migrants claim that
the successive heads of this Missionary have since acted partially and favoured only the
Christian migrants rather the migrant community as a whole
14. Christian migrants (converts), on the other hand, claim that this land belongs to CSS
(Christian Service Society the local Missionary, and a descendent of a European Baptist
Mission set up in the south-eastern riverside of Khulna in 1860 following the

139
Due to its sheer population size (hence very important as voters of national/local

elections), and for its economic importance to local industries, migrants however

could develop a negotiated relation with the land authorities during these 50+ years.

Although documents in black and white do not exist, it is the verbal promises

particularly from the Mayors and Ward Councillors from different political regimes

that assure migrants to carry on with activities such as invest in permanent houses,

rent them and even sell possession rights15 to willing buyers. Migrants frequently

mention of and associate all KCC Mayors, and a particular Ward Councillor

belonging to BNP behind whatever progress (and resilience16) they could produce till

date towards Rupsha Char Bastees sustenance and fight for legalization.

The migrant settlements at Panch (5) No. Ghat (settlement 3) is believed to be located

on a site which is more than one hundred and fifty years old. The reason being that it

is located right next to the CBD of Khulna the Boro Bazaar, a trading place around

which Khulnas urbanization begun after EICs establishment of trading activities in

Early 19th C (elaborated in Chapter 4). The suffix Ghat with the settlements name

also refers to its proximity of Khulnas main water transport station near Boro

Bazaar. A truck/lorry stand and the central railway station17 are also located adjacent

to this Ghat area (Figure 5.9: right). It is also within 15-20minutes walking distance

of Khulnas most affluent housing area and the central bus station. The present

settlement 3, home to more than 1,600 migrant families, is in fact located on

establishment of salt and indigo business by EIC; see Miah 2002: 591), and they are
allowed to settle here by CSS and given the guardianship to protect this land.
15. Since no formal title exists, people who move out basically sell out their claim on the
possession of land/dwelling unit that they developed throughout years of occupation.
Often the whole homestead (land plot and house)s claim is sold out together.
16. This ex-Councillor, who now holds a key post in Khulna BNP, is said to have been the
most essential of allies for these Char-living migrants socio-spatial sustenance. In
addition to his important role as an everyday anti-eviction activist, migrants mention of
episodic hard times, such as of a post-fire hazard period in 1994 when he had fed the
entire fire-affected community for around a month using fund collected through
donations.
17. This is the same railway station which during British rule, was used for travelling
between Khulna and Kolkata.

140
Bangladesh Railways underutilized land at the periphery of its sprawling housing

area18 near the city centre (Figure 5.9). Although it is believed that a village-like

settlement had existed earlier right next to the thriving Boro Bazaar area, it was the

establishment of the Ghats and the stations that heightened the demand for cheap

labour and had constantly invited additional migrant population. Following the War

of Independence in 1971, the sudden in-flow of thousands of homeless peasants saw

the mushrooming of makeshift shacks around this area since this was the only place

in the city where informal jobs were readily available. It is widely held that the

present location of settlement 3 a low-lying paddy field originally, was first

inhibited by some of this particular batch of new migrants. It is through their efforts,

this low-lying land was developed gradually. As this was a low-lying land, these

people had to raise the courtyards and build houses on high plinths. Thus a number of

ponds were dug out over the years, while the paddy field had gradually been

developed into an elevated land for habitation.

Figure 5.9: (Left) KCC jurisdiction map showing location of Panch No. Ghat settlement
(Source: KCC 2012); (middle) built-form distribution in space (location of Harijan-para is
seen on the north of settlement 3); (right) Satellite image selections showing respectively
(from top to bottom) settlement 3, Panch No. Ghat, Railways housing, Khulna Railway
Station, ferry terminal and truck/lorry station. Glimpses of Boro Bazaar can also be found near
the truck/lorry station (Source: Google Earth 2012).

18. Part of which is settlement 10 as discussed earlier.

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Tenure history of settlement 3 again demonstrates some interesting forms of

negotiation. Although this settlement is located entirely on public (Bangladesh

Railways) property, Railways has never had any real authority to control this vast

asset19 as seen also in the case of settlement 10. During the initial settling down in

these lands during 1970s, it was not very hard for these migrants to find some corrupt

railways officials who could be managed in exchange of little returns (e.g.

agricultural products such as fish or monetary bribe). It is also learnt that a few such

officers were also sympathetic particularly toward people from their own area of rural

origin. However, things started to change in the early 1980s during the military-

dictator President Ershad, when a migrant-turned-Mastan rose to power (as described

in the case of settlement 10). In addition to the more designated housing areas for

Railways employees (e.g. settlement 10), he took control of the present day

settlement 3 area as well. This Mastan, who was also a political leader of the then

ruling party, started populating all these areas with migrants particularly from his rural

area of origin (Barishal). By 1990, settlement 3 assumed the name Ershad Sikder

Bastee20 and continued to serve additional purposes including housing his own

musclemen, act as the remote location for his illegal businesses (drugs, arms and

possibly prostitution), and play the role of the most essential vote-bank during

election times. However, after his eventual confiscation and execution in early 2002

during the BNP regime, thousands of these migrants have had their houses

demolished. Those living within the formal housing area (as in settlement 10) were

19. Bangladesh Railways for example, owns around 2.5km2 of land right at the central area of
the city; almost all of it is derelict and unutilized. This large chunk of land however, was
originally acquired by the British rulers as they envisaged rail sector to be the dominant
mode of transport in the future. However, Railways less-than-expected expansion during
Bangladesh period (due to road-oriented development) has pushed this organization to
such a low level of resource-scarceness that they cannot even afford to pay for a proper
maintenance of these assets it possesses let alone develop them for purposes such as
housing. Thus most of their land property is squatted (as in settlement 3), illegally rented
(as in settlement 10), informally rented (e.g developed as hawker market) or disputed
(generally with KCC).
20. Ershad Sikder was the name of the Mastan. His name can be found in the Murderpedia
website. See, http://murderpedia.org/male.S/s/sikder-ershad.htm.

142
also evicted of their houses21. Yet again, the Mayor and local Ward Councillor

appeared on the scene realizing the political importance of this large number of

migrant populations (read voters). There was also a push from UNDP-led settlement

upgradation project (LPUPAP). Now, a more formal negotiation took place wherein

a segment of the actors (e.g. Mayor, UNDP) acted as intermediaries between the

Railways authority and the evicted migrants. A new plan was laid out in 2002 for

housing particularly this batch of migrant population, evicted from the formal housing

areas. New locations within the settlement were selected, while gaps within existing

areas were also filled in. Depending on family size, each household was allotted either

one or two (12X15) sized plots. A new name to this settlement (Greenland) was also

given by LPUPAP. Later in 2008 in the most recent effort by KCC, another process of

rehabilitating members of Harijan22 community was initiated after evicting them from

other KCC lands in Khulna. A newer site on the northern part of this settlement was

chosen by Mayors office and local Ward Councillor23 and named Harijan-para

(Figure 5.9: middle). Although railway authority was not keen to turn their land into a

rehabilitation site, the Mayor (backed by ruling regime) insisted to make use of

this otherwise under-utilized land for public purpose. However, for all residents of

settlement 3, the tenure status still remains de facto; migrants are neither allowed to

construct any permanent structure, nor any assurance is given about the maximum

duration they might be able to stay.

Settlement 7, which is locally known as Sath (7) No. Camp is originally a Bihari

Refugee Camp located right at the centre of Khulnas oldest and largest planned

township of Khalishpur. The Muslim Biharis, who took refuge in post-liberation East

21. A few such houses can still be found in settlement 10, who could still sort out some
mechanism to stay back (Figure 5.5: bottom right).
22. A lowest caste Hindu community, who are generally found involved in perceived lower-
level works such as sweeping and cleaning; a number of them work at KCC as well.
23. Although elected public representatives are not theoretically authorized to decide on any
operational issue of public-sector organization such as Bangladesh Railways.

143
Pakistan after riots in India, turned into refugees once again as Bangladesh got

liberated from Pakistan in 1971. The Biharis, who came to Pakistan and became

Pakistani citizen, naturally supported West Pakistan instead of the native Bangali in

the latters War of Liberation. So after the war was over and East Pakistan became

Bangladesh, the Biharis would immediately be looked at as state enemies. Many

were murdered during the war, while even more took place after the war was over.

The Bihari houses were ransacked and seized, while Biharis were forced out of their

houses/plots of land and placed in small, super-dense makeshift arrangements known

as Bihari Camps24 (Figure 5.10: right).

Figure 5.10: (Left) KCC jurisdiction map showing location of Sath No. Camp (Source: KCC
2012); (middle) built-form distribution in space; (right) location of Sath No. Camp and other
two refugee Camps within Khalishpur township (Source: Google Earth 2012).

For Sath No. Camp, it was the International Red Cross, who came to protect the

Biharis from the violation and gathered them on this present site that used to be an

open public space previously. Around 40 tents were set up, in which these families

24. In addition to the three camps in Khalishpur there are another two Bihari Camps that exist
in Khulna. A number of similar camps also exist in other major cities in Bangladesh. As
these people still dream of a return to Pakistan (although they never lived in the Pakistan
mainland), the latter has never been keen to recognize them as its citizen. Although
Muslim the Biharis are, they differ ethnically and culturally from Pakistani ethnicities
and culture as they did with Bangladeshis. Pakistan also considers them as potential
burden since the Biharis are mostly illiterate and unskilled for any formal sector job. Thus
this whole issue has since remained political between the successive governments of
Bangladesh and Pakistan, while the Biharis remained stranded in these camps.

144
continued to live until 1978. Around this time, President Zias pro-Muslim BNP

government would already have assumed power; this made access of Islamic NGOs

(such as Rabeta Al Islam) easier into this politically sensitive settlement and

construct permanent house-plinths for the inhabitants. Other NGOs also joined in and

continued to operate with similar rehabilitation works (e.g. Concern and Caritas

provided sanitary latrines). Later in the 1990s, KCCs first intervention saw the

construction of permanent roads and erection of light posts here. By this time

however, additional refugee population came in and filled in the gaps between

existing plots of lands increasing the number of plots to 135 and families to 162.

Gradual encroachment of the adjacent lake also took place both to extend present

household space and to house new refugees. Now as settlement 7 has continued to

consolidate over the past five decades and many Biharis has left25, some Bangladeshi

(rural-urban) migrants also moved in (by buying possession rights) and started living

alongside the Bihari refugees within this settlement or adjacent to it (Figure 5.11).

Figure 5.11: Two Bangali-owned houses within Bihari refugee camp the fortified nature of
both these houses is noticeable; right: location of Mrs. Nurjahans house; left (red dotted) Mrs.
Nurjahans house on Khalishpur Central Mosque property but entry to her house is through
settlement 7; (left green dotted) house location of another newly gentrified Bangladeshi
(rural-to-urban) migrant.

25. It has been widely reported that although Pakistan did not recognize Biharis as their own
citizens, many registered themselves as Bangladeshi nationals, managed a Bangladeshi
Passport and eventually left Bangladesh for Pakistan. Some Biharis also left these camps
once they became affluent. Some previously affluent ones never actually had to leave in a
camp. Because of their better educational and social status they could already integrate
with the pre-liberation Bangladeshi society and escape violation.

145
Presently, the political importance of the Bihari population and their claim to this

settlement have both been reinforced as most of these refugees were issued a

Bangladeshi Voter ID card during the elections of 2005-2006 allowing them to

participate in all local and national polls.

Official recognition
Settlement 8: Area: 0.23 Acre; Household: 35; Population: 200+;
Bakkar Bastee Density 2220p/ha
Settlement 9: Area: 4.6 Acre; Household: 750+; Pop.: 4,000+;
Peoples Panchtala Density 2160p/ha

Settlement 8 or Bakkar Bastee is a unique example of a relatively small-scale land

invasion that took advantage of the host communitys needs and eventually

culminated into acquiring an official recognition. As the name suggests, this small

Bastee within the Khalishpur Township was erected and controlled by Mr. Bakkar, a

formerly prominent Labour Sardar from the nearby Crescent Jute Mills. This gradual

process of encroachment began in 1974, as the inhabitants of this particular section of

Khalishpur housing area felt the need for enhanced vigilance and security due to a

national-level decline of law and order situation. Following their complaints to

Khalishpur Housing Societys Chairman, and having discussed with the local Ward

Councillor, a decision was taken to erect a semi-government guard post called TDP26

(Town Defence Party) in this area. Since provision for no such space was originally

considered in Khalishpur Master Plan, a small lakeside patch of open land was

instead chosen for this purpose in the central zone of Khalishpur township (Figure

5.12: overleaf). The committee also decided that Mr. Bakkar should head this defence

26. TDP can be seen as something similar to community police; but its key difference with
community policing is that setting up a TDP post requires approval from central
Governments ANSAR and VDP Department. So even if setting up a TDP post is
communitys need driven and run by communitys chosen members and paid by the
community, it requires prior approval from local public representatives and
administrators.

146
and patrol activities since he was a proven Freedom Fighter27 (Muktijoddha in

Bangla) and also because of his reputation as a formidable Labour Sardar during his

Jute Mills days.

Figure 5.12: (Left) KCC jurisdiction map showing location of Bakkar Bastee (Source: KCC
2012); (middle) built-form distribution in space; (right) Satellite image (Source: Google Earth
2012).

Although this was a demanding duty (generally night-shift works involved, with risks

of fighting dacoits), the remuneration from being a TDP employee was scant. The

expenses of the whole process were borne exclusively by the community; financial

contribution from government was negligible. Such demanding work also required

adequate manpower. All these made Mr. Bakkar think opportunistically. He therefore

asked for additional members for additional members to be included in his team for

TDP to work properly. He also proposed to the committee (consisting of Housing

Authority Chairman, Ward Councillor and local community representatives) that

dwelling units needed to be erected around the TDP office to house the families of the

27. Freedom Fighter is used to refer particularly to those civilian personnel who fought
against the Pakistan Army during Bangladeshs War of Independence. Freedom fighters
enjoy a host of state welfare benefits. The term Freedom Fighter, which has an emotional
connotation, however has also been used in Bangladesh to gain financial and political
(read unfair) advantages. Although not all, many influential individuals use their
Freedom Fighter status to acquire state benefit, influence public-level decision making
processes, and receive political attention often far beyond the levels they are otherwise
entitled to.

147
TDP employees (including his own) considering the nature of work involved. This

proposition was agreed upon eventually, and a total of 25 houses were built on the

lakeside using bamboo platforms. Mr. Bakkar, who was an ex Sardar, had by now

also become the undisputed leader of this small but important settlement. His TDP

colleagues were all his own men some of them used to be his co-workers in the

Jute Mills, while the rest were either his relatives or deshi manush from Faridpur.

Outside, this settlement began to be identified with his name while the makeshift

nature28 of dwelling units here led to its identification as a Bastee.

Now as the TDP office became a permanent (and important) establishment for this

community, and Mr. Bakkar and his team have long been serving this community,

they made an approach to the local Ward Councillor in 2000, requesting if these

small parcels of land (approximately 10,000sft) could be officially allocated to the

respective occupants. Although the Ward Councillor and KCC were interested, titling

was not possible since Khalishpur Housing Authority is controlled by National

Housing Authority (NHA) which again is under a different central government

ministry (Ministry of Housing). Mr. Bakkar and his affiliates then went on to bribe

one of Khalishpur Housing Authority personnel to make him lobby for them in the

Ministry of Housing office in Dhaka. This effort failed since at that particular time

government was not allotting land plots to any individual. They however, kept

lobbying through their known political channels and during different political

regimes. Through all these, by 2002, they could only manage to include their names

in the official book of land records as present occupants (hence claimants) of this

28. The makeshift nature of dwellings owed to three factors; one, these houses were needed
to be erected quickly; two, these migrants were not allowed by Khalishpur Housing
Authority to build permanent buildings here since they did not have any legal land title;
and three, they were generally poor migrants who before coming here were living in
shacks and shanties generally they did not have financial capacity to build otherwise.

148
land. As lobbying for a formal title is ongoing still, a Holding number29 has been

approved by KCC for each of these households ensuring some form of recognition

at least from one government agency.

3
Figure 5.13: (Left) Bakkar Bastee: (1) location of TDP office; (2) houses on encroached
lakeside land under control of Mr. Bakkar and his associates; (3) newer lakeside
encroachments by people not residents of Bakkar Bastee (Source: Google Earth 2012);
(middle) new semi-permanent building under construction within the TDP office compound;
(right) lakeside view of TDP office, and lakeside encroachments as seen over the lake.

Presently 35 families live in Bakkar Bastee. Older houses (that are based on land

through years of earth-filling) are constructed mostly of brick and roofed with CI

sheet30. The newer houses on water however are still being built on floating bamboo

platforms. Some homesteads also have small gardens which again has become

possible through the partial filling up of lakesides. Many original TDP workers left

this settlement and new replacements came along by purchasing the possession

right of the vacant house/land. It is also believed that Mr. Bakkar himself still owns

at least four houses. It has also been learnt that with every transaction related to

possession right between leaving and incoming tenants, Mr. Bakkar receives some

amount of money. Neighbours say that Bakkar Bastee is in fact a good business

29. A Holding number allows KCC to include particular households to its municipal tax-
base. It also helps determine the amount of municipal tax for that household. A Holding
number holder has to pay yearly tax to KCC.

149
proposition for Mr. Bakkar, and that new plots of land would continue to be created

by earth-filling the lakeside and would be sold to new buyers. Location 3 (Figure

5.13: left) is said to have been filled in and sold in the same manner, although Mr.

Bakkar denies it. Some neighbours seem sceptical about the new building within the

TDP office (Figure 5.13: middle) assuming that it is not actually an extension of the

present office as the TDP workers claim it is. They say possession right of this

building would again be sold to some new intent buyers as in the earlier cases. But

since Mr. Bakkar has aged and become politically disconnected so, he does not

himself decide things (hence enjoy the monetary outcome) entirely anymore. There is

a TDP committee now a day that remain involved in all decision-making. It is

possible that they also claim their stakes from any benefits that accrue from any

possible transactions that are made within this little settlement.

Settlement 9 is locally known as Peoples Panch-tala. It is also located in the

Khalishpur area, on one of Government-owned Jute industrys (Peoples Jute Mills

Ltd.) land. It is one of the very few examples in Khulna where multi-storied buildings

and vacant land have been simultaneously invaded by both Jute Mills workers and

non-workers, and yet has been able to manage some form of official recognition.

However, this process of invasion of industry-sites could be related back to the events

that began in the 1960s. As highlighted in Chapter 4, massive industrialization and a

disproportionately scant housing supply by the public sector industries at that time

made even many of the formal sector Jute Mills workers to assume informal

modes of dwelling. It is within this context, when jute production reached its peak in

late 1960s and early 1970s and was yielding a fair amount of foreign revenue,

numerous full time and part time workers still could not find their place in the Jute

30. TDP employees are not allowed by the Housing Authority to construct any permanent
roof since they do not posses any formal land title.

150
Mills owned workers housing31. This particular housing area, once owned by

Peoples Jute Mills (Figure 5.14) which still is considered as one of Khulnas largest

jute industries, therefore became a key location for these many workers eventual

place of refuge.

Figure 5.14: (Left) KCC jurisdiction map showing location of Peoples Panch Tala (Source:
KCC 2012); (middle) built-form distribution in space; (right) Satellite image showing both
the studied location and the rest of the site (Source: Google Earth 2012).

Although many of the workers were already living on this site informally, it was the

post-War of Independence era of early 1970s, which saw even more migrants to make

their way in to Khulna from the war-torn country sides. As reported, a few political

leaders from the ruling regime and Jute Mills labour union helped these migrants to

initially settle down within this formal (planned) housing estate. Jute Mills

authorities were kept quiet, while compromises were made between the politically

appropriate decisions and their administratively right laws. People both workers

and non workers also used their own social networks (kin, friends, people from same

rural region) to find a place within this walled-up premise. This process, therefore,

has gradually turned this area into a site for low-income migrant populations refuge

for who have been related to the nearby Jute industries for their livelihoods but yet

have not been able to find a suitable place for habitation.

31. Even in its ailing state (many employees have had their jobs cut to reduce expenditure)
Peoples Jute Mills still employs a total of 3905 third- and fourth-class employees. Yet it

151
The construction, invasion and consolidation of these five-storied buildings32 for

which settlement 9 is called Peoples Panch-tala, has a rather curious history. The

initial construction of this subsidized building complex may actually be seen as a

political project by the then military government that aimed to compensate for the

housing shortage particularly for the sheer number of third- and fourth-class

government employees including the Jute Mills workers. This particular site was

selected because of its central location and relative distance from other government-

owned industrial establishments in this area. This comparatively underutilized Jute

Mills tract of land was also the only available parcel, which was suitable for any

large-scale housing. The project was financed by the central government, and

designed and built in the late 1970s by NHA as a rentable five-storied (Panch-tala)

apartment-complex. Yet this building site and its adjacent vacant lands have

experienced waves of invasions during successive political regimes. Due to a lack of

continuous funding and a regime change, these buildings also took more time to be

completed. In fact, after construction works were finished, none of these buildings

was actually delivered to its originally targeted groups. The whole complex was left

in a parentless state until late 1980s. These buildings neither got connected with the

municipal services nor to other public utilities. Since the buildings were not owned by

the Peoples Jute Mills authority and this portion land was already appropriated from

them by the NHA, the former was reluctant to provide any of these services to

operationalize the buildings. Thus the buildings were left abandoned until a large

nationwide flood broke in 1988. To immediately rehabilitate, a number of people

living in the shacks and huts in and around the Jute Mills area (and also within this

new housing area) moved in to these vacant buildings.

provided a merely 385 housing units for them (less than 10%) (Shahed 2006: 31).
32. The site was first appropriated and then separated from Peoples Jute Mills area using a
boundary wall. Later, a total of four bachelor quarters and another four family quarters

152
Political support was also plenty at that particular time, and this was probably the

opportunity that these already squatting migrants were looking for. Once they moved

in and more shacks mushroomed after the flood was over, many eviction- and

demolition-drives would take place throughout the next two and a half decades. Yet,

the migrant workers kept coming back and resettled both in the buildings and on the

vacant lands outside the buildings making particular use of political ties and labour

union movements.

3 5
1 8
4 6
9
2 7

Figure 5.15: Panoramic view of Peoples Panch Tala showing: (1) Non-permanent Katcha
buildings on its east boundary wall; (2) Playground kept uninhabited through a decision taken
by political elites in the community annual Waaz (open-air Islamic program) takes place
here; (3) Paintwork on Building 2 of the Bachelor type quarters cost borne by tenants of this
building; (4) Small vegetable garden developed by the owner of the adjacent unit on
Building 2; (5) Ongoing renovation work on the toilet block funded by an environmental
NGO (Concern Bangladesh); (6) brick building erected by political elite (in control of
Building 2) for storage of building materials (used for business); (7) building materials to be
used for constructing a new semi-permanent (Pucca) house on the other side of the road; (8)
an earlier toilet complex built previously by another NGO for the roadside Katcha house
dwellers; (9) both Katcha and Pucca houses constructed on the western boundary wall that
separates Jute Mills land from Peoples Panch Tala.

At present, around 400 units of 15X12 bachelor rooms (in four buildings) are

occupied and inhabited either by families or used as shared accommodation by

multiple individuals. On the other hand, there are another 80 family units (in four

buildings) used in the same ways. Originally, a Mosque, a canteen, and at least four

small play grounds and some vacant area for future extension on the northern part

was planned. The dining halls and kitchens of this complex have already been

converted into dwelling units. Only the playgrounds and the Mosque are left un-

were designed and constructed (Figure 5.14: right), all using double-loaded corridors and
maintaining a Corbusian simplicity (Figure 5.15: 3).

153
encroached presently. In addition, approximately 150 units of semi-permanent houses

can also be found in this settlement distributed in a rather organized manner33

(Figure 5.15: 2). Above all, under the present ruling regime, the KCC Mayor has

issued holding numbers for each of these households giving them some sort of

official recognition and legitimacy.

Land rental
Settlement 2: Area: 0.2 Acre; Household: 29; Population:
Quaium Shaheb er Gola 190+; Density 2375p/ha

This is a frequently occurring settlement type in the South-Eastern riverside of

Khulna (Figure 5.16). Since older settlements (e.g. settlement 1) could not alone

provide accommodation for all the migrants, settlements such as Quaium Shaheb er

Gola came to provide affordable and customizable housing for migrants for whom

settlement 1 was either expensive, or who simply needed a bigger house. Quaium

Shaheb in Bangla translates as Mr. Quaium. However, the word Shaheb should

rather be read as a gentleman. During colonial times, Shaheb was used to

designate the British/white people. Gola on the other hand means a depot; this word

is used since this site, before it was converted into rentable settlement in the 1990s

had been used for wood storage and trading for about 20 years. The entire name of

this settlement therefore translates as (honourable) Mr. Quaiums depot. Settlement

2 nevertheless, differs from settlement 5 in the sense that it is a privately owned land

and much bigger in size than settlement 5 land plots, and it is is rented to migrant

tenants who build their own house according to their individual needs. Tenants here

are also economically better positioned (earn at least 50% more) having a bigger

family size (hence a greater number of income-earning members) compared to the

tenants in settlement 5. In terms of site location, this one is much nearer to the city

33. As mentioned in Chapter 3, studies have been conducted on these non-permanent

buildings and on the Bachelor Type quarters; generally these are the two types that have
experienced most forms and phases of transformation over the years.

154
centre compared with the peripheral location of settlement 5. Migrants use temporary

building materials34 here, since such a construction could easily be dismantled and re-

used as they move on to another similar site. Depending on the size of the built area,

rent is paid to the businessman landlord (Mr. Quaium).

Figure 5.16: (Left) KCC jurisdiction map showing location of Quaium Shaheb er Gola
(Source: KCC 2012); (middle) built-form distribution in space; (right) Satellite image
(Source: Google Earth 2012).

Although the landlord lives in the same site, he lives in a separate two-storied

building near the roadside front of this settlement (Figure 5.17). Contrary to

settlement 5, the landlord does not share services and utilities with his tenants here;

therefore the day to day interaction between them is limited and so is their belonging

with the tenanted space (Figure 5.17). Tenants are either already known to the

landlord, or they are someone who had to come through the landlords known

kinship/regional network to be qualified to live here. The landlord hence does not rent

land plots to strangers. Preference is given to migrants from a particular South-

western coastal Upazila (sub-district) of Bangladesh (Koyra) because the landlords

family also originates from this same Upazila35. The activities of local merchants and

34. Generally bamboo structure, floating bamboo-plinth and CI sheet roof and walls.
35. The landlord is actually a descendent of a rural elite family; so renting out spaces to his
deshi manush also confirms the continual conveyance of information about the landlord
(and his family)s urban affluence and elevated social status. Although not true for this

155
fishery industrialists mentioned in the discussion of settlement 1 provide similar

income generation opportunities for the tenants in settlement 2. Several NGOs and

the UNDP-led UPPR project also operates here providing microcredit and

health/hygiene related services36 respectively. In early 2000s, funded mainly by the

LPUPAP project, a toilet complex (4 units) was constructed.

2
4 5
3

Figure 5.17: Panoramic view of Quaium Shaheb er Gola showing: (1) landlords house on the
left of site entry behind this was the original wood Gola, which now is the site for
toilet/bath area; (2) houses built on rented plots; (3) low-lying land with stagnant water less
maintained because tenants are not allowed to use it for any purpose; (4) Rafiq er Dokan a
small grocery cum firewood shop owned by Mr. Rafiq, who is also a resident in this
settlement; (5) riverside embankment cum road (Rupsha Veri Bandh Road) and logwood
trading along the road.

Use rights
Settlement 6: Area: 15.8 Acre; Household: 1,200+; Population:
Vastuhara 8,000+; Density 1250p/ha

It was during the rapid urbanization of the Post-Independence 1970s, squatter

cleansing began to take place in all major Bangladeshi cities 37. Later in 1974, the

government would initiate a site and service scheme by handing over small parcels

landlord, this rural-linkage is a very common and tested mechanism that many affluent
persons (particularly politicians) practice in Bangladesh. Many local-level public
representatives typically live in the city but maintain a persistent linkage with their rural
constituency (where they get elected during national poles). This resembles of the
absentee Zamindar phenomenon as discussed in Chapter 4, where the Zamindar would
actually live and build in the city but would maintain a strong tie with his rural assets
(rural property and peasant subjects) for his social, political and financial gains
36. UPPRP however, does not invest in infrastructure projects because of the unsecured
nature of tenure here due to private ownership.

156
of land free to the homeless in the city38. Governments party machine39 was used to

select eligible squatters from a few locations of Khulna, including the Dukbangla

(Khulnas city centre) area, Bangladesh Railways land and Daulatpur. These people

were later relocated to the newly acquired low-lying site on Khulnas North-Western

periphery40. Referring to their homeless status, this settlement (and a few more in

major Bangladeshi cities) was given the generic name Vastuhara41 (Figure 5.18). A

Master Plan was prepared by NHA (Figure 5.19), while in 1978, semi-formal title

of a total 713 plots of land (30X15 size) was handed over to this destitute

population group in a rather curious manner42.

Figure 5.18: (Left) KCC jurisdiction map showing location of Vastuhara (Source: KCC
2012); (middle) built-form distribution in space; (right) satellite image showing Vastuhara in
relation with the urbanizing city all around it; highlighted areas immediately around
Vastuhara are all formal sector developments prominent amongst them are middle- and
higher-class housing projects implemented by KDA (Source: Google Earth 2012).

37. Resulting from the pressure exerted on the government by the political elite and the press
(Choguill 1993: 329-330).
38. This attempt however contributed less to solve the actual problem of low-income
housing; it was rather designed more to justify governments socialist idealism. Of course
low-cost land was the number one reason why this remote area was chosen in the first
place; yet, in a country, characterized by pseudo class-discrimination, this effort could
also be depicted as clearing of streets from dirt.
39. Mr. Sufian - a prominent labour-leader in Khulna and local government representative
(both from the then ruling party) were in charge of this relocation process.
40. Almost 6km away from the city centre even in present conditions, this Vastuhara site
used to be a derelict land, now under the jurisdiction of Governments Ministry of
Housing. Presently, it is looked after by one of ministrys wings, the NHA and Khulnas
city planning and regulatory authority, KDA.
41. Vastu means to reside or the act of dwelling while hara means devoid of; together they
state of a condition of homeless-ness or uprooted from home.

157
Some families were also allotted more than one plot of land due to their larger family

size. Many, however, were allotted multiple allotments due to their better relation

with the party leaders. Nevertheless, not all the recipients of land stayed back in

Vastuhara. Since it was quite far away from job locations, some would already sell

these plots and go back to the city centre slums. The situation was further

compounded by its remote location characterized by unavailability of drinking water,

absence of nearby markets and the fear of vandalism. Vastuharas low-lying

condition (water logging was common) also made clear that an overall earth filling

would be required should any building or construction works were to take place.

During the following months, these few thousand people therefore would continue to

live in the makeshift shacks, and engage in earth-filling the whole site. Several

months later, semi-permanent houses (brick plinth, wooden structure and CI roof)

were erected in each of these 713 plots of land with NGO (CURITAS)s financial

support (Figure 5.19: bottom-left). But unlike that in the original land use plan, only

about 16 acres of land (out of a total 33) was actually delivered in the form of these

713 plots. Although public spaces and amenities such as parks and graveyards

were provisioned in the first Master Plan, those were never provided. In contrast, a

number of others who were also relocated alongside these fortunate 713 households

were not allotted any plot of land whatsoever. They would now start squatting on the

northern park site (area 2) and the southern graveyard site (area 3) of this formally

planned settlement (Figure 5.19: above).

Later between 1983 to1987 under military-backed President Ershad, the park site

was cleared of the migrants for making space for third and fourth class government

employees (mainly defence officers) housing. Being driven out from the construction

site, these migrants now resettled on all possible vacant spaces of Vastuhara; this led

42. Actually a paper called allotment slip was initially handed-over signed by the
governments land administrator (DC), and witnessed by NGO representatives. This slip

158
to the further densification of the 42 plots of land where some migrant families were

already residing. On the other hand, 68 semi-permanent rentable units were

constructed through government funding while 42 plots of land (each 2,500sft) were

created and sold out to external buyers. These buyers, however, never returned to

claim possessions of their purchased land plots because these purchased plots were

already being squatted by non-allotted migrants. Some parts were also being

controlled by a few politically influential tenants of Vastuhara; in most of these areas,

it was their own men who were in claim and possession.

2 2 2

1 1 1

3 3 3

Figure 5.19: (Above) three plans showing three different realities of Vastuhara: (above-
middle) Vastuharas original Master Plan showing location of 713 plots on area 3, while a
park on north (area 2) and a graveyard cum Mosque area on south (area 3); (above-right)
Vastuhara as of today, where area 2 being completely transformed in the same way as in a
formal sector housing; (above-left) 2011s proposed Master Plan by NHA it shows a
complete replacement of present dwelling environments with 58 Corbusian blocks (5-storied
- 200X22), each meant for housing 60 families; (bottom-left) remains of one of the first
Katcha house prototype, built by CARITAS in 1978; (bottom-middle) new middle-class multi-
storey house on area 2; (bottom-right) Mr. Dipu, the second generation of one of Vastuharas
original inhabitants and a local level political leader of Bangladesh Awami League (current
ruling party) showing the pond on area 3, which he is lease-holding presently.

however does not resemble any formal title document in Bangladesh.

159
In the latter half of 1990s, the entire area constituted by these 42 unclaimed plots was

given the politically fitting name Muktijoddha Colony (Freedom Fighters

Colony) (Figure 5.19). These inhabitants were never evicted since. Meanwhile, the

western fringe Khulna city would already close in on Vastuhara. By early 2000s,

KDA would already lay out grids of a new site and services township (Figure 5.18:

right); the plots were later sold out to the middle class clients. This made land price in

Vastuhara to escalate further. In fact all of Vastuharas land is better developed

(through the many years of efforts by the inhabitants) than those developed by KDA.

This made KDA to develop (by land-filling the lake) another 37 plots of land on the

northern periphery of Vastuhara and again sell them to external buyers. These plots

of land could not be invaded as in the earlier 42 plots; these were middle-class buyers

who would quickly erect buildings akin to any typical middle class housing areas

(Figure 5.19: bottom-middle). Various modes of gentrification and politicization

however are still ongoing in Vastuhara. During a recently held meeting on

Vastuharas future involving the local land administrator (DC), Mayor (from the

same political party that is in power presently), city-level political leaders of the same

party and the particular Vastuhara residents, who are also leaders and supporters of

this party propositions were made for a change in Vastuharas name43. Possibility

of a Corbusian mass-housing type development of this settlement to house more

urban poor was also discussed here (Figure 5.19: above-left). This politically

charged decision and its top-down (and exclusionary) nature however makes any

prediction about Vastuharas further spatio-physical transformation quite tricky.

43. The proposed name is Bongobondhu Nagor; Bongobondhu (meaning friend of

Bengal) however is an alias to Mr. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman the first Prime Minister of
independent Bangladesh, and father of present Prime Minister (Chairperson of
Bangladesh Awami League one of the two major political parties in Bangladesh). It was
during his tenure as a PM in 1974, this idea of a site and services scheme for the poor
was originally conceptualized. Nagor, on the other hand, means town or township. So,
this current proposal basically aims to officially rename this settlement after
Bongobondhu.

160
Many in Vastuhara are actively involved in party-politics, which often yields a

certain level of personal gain44. Yet, despite the political difference there may exist

between the inhabitants45, they also remain closely bonded and move strategically

together when it comes to the question of existence for Vastuhara as a whole. The

inhabitants speaks of a community organization (Vastuhara Samaj Unnayan

Committee) in which committees are formed through selection (composed mostly of

elders) and used mainly for arbitration, decision-making and management of the

community resources, institutions and infrastructure. But when political lobbying is

required for decision-making on Vastuharas future, committees are formed in a way

where some ruling-party peoples involvement is always ensured (someone like Mr.

Dipu46). This constant affiliation with political parties seems to have helped

Vastuharas sustained growth and development over the years. This is evident in the

example of the 2011 meeting as mentioned earlier. In order to formalize their claim

on Vastuhara land, migrants ability to arrange a meeting involving the local land

administrator, key leadership of the ruling party and also the persistent lobbying of

the concerned ministers all tell of the political capacity of these once-destitute

group of migrants, who now boast themselves as a community. Needless to say, such

politics, involving both everyday and episodic events, are carried out in order to

harness the best possible level of sustainability for their place of habitation.

44. I came across Mr. Dipu who belongs to the current ruling party; one assumes that this
association with the larger power has played an important part in giving him the needed
opportunity to leasehold a large pond for fisheries (Figure 5.19: bottom-right).
45. During early 1990s, events of severe violence in Vastuhara could be noted; supporters of
each of the two main political parties are said to have engaged against each other
regarding the political control of Vastuhara. Violence also led to the killing of residents
and eviction.
46. Amongst others, Mr. Dipu actually was invited to the 2011 meeting on the future of
Vastuhara (discussed earlier) as a community representative. Although it was a
political meeting since no local BNP leaders or BNP-supported Vastuhara residents

161
5.2.2 Threads of themes: settlement tenure, control and spatial boundaries

The following table summarizes the key threads and themes in terms of settlement

tenure, ownership and control, and spatial boundaries as they occur in the prior

discussions on tenure history.

Table 5.1: Threads of themes: settlement tenure, control and spatial boundaries

Name Actual tenure status Important themes

- For settlement 1, KCC and - Socio-political arrangement with land
De facto tenure
Settlements 1, 3, 7

other public-sector owner (Government, and its other agencies)

organizations extend their for securing present occupancy; formal
services; not recognized by actors (chief amongst them being KCC)
KDA. acting positively as negotiators between
- For settlement 3, migrants are migrants and Government (agencies).
allowed to settle against - Dubious land tenure however, remain
Railways (owner)s will; subject to the interpretation of influential
tenure is secured as long as agents.
politicians want. - Global-level companies form alongside
- Tenure status is likely to slum locations opposite to present say
remain unsettled due to the - Often new name of the settlement is desired
political nature of Bihari by migrant communities to form a new
issues. identity, while erasing the previous.
- Planning and construction of - Regional/kinship network seems necessary
Land rental
Settlement 2

rentable units not approved by to manage a place in the city; strangers are
KDA. not allowed to come and start living
immediately.
- Connections with city-living ex-rural elite
to secure a place; a more Master-Servant
(traditional) relation becomes evident.
- Many fear of eviction once the - Emigration, incoming refugees and migrant
Settlement 4
Registered leasehold

25 year lease period would be farmer affecting urbanization

over (for land price hike). - Concentration of a certain regional group to
claim and control secure settlement spaces,
and ensure tenure security.

were invited, Mr. Dipus presence even amongst his own party leaders ensured some level
of community participation to the least.

162
 - Planning and construction of - Most emerging type driving urbanization at

Freehold
Settlement 5
rentable units not approved by the city fringe area.
KDA. - Urbanization by peasants and migrants; and
through Master-Servant interactions.
- Hard to categorize settlement as slum due to
its access to services and utilities.
- Allotment slip is yet to be - Informalization of formally planned housing
Use rights
Settlement 6

converted into a proper title area (for low income migrants) by official
deed. Chances are waning as bodies themselves.
government considers new - Political use of settlement and its spaces
(experimental) schemes. through: (re)naming, allotment,
(re)territorialization and decision-making.
- KCC and other public-sector - Relatives, Deshi-Manush and Jute Mills
Official recognition
Settlements 8, 9

organizations extend their worker-leaders contributing to the

services; not recognized by transformation (and remaking) of urban
Khalishpur Housing Authority. form.
- In 2013, all tenants in - Informalized settlements provide housing
possession have been allotted to low income people working in and for
Allotment slips akin to Jute Mills who were never formally housed
Settlement 6. by Jute Mills themselves.

- Informal construction by - Densification of public housing by illegal

Public rental
Settlement 10

tenants (addition, repairing renting, subletting, re-territorializing,

etc.), renting, subletting and developing, construction, modification and
possession selling; known but even selling out possession right; migrant
not approved by Railways IW worker-turned-Mastan and corrupt Railways
department. officials in-charge of these development.

5.2.2 Problem with categorization

The theoretical classification of tenure types (based on Chapter 2 categories) as in the

first column of Table 5.1, however, is in no way absolute. As the second column

suggests, the actual tenure status has in fact remained unsettled for most of these

settlements47. This seems particularly true for those large-scale settlements

categorized under de facto and officially recognized types whose tenure is

neither formal nor absolutely informal. One therefore questions the meaning of the

47. Apart from the privately owned properties as in settlements 2 and 5, and the official
leaseholders such as settlement 4.

163
term official and the role official plays in the upgrading and sustenance of these

settlements. As observed, there are two forms of official that are commonly at work

in the context of these rather speculative settlements48. One, the bureaucratic

organizations under central government (such as Department of Land Administration,

NHA, KDA and Khalishpur Housing Authority etc.); and two, the Local Government

institution the Khulna City Corporation (KCC). So as seen in most cases, it is the

second amongst the official organizations which is KCC, has proved more

useful so far. For understandable reasons (e.g. legitimacy and local accountability

that counts during poll times), the Mayor and the Ward Councillors have remained

the key actors playing important roles in officially recognizing these settlements and

helping migrant groups to obtain de facto security (by issuing holding numbers). On

the contrary, for there has been no need for local-level accountability and legitimacy,

the role of other bureaucratic departments has remained the opposite49. And when

these departments were actually involved, their activities generally remained

embroiled with corruption and ineptness. This, for example, has been seen in the case

of settlement 10, which is mentioned under Public rental category, yet allowed to

operate and grow informally by the Railways officials. Similar was the role of

Khulnas Land Administration Authoritys activities as they approved the leasehold to

settlement 4 only after being bribed.

Here, Vastuharas example can particularly be used to demonstrate the ultimate

making of an in-between tenure situation even in the extensive presence of public-

sector organizations (NHA). Figure 5.20 (above-left) shows the typical Land

Allotment Slip, which was issued by NHA in 1977. However, this is the only official

48. I borrow this term from Raharjo (2010).

49. A third type of central Government organization, such as Bangladesh Power
Development Board (responsible for electricity supply) has been supportive of the
Mayors office since it has continued to provide electricity connections to all these
apparently illegal settlements against the given holding numbers provided by the
Mayors office (KCC).

164
document that each of the allotted households possesses till date. What makes this

document interesting is that it does not mention anything about the type of ownership

the migrant recipients are entitled to. No supporting document was provided by NHA

either, which would explain the relevant terms and conditions for inhabiting the land-

plots of Vastuhara. Talking to Vastuharas migrant residents, it would naturally occur

that they are the owners of this land. A walk through this settlement would also

certainly support this claim because most areas within this settlement clearly assume

such a permanent appearance (particularly due to these once-destitute inhabitants

heavy investments in the various permanent constructions) that one would never be

cynical about its tenure status (Figure 5.20: bottom). Yet, it is only in 2011, it became

clear that NHA had actually rented the land at a rate of 10 Taka/month/plot (Figure

5.20: above-right).

Figure 5.20: (Above-left) Land Allotment Slip given to Vastuhara residents in 1977; (above-
right) portions of page 2 from proceeding from a 15 April 2011 meeting; this formal meeting
was held between NHA officials, Khulnas land administrator, local political leaders from
present ruling regime, and Vastuharas elders. The meeting was intended to update the current
land tenure situation in Vastuhara, and discuss a government proposal for replacing present
land tenure with government funded mass apartment blocks; (bottom from left to right)
Vastuhara High School, Vastuhara Central Mosque and permanent house replacing the Katcha
house.

165
One only wonders why tenure details were not clearly articulated on the Government

allotted slip or stated to the recipients while land was being allotted initially. One

also becomes sceptical about the true intension of the then government (and its

associated political machinery). Given the circumstances, three particular reasons can

be hypothesized. First, it is through the partial deliverance of this site and services

scheme, the government could actually demonstrate (its political idea) to the public

and to its donors (e.g. World Bank). Second, this unsettled tenure status kept the

migrant settlers interested in the Government (hence its local level political leaders)

a permanent title would actually have liberated the former. Third, in-between-ness

was also important for NHA and Land Administration departments alike, since they

would have realized that these peoples tenure status needed to be kept just as

obscure; in their bureaucratic interest50, such a decision was important because it

would have left options open for future interpretation and manipulation of the

tenure terms and conditions if deemed necessary.

How does, then, one comprehend the actual nature of tenure for each of these

settlements since the definitions associated with the theoretical categories appear less

meaningful in the day to day affairs of Khulnas migrant settlements? This is exactly

why, UN-HABITAT (2004: 8)s Non-formal tenure system, which attempts to

combine all sorts of extra-legal tenure types under a general category, does not help

much. It does not facilitate a clear understanding of the tenure status of settlements

which have partial recognition from some government agencies while others, quite

paradoxically, does not recognize their existence. Although land rental from private

owners may be seen as a formal tenure as in settlement 2, KDA clearance is not

sought for building activities here. From this, one fails to understand the exact sort of

land tenure type under which these two could be categorized.

50. Land administration is one of the most corrupt public sectors in Bangladesh (CARE
2003).

166
On a similar note, Payne (1997)s classification although having a more detailed

definition of tenure types compared to UN-HABITATs, suffers from a lack of

mention of involved actors/agents, and their political role in the actual state of

tenure and its changing parameters. The rather complex and shifting nature of tenure

for each of these settlements, which, to a large extent depends on the interpretation

and intension of the involved elitist actors/agents, hence is a rarity in the aforesaid

classifications. The everyday and sporadic acts of negotiation, both socio-political

and spatio-physical in which the ordinary migrants engage in order to sustain their

claim on the piece of land or dwelling unit remain generally absent from both of

these classifications. Although Raharjo (2010: 15-36)s review mentions of different

acts of negotiation between tenants and owners during and following the settlement

process, the understanding of how settlement boundaries at its many levels are

controlled still becomes an area of interest for a further and deeper understanding of

these various tenure classification models.

5.3 Spatial practices and control of boundaries

This section highlights the spatial activities in which the permanent migrant engages

in order to control the spatial boundaries of his/her dwellings and neighbourhoods.

This includes those spatial activities, which can be viewed as responses to and in

relation with the aforementioned created conditions by the authoritative regimes.

5.3.1 Everyday spatial occupation and personalization

5.3.1.1. Personal space and primary territory

Figure 5.21 (overleaf) compares between the spatial organization of household

spaces, which are selected from three different settlements. House-spaces are marked

and outlined in terms of front and back and contact zones (private and semi-

private areas). Photographs are used also to show the nature of display that each of

these house-forms offers to the public realm.

167
 Street

Street

Street
Street

Street

Street
Street

Street

Street

Figure 5.21: Personal space and primary territory (left to right) S4H4, S1H3 and S3H4
house plans compared: (Row 1) house-front areas; (Row 2) private zones including female
areas; (Row 3) semi-private zones; (Row 4) photos showing public front of the houses.
168
Figure 5.21 shows that in all of these households, there are zones which could

certainly be identified as front-house and back-house (female areas) in the

traditional sense, yet the same zone also falls under the semi-private or more public

category as well. The same space that is used for an entry to the house is also often

used for cooking and dining. A clear distinction between private and public zones is

hard to delineate. Often the most private of spaces (toilet and bathing space) are

found located outside the house. In fact, for around 80% of the studied households,

this finding remains constant as private and public space often overlap into a single

space. The opposite is also evident where the neighbours are allowed to use private

functions (bathing and water collection) located within the private house (Figure

5.34: middle). On the other hand, the photographs show that a desire for maintaining

a conventional level of privacy still remains strong. None of these houses actually

provides any direct opening on the front streets (except for the Goat-house on S4H4)

to retain privacy although sacrificing lighting, ventilation and view. Yet,

compromises are made between insider and outsider, and between public and

private zones of spaces. In the particular scarce context of these settlements, these

findings show that privacy practices (hence, boundary control) remain a negotiated

concept, and the adjustments and readjustments of socio-spatial boundaries contribute

to a desired level of territorial control and hence to households identity formation.

5.3.1.2. Territorial practices and public territories

In everyday processes of territorial occupation and personalization, household

boundaries and areas adjacent to the house are marked, maintained and protected by

the migrants. A variety of techniques, including both territorial behaviour (rules,

norms or particular practices such as surveillance) and non-verbal means (e.g. signs,

marking device, moveable objects etc.) are deployed51. Particularly the public

51. Rules and norms are discussed in section 5.4; surveillance is discussed in Figure 5.22:
analyses 1 and 2. Other non-verbal means are shown in all three analyses in Figure 5.22

169
alleyways within informal settlements (called Goli locally), on which the houses are

situated, become something similar to secondary territories. These alleyways with

their surrounding households remain under community surveillance and subject to

both personal and group encroachment on the basis of neighbours approval. For

boundary demarcation, small trees or little shrubs of vegetable are used instead of

boundary walls, fences or other barriers. Thus a territory is claimed more in a

compromised manner, and without truly conveying a strong sense of physical

defence as in typical middle class neighbourhood. The three examples in Figure

5.22 further highlight these territorial practices.

Landlords verandah; she looks

over to the Goli entry and on to
the street, to her poultry cage
and to the bathing area
1 Additional
construction of wood
and bamboo over
Doorstep on the common area KCC drain; this
marks household territory; could be removed if
women gossip on doorsteps KCC protests. The
and look after each others removal thus would
playing children on the street not affect building
structure and present
Clothe-drying use
poles located
in front of Drain-cover made of
every house wood planks; used
also claims for tenants entry,
the house- bathing and cooking
front space Stone blocks to
Windows and doors on control entry for
ground level, perforated unwanted vehicles;
surface, very close walls strangers are asked
made of thin wood help see or informed before
and listen to street activity entering the Goli
Ever-bustling space for water Entry to Ranga Miah
collection and bathing; time Goli from main road
and gender managed.
Maintenance cost shared by KCC built rented
residents. Mutually respected shops; most shop-
privacy. owners live in the
settlement; they can
Moveable objects (landlords watch who goes in
poultry cage and Dulals and who comes out.
carton boxes placed during This also helps them
different times in a day); earn trust and
these also help claim territory maintain good
Dulals carton shop; cartons relation with
supplied to ice factories & community
Allah, inscribed in
other fish-supply activities. Arabic on both side
Dulal, a resident of this Goli of landlords door;
is mostly present including sign conveys this is a
holidays & in the midnight. Muslim house
He also takes account of the
people coming in or going
out. The shop can be seen on
left of the two standing
women

Figure 5.22a: Territorial analysis 1 house-neighbourhood section of S1H1.

170
 Mosque property, a pond Small steel-door to informally exit to
earlier now a playground;

2
the playground area also used for clothe
Bangali landlord is a tenant of drying
this property but has to use
the Bihari colony for entrance Kalloos hotel; landmark restaurant and
busy tea-stall where all letter to this
Steel- otherwise anonymous settlement are
gateway addressed to and delivered; Kalloo is one
for entry of the oldest residents of settlement 7
and exit
to house; Small grocery shop cum
adjacent shop-owners residence
photo New steel gate (photo
shows it below) funded by Ward
Councillor; road started
to be used by outsiders
(particularly bikers) for
thoroughfare; gate
installed to retain privacy
of the bathing space
Imam Bara (Shia
Ruling party leaders Muslims religious
photo on house wall shrine); yearly festivals
conveying landlords take place here; used &
political power; this maintained by Bihari
reduces eviction threat community (photo below)
from Mosque Small grocery shop cum house; shop
committee & helps remains open in night times also
stay safe in this non-
Bangali community Newly gentrified Bangali migrant-
High boundary wall house within this Bihari settlement;
enclosed courtyard; invisible activity
on the Mosque side
Water tank, washing, Day-school built and
bathing and toilet area; run by a local NGO;
space bustle with both rooms used by
activities; space is other NGOs and
managed respecting UPPRP committee
the female users time for meetings as well

Bamboo fencing used by Informal line of control

tenants to mark personal
control line of the Railways
land as in a privately owned
3 extends beyond the road
and up to the public
sewer drain; drain
property (photo below right) maintenance cost borne
by tenants
Katcha (non-permanent) Water
house added on with original collection
brick-built Railways quarters and washing
area; used
only by the
subletting
tenants
Outdoor cooking pit
used during dry
winter months;
partially enclosed
area using palm
Trees, both large and leaves (left side
small, are used to mark photo); privacy is
edges and corners of not affected because
the property boundary of known/predictable
(photo: above left) movements on the
adjacent streets
Thoroughfare not possible No window
using this road for its twisting provided on House-front open-
village-like nature; only the the roadside space used by the
known personnel can make shows desire adjacent tenant for
their way through for privacy vegetable garden

Figure 5.22b: (Above) territorial analysis 2 house-neighbourhood section of S7H2; (current

page: below) territorial analysis 3 house-neighbourhood section of S10H1.

171
Commonly, encroachment has a negative connotation with regard to territorial

practices. But in the context of migrant settlements, encroachment into each others

boundaries may alternatively be viewed as acts of socio-spatial negotiations. Thus,

as much as the words Violation or Invasion (as in Altman 1975: 121) make sense of

migrants initial encroachment of public property, they appear less meaningful in the

everyday spatial practices for territoriality at the house-neighbourhood levels.

Although primary territories (house premise) are not given up readily, the public

territories (neighbourhood streets and open spaces) are given up and shared quite

often particularly through long years of living together and mutual understanding of

each others needs and behaviour.

Figure 5.23: (Right) Christian groups claimed area within settlement 1 marked within this
area are the locations of two ponds (disputed and hence ill-maintained) whos ownership is
claimed by both KCC and Christian Missionary; (left) Christian migrants building stilts on
the grey-water pond.

Indeed, undesignated and ambiguous territories are to be found among the migrant

settlements as well. This is manifested in the perceived lack of ownership of

territories by the users, resulting often from the lack of a clear definition of

boundaries. Areas as such could be viewed as grey zones (both physically and

metaphorically), where the tenants, being tentative about who is actually in control,

do not engage in the usual spatio-physical practices to assume territorial control. This

172
is further exacerbated by the presence of other contesting actors. As seen in

settlement 1 (Figure 5.23), the central ponds are located on the decade-old disputed

portion of land which both Christian Missionary and KCC claims to be theirs52. Since

KCC does not have the necessary resources to regularly monitor this property, while

CSS keeps sending Christian population groups to settle down on the ponds

peripheral locations, the remaining of the pond area have gradually turned into a

household dumping site for garbage and discharge. A somewhat tentative

encroachment is also common around the pond-sides, where the users commonly

extend particularly the service (kitchen, toilet) areas of their house.

5.3.1.3 Boundaries between settlement and outside world

For settlements 1, 2, 4, 8, 9, at least one of their physical boundaries is demarked by

high (commonly 7 to 8) boundary walls (Figure 5.24: right). All such walls are

constructed by owners of neighbouring properties53; this includes both individual

(private) and institutional (public) owners. For a non-permeable nature of these walls,

neither visual nor physical access is possible; walls here play the role of a separator.

On the other hand, the remaining of the settlements has rather permeable boundary

conditions through which they could grow horizontally. In the case of Vastuhara, for

example, a small village is already forming on its west and south-west corner (Figure

5.24: left), which were, not many years ago, a paddy field owned by distant villagers.

New roads are being constructed and connected with Vastuharas grid iron streets,

while a possibility to plug-in with a serviced settlement such as Vastuhara is

attracting potential new buyers every day. A similar finding characterizes settlement

4 where the present dwellers are already considering a purchase of adjacent land right

52. Discussed earlier in the Settlement history under section 5.1.

53. Boundary walls are a common way to demark ones property in this part of Bangladesh.
Both private and public bodies, located in both rural and urban areas, show this tendency
to secure land property as soon as they acquire its ownership. Construction of a
permanent boundary wall may even take place years before the actual building
construction take place on that site.

173
outside its western boundary (Figure 5.24: middle). The purchase is a likely prospect

due to the under-developed nature of this land and also for its low price for being

located on the city fringe area.

Figure 5.24: (Left) village forming around Vastuharas south and west periphery; (middle)
CDC leader showing vacant land on Runner Math periphery house building has started
taking place already; (right) high boundary wall with barbed wire on the western boundary of
settlement 2; walls are built by CARITAS, LGED, BIWTA and Bangladesh Bank Housing.

Figure 5.25 summarizes the boundary condition for each of these settlements. As the

illustrations show, although a few are bounded with or being separated by high

boundary walls of adjacent properties, these settlements also have developed an

interesting public interface in the way the many non-dwelling functions are being

distributed along their main approach roads. Among 9 out of the 10 settlements

(except for settlement 5 due to its scattered and sprawling nature), even if the

dwelling environment is generally hidden from the public eye, the roadside secondary

functions (e.g. grocery shops, restaurants, tea-stalls, political offices, storage

facilities, wet markets, firewood stalls etc.) commonly draw in people from both

neighbouring and distant parts of Khulna city. Complementary to Dovey and King

(2011: 20)s Inner urban block category where the formal facades keep the informal

ones invisible and protected from thoroughfares, here in Khulna the spatio-physical

permeability of settlement boundaries is certainly heightened through this

reciprocated exchange on the public facade of settlements.

174
 is

1 2 3

4 5 6

7 8 9 10

Road Middle/lower-middle class neighbourhood

Potential areas of expansion Location of trade, commerce and institutions

Boundary walls Location of Industries and production

Figure 5.25: Boundary conditions of settlements.

175
 5
5
5
5
5
5 5

4
5
1 3

5
5

5 5 5
5 5
5
5
5

6 7 8 9
Road Places of religious significance
5
Settlement boundary (tentative) Educational and health facilities

Figure 5.26: (Above) non-dwelling and non-commercial functions within settlements; (below)
locations of religious buildings (from left to right): Baptist Church on the grey water pond in
settlement 1; Harijan-para Kali Mandir in settlement 3 (upper view is from 2011, and lower
is from 2012); second Masjid (mosque) in settlement 6.

There are also religious, educational and health facilities that can frequently be found

within these settlements (Figure 5.26). All of the religious institutions in and around

these settlements are run by the donations and various contributions made by

176
respective migrant communities. On the other hand, the educational and health

facilities are commonly funded and managed by NGOs54. In addition to their spiritual

and functional (and developmental) significance however, these institutional facilities

also serve another important purpose. Presence of these rather positive functions

within these otherwise negatively attributed settlements (typical of slums and

Bastees) helps earn a good name for these communities. As outsiders send their

children to study in the schools within these settlements (settlement 6), or as people

come for their daily prayers in the Mosques of these settlements (settlement 1), more

opportunities are created for the migrant communities to mix with outsiders having

different socio-economic backgrounds. In the extreme case, people from different

faiths might even come and join in; Figure 5.26 (middle-circled) shows a Muslim

woman waiting before the Harijanpara Hindu temple at settlement 3 for a spiritual

healing session to commence. In addition to the permeability of spatio-physical

boundaries, this example shows evidences of a fusion of social boundaries as well.

Such fusion thus appears to be a deliberate construct by migrant communities where

particular buildings and spaces are used in a way to facilitate their social

mainstreaming and hence identity formation.

5.3.2 Need for territorialization

With reference to the theoretical discussions in Chapter 2, this section discusses the

raison dtre of the territorial practices and activities that have been highlighted so

far. Three particular forces can be identified; these are: context-based aspirations,

incremental growth and income generation. Where appropriate, discussions are also

made about the associated social, spatial, and/or political gains.

54. Only in the case of settlement 6 (Vastuhara), a secondary school is run by the community.

177
5.3.2.1 Contextual aspirations

According to Ghafur (2004: 268), home is the centre of a holistic existence of any

individual or a social group in Bangladeshi culture and tradition. In addition to

providing a place for living, home is where people are grounded socially to the

extent that it gives them social identity (e.g. a boy is called the son, or a woman is

called the wife of a certain home). However, the concept of home in the traditional

sense becomes meaningful only when home is viewed as a part of the Samaj55. To

belong to a home in the Bangladeshi social setting, Ghafur asserts, is essentially to be

part of the Samaj (Opcit.). In his discussions however, Ghafur does not elaborate on

the aspirations that underlie the ownership of home he mentions of. Therefore,

home-ownership makes sense only when discussed in relation with the contextually

significant concepts namely: Zamin, Vita, Ghar, Bari, Basha, Bariwala and Desh. As

all of these terms have been frequently mentioned by the migrants, there is a need to

view migrants home-making efforts in relation to these.

Desire to become middle-class (both socially and materially) is what drives

migrants home-making efforts in Khulna. In the city, any house-owner would be

called a Bariwala literally meaning the house-owner. In common sense, Bari-wala

refers to that middle-class urbanite whose social status has been upgraded by a

number of urban accomplishments chief amongst which is the ownership of a house

in the city. In view of the vast majority of tenants compared to (land/house) owners in

Khulna56, being a Bari-wala is clearly an economically advantageous position. In

addition, there are significant social benefits from this pertaining to someones social

55. Although literally means society, in the Bangladeshi context Samaj implies more to a
community an immediate social milieu constituted primarily by neighbors, relatives,
friends and deshi manush within a larger socio-spatial setting.
56. More than 20% of the city dwellers are landless slum-dwellers in Khulna (almost all of
them are considered ex-migrants) (KCC-LGED-UNDP 2009); amongst these slum
dwellers, 27% own a house while 66% are tenants (Ahmed 2005: 10).

178
status within the Samaj57. For example, for the migrant landlord whose house is

rented to the NGO for a school (as in Figure 5.35: right), the house now becomes a

symbol of her socio-spatial elevation. It now expresses the migrants upgraded social

status to that of a Bari-wala within her Samaj, and continues to act as a physical

landmark at the level of the overall settlement.

The term Bari, in Bangla, means both a homestead and place of origin (village)

referring essentially to a sense of rootedness. A Bari consists of Zamin (land), a Ghar

(house) and the Vita58. Having none of these, the city house, however, is naturally

called a Basha (meaning birds nest), referring to the opposite the transience and

temporary-ness associated with city life. No rented house in the city is called Bari.

The urban house becomes anonymous and un-contextual due its lack of connection

with Desh. Roy (2004: 149) refers to desh as a word meaning both country and

countryside, signifying a sense of belonging through a bond with the land. So, it

comes as no surprise that in the particular cultural context of Bangladesh, someone as

in the condition of a migrant would like to become a Bari-wala (and possess a piece

of Zamin and Ghar) in the city any way possible. It is only this particular status that

would re-induce a sense of rootedness in the lives of these otherwise uprooted

migrants. A new identity thus would eventually be created within a new Samaj.

Additionally, this process of identity formation would be further enhanced in the

presence of and comparison with his/her deshi manush as his/her tenants or as

members of Samaj59 (Figure 5.27). Figure 5.28 also shows the occurrence of village-

57. For example, being a Bari-wala also plays an important part during marriage talks
between families. Men or women, whose parents own an urban house are ranked socially
higher, and deemed more eligible over those who do not own any (e.g. renter).
58. The literal meaning of Vita is plinth; but allegorically it refer to the root where one
originates from, to the grounded-ness of the particular household with this particular piece
of land in the agrarian society, to the memories of the ancestors associated with this piece
of land, and to the sense of identity that occurs from these phenomenon in combination.
59. Discussions on Settlements 2 and 5 in Section 5.1 underscore similar issues with other
socio- political gains from being a Bari-wala.

179
like microcosms with dispersed arrangements60 even within the land-scarce

settlements bringing along additional socio-political benefits particularly for the

settlement elites61.

Figure 5.27: Houses where both landlord and tenants live alongside (from left to right): S5H1,
S1H1, S6H4 and S8H2.

Figure 5.28: Village-like spatio-physical organization of households; larger forms are living
areas while the smallest ones are the locations of toilets and baths. Kitchen locations are
shown by the mid-sized forms; (from left to right) S6H1, S3H4 and S4H3.

60. Please refer to Muktadir and Hasan (1985) and Ahmed (2006) for similar discussions.
61. Dispersed arrangement of houses (Figure 5.28) also helps claim larger portions of vacant
land. Concentrating house forms on a single location would have allowed others to make

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5.3.2.2 Facilitate incremental growth

Incremental growth has remained the most frequently occurring way of formal-spatial

transformation of migrant households. In addition to the Bari-wala aspiration,

satisfaction also comes from otherwise sources. Particularly in the space-scarce

migrant houses, trade-offs are made between comfort and savings as Peattie (1994:

138) demonstrates. It is not that living in shacks or lesser houses is pleasant. Rather,

pleasure tend to occur from being able to make a living (or even become a Bari-wala)

without much investment and from that, saving valuable dimes for dealing with

potential moments of livelihood-related contingencies.

There are however, a number of forces that usually instigate incremental spatio-

physical transformation of migrant households; these are: accumulation of material

possessions, escalating household needs (e.g. growing family size) and offsetting

various socio-economic challenges (e.g. declining income level). In response to these,

transformation may take place, (a) using existing infrastructure as datum, and (b)

using house form as core and adding subsequent parts to it in response to changing

socio-economic-spatial conditions. Transformation may also assume different forms

as in, (c) a particular part may morph into different shapes and usages, and (d)

adjacent plots may be stitched together into a third generic shape (Figure 5.29:

overleaf).

a claim; this also reveals of a long and persistent power difference between migrant
populations even during their initial encroachment of land decades ago

181
 TDP (Town
Defence Party)
office

Boundary wall
separating
Peoples Jute
Railways
Mills and
Water
housing area
Tank

a
b Katcha
house on
platform;
low
Front road
developed;
house built
with brick;
Construction of an
additional storey
using NGO loans;
needed for extra
Road widened;
shops converted
to rentable
rooms as KCC
marshy shop added income and status shops are
land by on roadside upgradation before erected in front
riverside house front daughters
marriage
KCC
Shop

1972 1992 2004

Figure 5.29: (a left to right) an overhead Water Tank, a boundary wall and community
defense office used as reference, against and around which all incremental constructions took
place in Settlements 3, 10 and 8 respectively; (b) phases of physical transformation of S1H1;
(c left to right) verandah transformation in S8H2, S10H1, S2H1 and S7H4; (d left to right)
adjacent plots purchased and built on in S1H3, S6H3 and S6H4.

182
Examples in Figure 5.29 demonstrate how the various manipulations of house form

(and its spatial components) have continued to help the migrant dwellers to cope with

changing socio-economic-spatial conditions. Particularly the examples under

categories b and c highlight how some culturally constant spatial elements had to

be compromised (and even modified) as a response to livelihood necessities, which

however has eventually facilitated incremental growth. In S1H1 for example, the

archetypical rural vernacular form i.e. the hut with a verandah has been

completely transformed into a rather hybrid form within a span of four decades.

Likewise, in the four cases under c (S8H2, S10H1, S2H1 and S7H4), particularly

the verandah had to give way to a house-front firewood shop, a master bed room,

the elder sons bed room and a public water collection/bathing area respectively. As a

consequence of these spatial adjustments, a middle-class inspired hanging verandah

now appears on the upper floor in S1H1 (b - circled); likewise in S8H2 (c), again a

middle-class inspired drawing room appears on the north-west corner of the house

(circled). In other examples of adjustments, as in S10H1 and S2H1, functions which

were once carried out in the verandah (cooking and living), now take place in the

courtyard and in the master sleeping area respectively (circled). These are all acts of

spatial negotiation and tradeoffs that migrants had to make for coping with essential

livelihood issues. Here, form and space have been used as the key instruments for

attaining it.

5.3.2.3 Income generation

Income-generation and employment can be viewed as the two main reasons why

home-based enterprises (HBE) are frequently found in Khulnas low income migrant

settlements. Depending on the nature of enterprise, contribution from such works

ranges between 20% to almost the entire households income. Household members,

particularly the women (who are also illiterate and conservative), gets an opportunity

to stay at home, fulfil their domestic responsibilities and still earn some very

183
important sums of money. In most cases, it is the female members of the family who

would run a little business and continue funding her incremental house building

efforts using, now a days, one or a multiple of NGO loans. Although there has been

mixed reports about the usage of NGO loans62, yet the ones who could productively

use this loan, for example to finance an ongoing business, tended to possess a better

house made of brick and CI sheet. This however supplements an earlier assumption

that in-house income generation activities lead to better housing environments, e.g.

ownership of better quality houses63 (e.g. made of permanent materials).

Approximately in 10% all migrant households, some forms of in-house income

generating activities are to be found that contribute to households overall income.

Although in most cases it is quite hard to distinguish income-generating spaces from

living and other functional spaces, commonly it is around one-fifth to a half of the

house space that is used for some sort of income generation depending on the nature

of income generating activity performed (Figure 5.30). Higher percentage of income

generating space is normally associated with houses that have rentable rooms (Figure

5.37). Generally, these findings remain consistent for all ten settlements surveyed. In

addition to the economic return from renting of whatever small space available in the

dwelling unit, manufacturing of economically valuable products are commonly

observed. In many cases, manufacturing is reported as being more profitable than

renting. Often, both renting and non-renting activities (e.g. shop) are both found

within a single house. However, the occurrence of a particular sort of income

generation activity in settlements chiefly depends on the location of and the demands

62. In numerous cases, NGOs have either pushed or tricked women to borrow for starting a
business, where the women were clearly unwilling to borrow (for some does not like
borrowing while many did not have any running business). Although aware of the fact
that such a loan would not be used for businesses, NGO operators still lend these women
since the formers job description makes him/her to disburse as many loans as possible.
63. This substantiates the hypotheses mentioned in Tipple (1993: 530) and Mahmud (2003:
322). But again, this is too uncritical a claim; many inhabitants amongst the surveyed
settlements cling to home-based works because they simply cannot afford to find a work

184
that are created by these businesses or economic production functions. This has

already been seen, for example, in the discussions on settlement 1 and its surrounding

industrial and trading zones (Figure 5.6: right).

5 5

5 5
5

Handicraft (e.g. sewing) Shop/shop-related activities (e.g. storage)

5
Poultry/livestock Rented space

Figure 5.30: Households with various income generating activities, starting clockwise from
top left corner are: S3H1, S1H2, S1H4, S8H2, S7H1 and S6H3.

Income from renting may assume two forms; one, in which the landlord could be

living in the same dwelling unit or in a separate unit immediately alongside the

tenants unit (Figure 5.2: left and Figure 5.30: S8H2); and two, the landlord may be a

prior resident of the settlement but now an absentee who lives outside the settlement

particularly because of his/her improved economic status. In terms of tenants, they

could also be of two types generally. One, tenants are low-income individuals, who

elsewhere, and he/she does not possess any resources apart from the house that he/she can
use for income generation.

185
are either permanent migrants or circular/seasonal migrants. Their preference for

particular types of rentable space depends on their migrancy status. It has been

found that most of the permanent ones are older, and live with their families (wife,

children and some with grandchildren) in the city since they do not have any asset

(land, house or livelihood) left in their rural place of origin. On the other hand, the

seasonal or circular migrants are younger individuals in their 20s and 30s (both

male and female). They do not have their families living with them because they are

generally single, and they have their families and some sort of asset back home. They

only move between their village home and the city to compensate for the lack of

income during dull cropping seasons (e.g. when there is no job available in the rainy

season) or following a hazard (e.g. mega-cyclones, which occurs in every 2-3 years in

Khulna and severely affect its rural coastal hinterlands). These migrant groups often

look for small rentable rooms, as seen in the case of S1H1 tenants (Figure 5.37).

However, in both cases, it is mostly through the kinship network i.e. family members

and deshi manush that rentable houses and rooms are searched for. To-let signs are

common in middle-class neighbourhoods in Khulna but not in these migrant

settlements. In case of the permanent migrants with families, they have tended to

settle down after 2 to 3 initial movements commonly during the first decade of their

stay in Khulna. They choose locations and units which suit them most, first socially

(e.g. deshi manush lives alongside) and then economically. On the other hand, for the

mobile types of migrants, and particularly for the newer ones, there are not many

spaces available in the older settlements. They tend to live, as a sublet (paying or non-

paying) with their city living relatives or friends or in the newer, and low quality

settlements in the peripheral locations. For the older ones of this category however,

who have established for themselves a pattern of visiting Khulna during certain times

in a year, some forms of accommodation are generally available. It may even be

186
reserved by the house-owner in many cases the same deshi manush, whose house

this mobile-migrant is used to rent in the previous years.

In case of the institutional renters, it is usually the NGOs now a day, who would rent

a room for a particular duration in a day, or a full-time room, or a whole house for

purposes such as setting up a community school or a community clinic (Figure 5.35:

right). Generally, rent money is paid on a monthly basis, while the migrant

community members and their children remain the exclusive users of these facilities.

Similar facilities which are run by governments, however, are not to be found within

these settlements because by doing that government most likely fears it would

legitimize migrants illegal tenure status.

Community
centre cum
elementary
school

Primary
School
room

Figure 5.31: Locations of primary school in settlement 1 (left); and community centre in
settlement 3 where income generating activities take place (right with photo of embroidery
work being done inside). Noteworthy is the relative locations of respective community
leaders house in each case (house plans). Although both funded by NGOs and Donor
projects, it is only by these leaders approval one could use these otherwise public spaces for
personal income generation.

On the other hand, NGOs, who are government-approved formal sector organizations,

are not known for running similar facilities in the middle- or higher-class

187
neighbourhoods in Khulna either. They act this way partly due to their foreign

donors budget-spending guidelines (for donors focus on slum improvement etc.),

and partly because government officials (and their bureaucratic procedures) would

not like to be compared with them on the same grounds.

Among the non-renting income-generation sources, which consist generally of

various production activities64, two types could be named in the way space is utilized

in each. One, production takes place using a third space, where the space is neither

part of the household nor owned by the migrant landlord. Such space may be part of a

public building, such as a room from a community building or verandah from a

community school (Figure 5.31). No rent is paid for using this space as well because

these buildings are not owned by any individual. Rather, access to this space and its

continued use is maintained by the controlling power some particular persons hold

over the community65. In the second form of income generation activities, generally

the migrant owner is engaged since it happens within the realm of his/her own house.

Often a room can be partially or flexibly used for these purposes (settlement 2).

Although rare, a whole upper floor may be constructed for production activities

(settlement 7). In particular occasions, the whole plot may be used for this purpose

(as in settlement 6) while the migrant owner living elsewhere. In addition, shops

either in the form of a shop-house or as a detached unit located elsewhere in the

settlements are also two frequently occurring types (Figure 5.30).

5.3.2.4 Social gains (from renting)

In addition to the financial gain the migrant landlord enjoys from renting, there is also

a social gain that both landlord and renter enjoy. For example, in the case of the

64. This typically includes stitching and embroidery, raising poultry and livestock, tailoring,
food-items preparation, fish scaling, wood workshops, storages, and above all operating
shops, restaurants and stalls.
65. This person (e.g. the community leader/elite) has been further discussed in Section 5.4.

188
individual renters and their relation with the migrant landlord, both economic and

social gains are yielded. Although generalization is not possible, yet income from

renting remains a major source of earning for many of these migrant households.

Contribution ranges from 30% to 90% of entire households income depending on

plot size and hence how much space is available for renting. However, in large

illegal settlements (e.g. settlements 1 or 3) where plot size is smaller, income from

renting counts much below 30% of average households income. Interestingly, these

settlements are also home to the more well-off compared with all the other studied

settlements because of their proximity to job locations (for settlement 1, shrimp and

settlement 3, proximity to Ghat) and hence having multiple earning members in most

of the households.

In contrast, in the smaller and more legal settlements with a larger plot size

(particularly those at Khulnas peripheral areas such as settlement 5) income from

renting may count from 50% to 90% of households overall income. Yet, it is not the

monetary return alone that remains the only gain from renting; there are associated

social gains for both landlord and tenant as well. This can be seen, for example, in

settlement 4, which consists of 10-15 rentable units within a total of 200+ households.

Within this settlement, it is generally maintained by the community elders that houses

could be rented to the deshi manush only. Initially, it seems very harsh and to some

extent, irrational. But a closer inspection reveals that this settlements very sustenance

depends on the strength of the community being tight and communal. As

suggested in the settlement history, all migrants living in settlement 4 originate from

the greater district of Barishal. This homogeneity, further aided by their closed rent

policy however has allowed this community to remain united particularly during

numerous eviction threats. The community leaders, who are also residents of this

community, realized through many struggles the importance of an absolute control

over the entire resident population. The construction of this socio-political

189
mechanism in some way seemed more beneficial compared to the financial outcome

from renting.

In the case of settlement 5, social benefit from renting occurs in a different way.

Although the tenants here are not necessarily from the same rural origin of the

landlord, their intermingling culminates into a third space (Figure 5.37: left). A few

shared zones emerge, such as cooking, bathing, washing, toilets and childrens play

area within the single-storey house compound, where particularly the female

members engage in their everyday domestic activities and exchanges. Events of

dissent and loud quarrels amongst tenants are indeed frequent; this is also expected

because the numbers of tenant-households often surpass the number/quantity of

service points66. Yet, on the following day, same interactions and exchanges start

taking place as usual, forgetting yesterdays squabbles. Indeed a sense of solidarity

can be sensed here due to the homogeneous socio-economic status of the tenants. In

terms of social benefit, this owner status also puts the poor landlord often in the

position of a master. What spawns through the many informal exchanges67

culminates in a more family-like bond between the two parties. This reveals of the

tenants similar social status with that of the landlords as well. In addition, this

landlord now assumes the guardianship of this few families social worlds. Therefore,

it is not uncommon that during national or local polls, campaigns aim to convince

more the landlords and less the tenants. This has also been highlighted under

settlement history in section 5.2.

66. For example, in S5H1, there are 4 families that occupy the household premise using a
single toilet, a single bathing area, and a single water collection point on a daily basis;
while in S5H2, 11 families share the similar number of facilities
67. Such as sharing of spaces, inter-borrowing and lending of money and other stuff (e.g.
cooking oil, rice etc.) and solely trust-based transactions (no written documents
maintained for any kind of financial transaction e.g. for paying rent or borrowing).

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In many cases, home-based enterprises in low income settlements have been

described as sites for exploitation (as in Tipple 1993: 531) since mainstream

industries tend to subcontract works at a significantly lower rate while workers

remain unable to bargain for any additional benefit because of their informal status.

Similar can be said of settlements 1 and 2, which are located adjacent to the main

shrimp-processing industrial zones in Khulna. Not only these settlements remain

home to the essential worker population for these industries and trading posts, a

variety of supporting works to these facilities, such as fish scaling, box making,

parking for rickshaw-vans etc. are also commonly carried out using the home-spaces

of these settlements. On a different note however, these settlements then can also be

viewed as support settlements for the industries and trading activities. These

migrants and the sustainability of these settlements depend, to a large extent, on the

economic-political support that these industry owners offer them quite often. Political

supports by this elite class, particularly to neutralize eviction threats, or for financial

support during social events (marriage, death and medical treatment) therefore

establish these two parties as close allies. So in the global marketplace, when Khulna

Shrimp sells at a competitive price, the economic benefit must be viewed in light of

the roles these social relations play. Over the years, such relationships have also been

established between the migrant producers and other customers68 of their products

that also have helped the former to soften their illegal tenure status. Such

relationships thus also have earned migrants the essential external recognition of

these apparently illegal settlements. This, the migrants feel, would lead to the

gradual replacement of the negative image usually associated with these settlements

(e.g. places of crime and social ills) by more positive attribute like places of

production.

68. These customers can be the subcontractors and suppliers for offices or industries, NGOs,
and people from neighbouring middle-class communities

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5.3.3 Dynamics of territorial boundary

a b School cum
storage
c d
Work

School
Previous
Landlords
Verandah area

Shop

Bath

Tea Tea
stall stall
seat

Shop

a b c
Playground

Figure 5.32: Negotiated territorial boundary: (above a, b) time-based use of interior space in
Settlements 4 and 1; (above c, d) multiple use of interior spatial organization due to changed
demographic circumstances at S2H1 and S1H1; (middle left to right) house-neighbourhood
tissue showing time-based use of public territories at settlements 10, 3 and 4 respectively;
(bottom left to right) photographs of the same public territories at settlements 10, 3 and 4.

Figure 5.32 demonstrates the dynamic nature of the territorial boundary manifested in

the everyday spatial negotiations at both household and public levels of the studied

settlements. In the instances of Figure 5.32 (above: a), a portion of the interior space

192
of the community building is used particularly in the afternoon hours for embroidery

works carried out by female members of neighboring houses. The same space

however is used for an elementary school in the morning. In the example of S1H2

(above: b), a NGO-run elementary school runs in the morning while the same space is

used in the afternoons for fish basket storage. In (above: c and d), the original spatial

organization of house interiors have been adjusted according to changing family

needs. For S2H1 (above: c), verandah has been turned into elder sons bedroom after

he got married, while cooking (circled), dining and living now take place within the

master sleeping area. In S1H1 (above: d), her personal bedroom (north-west corner)

is sacrificed by the widow landlord for accommodating the newly married daughter

and son-in-law; her new space is now used also as a living area, a space for running a

Saree business (upper circled) and for dressing (lower circle). Similar fluidity of

territorial practice may also be noticed in the public level examples (above: middle

and bottom). The playground in settlement 10 (middle and bottom: a) is also a sacred

place which is not to be encroached. Every year a number of religious gatherings take

place here. In settlement 3 (middle and bottom: b), household premise of S3H4 is

bifurcated by cross-movements of neighbours who do not have other access points to

their houses. So this apparently private property and its boundaries also have a public

dimension to them. The concept of boundary thus appears fluid and slippery once

again. Similar can be seen in the example of settlement 4 (middle and bottom: c),

where spaces around roadside shops and tea stalls are appropriated and used by the

community members during most parts in a day. Removable furniture is used to claim

territory, as shops continue to operate day-long.

These findings however substantiates Altman (1975: 160)s theory that territoriality

is a complex process that changes with time and circumstance. While certain well-

defined territories may exist, their boundaries may be flexible and may shift and

evolve in response to changing situations (Ibid: 104). But as these examples

193
demonstrate the scare circumstances (such as the lack of space or a lack of

accessibility), there are other social benefits that occur from these practices as well.

In the household level examples, the sacrificing of bedroom or verandah certainly

prioritizes the view that a joined family must be retained at any cost. In addition to

this cultural preference for joined family, parting of the elder son would obviously

have caused financial hardships for both parents and the son. In the example of the

widow landlady, her daughter is the only child she has. So having no other earning

member and owing to another cultural preference69, it is for her son-in-law and

daughters stay this woman was prepared to make any sort of sacrifice/compromise.

In the example of the playground in settlement 10, the need to retain the playground

in its original state (un-encroached) is both religious and political. Although such

religious gatherings a few times a year help spiritual fulfilment, organization of such

gatherings (where people from both neighbouring and distant communities are free to

take part) once again helps reduce the settlements bad name as discussed with

other cases previously. Instead of being viewed as invaders, people living in

settlement 10 now thus gets an opportunity to be viewed by outsiders as religious

community as well.

In the case of sacrificed territorial claim for public use as in settlement 3, the notion

of ownership becomes a negotiated concept in the interest of communal living. Even

if the plot boundary is clearly outlined and the landlord is free to construct any

building within the boundary70, some vacant space around the middle of the plot is

still retained, allowing it to be used as entry to different households including

landlords own. For neighbours being well known to this particular landlord, this

loosening of territorial claim benefits social surveillance of private property as well.

69. In Bangladeshi society, a widowed mother would typically reside with any of her elder
sons after her husband passes away. A woman is not preferred to live on her own in the
conservative Muslim family system.
70. Please take note of how structures are constructed on each of the edges of this plot.

194
In terms of settlement environment, home-based enterprises and particularly those

which encroach and make use of public spaces and streets (as in the example of

settlement 4) also offer a twofold contribution. First, the shops and stalls become

places of everyday encounter between community members. For having a pubic

nature, these apparently small establishments become important locations where

social behaviours are displayed and constantly being shaped (and mostly positively

modified). In addition, these establishments located at the thresholds of settlements

and Public Streets become sources of constant social surveillance. Both outgoing

(e.g. playing children without parents) and incoming activities (e.g. strangers to the

settlements) thus become subject to surveillance and scrutiny of the users of these

spaces. Since most of these shops and stalls operate all day long (and some even deep

into the night), someone is expected to be present always and play that vital role of a

social eye.

5.4 Decision-making

This section discusses the actors, rules, territorial hierarchies and territorial depth

pertaining to the spatial decision-making structure in these settlements.

5.4.1 Actors

Actors, or Agents as Habraken (1998: 7) puts them, are the individuals, groups or

institutions that inhabit the built environment, and have the ability to transform it by

making sure things stay as they choose within the territory they claim. The goal,

Habraken says hence is not to observe how agents interact, but to understand the

structure and behaviour of the form that is the cause and goal of their interaction

(Ibid: 30). So in light of the discussions on the history of settlement-tenure and

migrants territorial practices so far, Table 5.2 (overleaf) summarizes the identity of

actors who have remained influential and most essential during settling down and in

everyday acts of habitation.

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Table 5.2: Settlements and influential actors involved.

Settlement Influential Actors involved

name Household level Settlement level
Settlement 1 Landlord (for tenants), UPPRP Mayor, Ward 22 Councillor, CSS,
leaders, Community elders, CSS, UPPRP leaders, Shrimp-factory
Shrimp-factory owners. owners.
Settlement 2 Landlord, NGOs, UPPRP Local traders and businessmen,
personnel. BNP Ward 22 office.
Settlement 3 UPPRP leaders, elders (Sardars) Mayor, Ward 21 Councillor,
in minority communities (e.g. Railways IW department, UPPRP
Harijan,Vaidya). leaders.
Settlement 4 Sardar brothers, 3-4 other elders, Sardar brothers, Local MP, Ward
UPPRP leaders, internal political 1 Councillor.
workers.
Settlement 5 Landlord (for tenants), UPPRP KCC, UPPRP personnel (local
personnel, NGOs. elites), NGOs, Landlord,
Religious bodies.
Settlement 6 4-5 community elders (originally Mayor, Ward 9 Councillor,
allotted and supporters of same Central Minister for labour,
political party), NGOs. community elders (and supporters
of political parties).
Settlement 7 UPPRP leaders, Bihari SPGRC, Ward 12 Councillor,
community elders, NGOs, Baitul International Red Cross,
Falah Mosque Committee. Khalishpur Housing Authority.
Settlement 8 Mr. Bakkar and his 3-4 affiliates. Khalishpur Housing Authority,
KCC, Mr. Bakkar and his 3-4
affiliates.
Settlement 9 Jute Mills labour leaders, political Mayor, Ward 10 Councillor,
leaders, Building Committees, Labour (and political) leaders,
NGOs, KCC. Building Committee.
Settlement 10 Allotted employees, community Railways IW department,
members, Railways IW Community members.
Department.

As shown, a number of actors have been identified in Table 5.2. If compared with

Raharjo (2010: 23)s mentioned categories, two variations can be particularly noted

of Khulnas migrant settlements. First, actors do not have a fixed or discrete role

196
pertaining to the physical development of settlements; often it is difficult to delineate

an exact role for each. For example, in many cases in Khulna, Raharjos mentioned

provider and operator appear to be the same person (e.g. the landlord). Likewise, the

supplier may often be a Deshi Manush, who would play the role of the middle man

for free not for a fee; the associated social gain that have been discussed earlier

often remains the only remuneration. The regulator, or concerned government offices

such as KDA, as seen earlier, may often play the exact opposite role; some offices

(NHA, Land Revenue Office) may even extend its support for a fee (illegal) that it is

not supposed to receive. In addition, when these organizations are lobbied by

politicians and tenants, the formers role become similar to that of the suppliers. The

role of the facilitators (UNDP, UPPRP, NGOs), on the other hand, is often that of the

negotiator. In addition to supporting the socio-spatial development activities in the

migrant settlements, often also involve in negotiation between the illegal tenants and

concerned government offices.

Second, a presence of a new category of actors can also be noted in the context of

Khulnas migrant settlements. In addition to the seven types suggested by Raharjo, a

new eight category can be suggested. This can be given a more fitting name

negotiators, considering the roles of all the influential actors who for social,

economic and political reasons have continued to support, solicit and negotiate issues

for the migrants in numerous occasions. This category however should include all the

actors both formal and informal, who have proved most essential for migrant

settlements sustenance so far. In that KCC, UPPRP (personnel), political figures and

influential businessmen may all be viewed as negotiators.

5.4.2 Rules

Rules determine how (physical) parts are admitted or excluded from territorial space

(Altman 1975: 127). Rules are manifested in the customary practices of

197
territorialization, socially accepted norms and in the legal (formal) deeds. These are

all used to ensure actors desired level of control over the spatio-physical boundaries

(Ibid: 128). Local enforcements, whether formal or informal, help establish (the

acceptable) territorial depth within the broader urban fabric (Ibid: 145). In the

particular context of the informal migrant settlements, which commonly suffer from

an acute lack of physical space and legality, rules are manifested in alternative

practices, norms and enforcements pertaining to many territorial control mechanisms.

Chief amongst these practices remain a number of permanent and non-permanent

building activities.

Figure 5.33: (Left) S8H2 plan; (middle) S8H2 photo shows how it maintains distance (set
back) from adjacent sewer drain and street; (right) Bakkar Bastee front again showing its
maintained set back from the Public street.

Without secured tenure, formal deeds either for ownership transfer (e.g. through

possession rights selling) or for other types of transaction (e.g. rent payment or

borrowing/lending), are almost non-existent in the context of migrant settlements.

Across all the studied settlements (including the Bihari settlement 7), a common

practice prevails. This practice, which is based on primarily on trust gives high

importance on the immediate communitys involvement in any sort of transaction

198
between parties involved. For example, in the case of possession right transfer

between an owner and a buyer, the community elders and the neighbours who share

this property boundary are asked by the present owner to witness the transaction and

show the plot boundaries to this newcomer. Although the seller, the buyer and the

witnesses jointly sign a paper to keep record of the transaction, the document remains

worthless because of the illegal tenure status of this plot/dwelling unit. Rather, what

remains most important is the mutual trust between the parties involved emerging

primarily from the fact that these parties all share the same kinship network. In most

cases, this newcomer would be a known person to the seller may be a relative, or a

friend or his/her deshi manush. Either way, a potential buyer needs to be known to

the seller before the actual selling of the possession rights. In many instances, the

seller would in fact mention (and positively certify) about this buyer to his/her

neighbours and community elders prior to actually transferring the rights.

Encroachments of public land and housing areas have been the prevalent way of

territorialization for 8 out of the 10 studied settlements. However, these acts of

encroachment also come with a principle. Common to all these settlements is a

certain form of respect for government boundaries where the encroaching migrant

makes sure that no permanent building/construction activity spills over to the

adjacent public domains (Figure 5.33). It is done precisely to convey that although

their existence is solely dependent on the invasion of public property, such illegal

means are sought after only to the extent it is required for provisioning a mere shelter

for themselves, and are in no way at the cost of greater public life. When such

invasions of public infrastructure actually take place, non-permanent materials

(bamboo, wood etc.) are commonly used (Figure 5.34: left and right) demonstrating

once again that it is done solely to compensate for the lack of house space, and not

intended to permanently infringe any of the public infrastructure.

199
At the household-neighbourhood level, when there is a need to erect a new house or

carry out major modifications to the existing house, the neighbours would always be

notified. In many cases, depending on the nature of construction, community elders

would be called upon to give their verdict on the actual threshold of construction (plot

outline and limits to vertical extension) which the owner might take advantage of (as

in S1H1, Figure 5.34: middle).

Water collection
and bathing
point for Ranga
Miah Goli

Drain cover

Figure 5.34: Rules and norms of construction: (Left) addition of a non-permanent portion
with the otherwise brick-built house S1H1; ground level cover on public sewerage drain to
make way for ground-level tenants entry; this space behind the street-front shops is also used
for cooking and bathing; (middle) 2004 construction of new brick-built house and verandah
extension over street (marked); this projection over the road was approved by the elders for
allowing the female owner (also one of the oldest residents on this lane) a clear view of the
settlement entry from the main road; (right) S1H1 photo with non-permanent add-ons.

For public use (and also for own social and financial gain), migrant dwellers might

often allow structures to be added on to their own buildings or allow modifications to

their own house form (Figure 5.35). However, in many cases (as in S7H4), this

process of giving away such precious little space for public purpose remains complex.

Local enforcements such as constant lobbying, convincing and even exertion of social

pressure by community elders are common. These acts of construction hence

manifest as socially determined practices in the presence of a clear leadership. There

are also certain spatial practices in the migrant settlements, which have become

200
accepted social norms. First are the events of compromised privacy for dealing with

households lack of space already outlined in the discussions of home-based

enterprises in section 5.3. However, as in the cases of Figure 5.34 (middle and right)

for example, similar compromises also bring about further social gains equally for the

community and the landlord. The landlords reputation as a sacrificing leader is

enhanced. The house now becomes a landmark having a heightened identity

amongst the settlement. Relation between the different parties (such as between the

landlord and the concerned NGOs who generally fund such projects) is also

strengthened. Second, in most settlement streets, architectural surveillance elements

are frequently found, which ensure both privacy and safety of neighbourhood spaces.

For example, the cantilevered verandah in Figure 5.34 equally keeps an eye on the

entry to the lane, on the lane space itself and also on the bathing space (which is also

very close to the main road and where a number of female also take their bath). Even

if the female landlord is not present there, the presence of the verandah itself

discourages the potential intruder. NGO-funded and community-managed bathing

and water collection spaces of this sort are however plenty amongst all of the

settlements studied (Figure 5.36).

Figure 5.35: (Left) community water collection point and bath added on to S4H4 building
wall; (middle) community water collection point and bath replaces front verandah of house
S7H4; (right) elementary school erected within the household premise of S1H2.

201
In addition to the architectural elements as the verandah which helps ensure privacy

of the spaces where mostly the female members congregate during particular times in

a day, most male members are also aware of those and generally avoid these times for

their own use. Similar mutual respect is also evident in the frequent events of

thoroughfare, as people living in backward properties (whose house does not have

an approach road) frequently make use of front-owners property to enter or exit

theirs (Figure 5.36: right). It is a more negotiated spatial activity and also a customary

spatial behaviour that can be traced back to the rural practices where immediate

neighbours and kin are often allowed to do the similar. The neighbours crossing-over

of front-owners property line is not considered trespassing as long as latters privacy

is respected.

Figure 5.36: (Above starting clockwise from left)

locations of bathing points in settlements 3, 4, 1, 9 and 7;
(right) thoroughfare over anothers property in S3H4
premise grey outline shows property boundary and red
lines show neighbours path across S3H4 territory.

5.4.3 Territorial hierarchy

Actors who inhibit a particular territory maintain the right to control the movements

in and out of that territory, even that of the actual landlord as in a landlord-tenant

situation (Habraken 1998: 136). Agents controlling higher levels dominate agents

controlling lower levels. When higher-level agents control what goes into included

territories, included agents must, as a rule, accept the imposed limitations on what

filters through the higher level (Ibid: 139). Although many instances in support of

202
this premise are on hand, alternative practices are worth mentioning as well in the

context of Khulnas migrant settlements. In the examples of Figure 5.37, there are

certain negotiated territories (area 3), which are hard to designate as a clearly

controlled zone either by the landlord or by the tenants. Although the service areas

(yard, kitchen, toilets, washing, bathing etc.) are generally under the landlords

control, the landlord in many cases shares these facilities with his/her tenants for both

social and economic gains (discussed under section 5.3).

2 1
2
1
3
3 3
2 2

Figure 5.37: Showing (from left to right) house plans for S5H1, S6H4 and S1H1; landlords
territory, tenants territory and negotiated territory (shared service areas) are marked with
numbers 1, 2 and 3 respectively; for S1H1, there is an upper floor where the landlord lives.

The extent of sharing varies depending on the size of land-plots and settlements. In

the cases of S5H1 and S6H4, these shared territories are more elaborated and

comprise of a higher number of functions. Due to the horizontal distribution of all the

territories, interactions between the landlord and his/her tenants are more frequent. In

S1H1, due to the compact nature of the land-plot (and settlement) and for the vertical

separation of territories (between landlord and tenant), only the toilet is shared

between the landlord and her two female tenants (the male tenant is not allowed to

use the ground-level toilet). The frequency of interaction therefore is also lower

compared to that of the S1H1.

203
At the level of settlements, territorial hierarchy depends on the nature of

leadership/headship prevailing in each of these settlements. As in settlement 4 and 8,

or in Vaidya Para71 in settlement 3, territories are controlled by community elite (an

individual leader or a group of individuals) who possess the decision-making power

regarding any socio-spatial issues of the settlement. As discussed in the settlement

history section, this person in most cases is the undeclared community leader an

elder (settlement 8) or traditional leader (Vaidya Para in settlement 3), or someone

with better income sources (e.g. multiple earning members in the family), a tested

leader who previously have fought for communitys well being (settlement 4), or

someone who has a good political connection outside the settlement (settlement 4).

For these communities being closed and settlements being smaller, interpersonal

relations remain stronger. If a house has to be modified or rebuilt in any of these

settlements, it would require approval of the respective leadership. It is by his

approval, anyone (in or outside the family) can continue to use any space for

economic production (as in Figure 5.31). Any NGO intervention at the community

level would also require this persons prior approval. However, in the larger

settlements (e.g. settlement 1) no such clear individualist control of territories has

been observed. Although community elders are present and remain an important part

of the socio-spatial decision-making body, the territorial control mechanism

remains rather negotiated and consensual. This is elaborated in the following section.

5.4.4 Decision-making structure

In the smaller of the studied settlements, the community elites (leaders) clearly enjoy

the possession of a much larger property compared with other migrant residents

(Figure 5.38: above). In most cases, such larger parcels of land have been in

71. Vaidya is a traditional river-faring snake charmer nomad group, known for their magic-
healing capabilities particularly in the rural areas of Bangladesh. However, with time, this
particular group has become sedentary and has been living on the western periphery of

204
possession of these leaders ever since they have started inhabiting these settlements.

Their supremacy is demonstrated by the unchallenged possession of their quite

unusually large share of land within these land-scarce settlements.

Figure 5.38: (Above) floor areas of four houses compared in settlement 4; one with bold blue
outline belongs to one of the community elites (Sardar Brothers), while the ordinary ones
being outlined in red; (middle-left) portions of Vaidya Para in settlement 3 - Sardars house
compared with the neighbors; (middle-right) Mr. Bakkars house area compared with the
adjacent ones.

This spatial supremacy further validates these leaders socio-political superiority over

the rest, and hence on the communitys decision-making structure as a whole (Figure

5.39: right). This makes the decision-making structure authoritative, linear, and

clearly hierarchical. The community leader here assumes all the responsibility of

settlement 3. As in many other traditional societies, each Vaidya group is headed by a

205
making decisions (particularly regarding most physical transformations) at all three

levels of the settlement, which he deems best for the community and also for

retaining his socio-economic position. On the other hand, in the larger settlements,

the decision-making structure is more bottom up, complex and less stratified (Figure

5.39: left). The working of numerous NGOs and the operation of UNDP-led UPPRP

now a day led to the formation of many grassroots cooperative. They have also been

promoting bottom up processes, where one of their key objectives remains the

promotion of female leadership. The idea here has been to empower women in the

context of a rather traditional culture where neither female leadership nor female-

headed family structure occurs naturally. It is therefore, these womens role in

community decision-making process (such as erection of bathing/toilet area,

construction/repair of roads and drains etc.) can be viewed as an attempt to create an

alternative agency for control in an otherwise male chauvinist society.

Figure 5.39:
(Left) complex
decision-making
structure of larger
migrant
settlements;
(right) linear and
simple (and more
traditional)
decision-making
structure of the
smaller
settlements.

leader (Sardar), whose verdict on any socio-spatial issue is deemed final.

206
Indeed, this bottom-up process involves some sort of local leadership from within

the community particularly regarding building construction. This same leadership is

also capable of mobilizing the mass of the population for example, if a need arises for

resisting eviction threats. Yet, none of these two decision-making structures involves

a clear bottom up process. For example, the present female leadership structure in t

these settlements is often challenged by their male counterparts (in many cases the

male members of their family). In addition, this idea of a female leadership is after all

an imposed idea something which had been conceived by people and

organizations often divorced from the everyday socio-spatial realities of the low

income migrant settlements. Thus the true nature and extent of bottom up both

in terms of problem identification and decision-making process pertaining to the

concerned community, remains questionable. So as Habraken (1998: 214) mentions

of two clear decision-making processes (i.e. top-down and bottom-up) underlying the

transformation of built environments, it is either a community-defined top down

process or a combination of top-down and bottom-up that can be identified in

Khulnas migrant settlements. Settlement forms thus may be viewed as an outcome

of this permutation between two processes. Here different actors get involved in

taking decisions at different levels and about different components of the built

environment, and yet retain connections between them. This has been depicted in

Figure 5.39. In both cases however, problems and solutions are found to be

community-defined and community-driven respectively, while a community elite

(nowadays mostly represented by the female leadership of UPPRP) often leading

such initiatives. This nevertheless substantiates Habraken (Ibid: 227)s assertion that

even if individual actors might exercise individual preferences, their acts typically

conform to a socially determined framework.

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5.5 Summary: threads of themes

Analysis of the fieldwork data, as presented in the previous sections identifies a

number of interesting threads. These are briefly summarized in Table 5.3 below.

These themes and threads, together with the structural findings in Chapter 4 are

carried forward to Chapter 6.

Table 5.3: Threads of themes from data analysis on migrants spatial practices

Areas Theme/threads
Problems with - Boundaries between contradictory co-existences such as legal-illegal
categorization
or formal-informal remain problematic. It is quite tricky and risky to
clearly distinguish between such binaries and hence categorize them
in absolute terms of legal or illegal.

- These in-between situations in most occasions are created and

maintained by authorities in power. Even if some form of legality or
formality is approved and allowed by these authorities, not all the
issues pertaining to legality have been resolved; chief amongst these
remains the issue of land tenure and hence the issue of building
construction.

- Settlement process of the migrants then can historically be looked at

as a distinctive mechanism where room for bargain, negotiation and
compromises are intentionally maintained. These settlements and their
very existence thus can also be viewed as negotiated.

208
Spatial - At the household level, spatial boundaries remain flexible and
occupation and
slippery; primary territories are maintained but can also be given up or
personalization
compromised depending on social or economic circumstances.

- At the public level, meaning of space and spatial boundaries shifts and
changes constantly. This largely depends on the social negotiations
that are made between the migrant dwellers. At this level, a number of
non-dwelling functions are used by migrants toward fulfilling a
number of political objectives. Both religious and non-religious
buildings remain important physical components that help improve
settlement image by establishing and maintaining social relations with
people external to these settlements.

- Although the dwelling environment remains generally hidden, spatial

interfaces between migrant settlements and the outside world remain
places of interaction between migrant dwellers and other citizen. This
also helps migrant communities and settlements to soften their bad
names by promoting their positive image as places of production
and places of religious population.

Need for - A number of cultural factors affect the way in which migrants go
territorialization
about their everyday territorial practices. This particular sort of
practice also facilitates incremental growth and creates provision for
various income generation activities. Both incremental growth and
income generation however require a significant compromise with the
culturally desired spatial environment. Despite incremental growth
and home-based enterprises significant contribution to the crowding
of settlements, there are associated social gains that also result from
this particular form of territorial practice.

Dynamics of - Territorial boundaries cannot be clearly defined and they remain

territorial
subject to constant change and interpretation by the migrant dwellers.
boundary
In many cases, multiple use of a single space by a multiple of actors is
frequent. In response to changing demography and/or socio-economic
conditions boundaries of both private and public space thus assume
different forms and shapes. This adjustment of boundaries however
leads to the adjustment of spatio-physical configurations as well. So
the dynamic and accommodative nature of spatio-physical
configurations of migrant settlements could again be viewed as
negotiated forms which are produced in response to changing socio-
economic situations.

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Decision- - A number of influential elitist actors are identified who prove to be
making
important for the sustenance of migrant settlements. Such actors are
both formal and informal, and are both insiders and externals.

- There remain less formal (written) rules but more norms and
customary practices that act as rules as far as the spatial environment
of these settlements are concerned. For property (possession) transfer,
building, construction and modification (and even for renting in some
of the settlements) communities abide by these unwritten rules that
impart order to these settlements socio-physical structure.

- There remain two particular models for decision-making; the

configurations of these models however depend on the size of the
settlement and demographic composition in it. These models are
neither top-down nor bottom-up. Rather, it is community-driven and a
combination of these two work together. In many cases, decision-
making is further facilitated by kinship networks and the presence of
deshi manush.

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 Chapter 6: Scarcity, control and negotiations

6.1 Introduction

With the emergence of the politically constructed socio-economic deficiencies and

socio-spatial binaries as in chapters 4 and 5 (e.g. formal-informal, permanent-

temporary and legal-illegal), understanding migrants home-making raises the

necessity of the formulation of a comprehensive framework; it also holds that it must

be formulated in consideration of these constructed conditions. Assuming migrant

habitats in the third world city as socio-physical outcomes of the workings of the

aforesaid binaries, this chapter outlines a framework that aims to comprehend the key

socio-spatial-political mechanisms underlying migrants home-making. For that, it

makes use of the threads of themes from Chapters 4 and 5. It holds that the proposed

conceptual framework (Control and social construction of home) is acontextual and

the addition of the concept of Scarcity imparts a better contextualization capability

to this framework. An assessment of Home (as a social construct) in relation with the

socio-political, economic and spatial responses that Scarcity elicits also establishes

the Home-Scarcity relation more meaningfully.

This chapter begins with a brief discussion on scarcity. Scarcity is discussed as a

constructed circumstance rather than a real condition that have been apparent in the

works of different (levels of) authoritative regimes. This is followed by discussions

on how the scarce (binary) conditions have been used by the migrants for sustaining

their present tenure status in Khulna. The next section highlights a number of socio-

political-spatial mechanisms and their physical outcomes as found in Khulnas

migrant settlements. The following section argues that scarcity a constructed

condition under modernity, may also be seen culminating into an environment where

this imaginary condition finds an alternative expression and hence is compensated by

everyday acts of negotiation over territorial control mechanisms. It also proposes that

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the scarcity-control-negotiation framework may be used to comprehend the spatio-

physical transformation processes of these settlements during a period which to a

large extent embodies the modern. Finally, it is argued that the social construction of

home becomes meaningful only when its spatial thresholds and migrant peoples

many acts of negotiation are viewed in relation with the wider socio-political

circumstances (e.g. scarcity) associated with Khulnas migrant settlements. The last

section, which is also the last of this dissertation, underscores a few areas that I

believe would advance the present deliberations.

6.2 Three workings of scarcity

Scarcity, a condition opposed to abundance (having), and synonymous with a sense

of lacking provides a useful perspective on how binary co-existences are constructed

and reconstructed by various actors in the shaping of urban form. Scarcity can hence

be seen as a means to fulfilling political objectives (e.g. control) which the

authoritarian regimes construct through the creation of imbalance of systems or

through the uneven distribution of human and non-human resources. Under

modernity, scarcity is a constructed condition rather a mere period of dearth (Xenos

1989: Introduction). Scarce conditions are created through uneven distribution of

resources or by denying specific population groups or settlements from accessing

certain resources to serve eventually the interest of many prominent among which is

the interest of the market. The idea of scarcity then can be used to understand how in

a third world city, resource allocation (e.g. housing, land) and resource accessibility

are enabled through the systematic construction of binary opposites1. Material

manifestation of these binaries both at the levels of larger settlements and at the

dwelling units unveil these environments as physical sites of socio-political interplays

1. Similar can be found in Roy (2004)s discussion of the choreographed creation of urban
informality or Chatterjee (2004)s concept of the political society in the context of
Kolkata.

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between the ordinary migrant and authoritative actors both seeking legitimacy in

the context of scarcity.

Here it is argued that the idea of scarcity is found operating in three different ways in

migrants home-making process. First, scarcity is used as an authoritative construct in

socio-politics. A review of land-related administrative policies in Bangladesh reveals

how these have had grave consequences for its agrarian socio-spatial structure,

displacing populations, forming socio-spatial inequalities, and resulting in major

urban spatial transformations (this has been discussed in Chapter 4 and in Hakim and

Lim 2013). Second, scarcity is used as a validating tool by both migrants and

external elitist actors (e.g. political leaders, formal private sector, NGOs etc.). As the

authorities remain in control of the allocation of scarce resources (e.g. land and

housing services), the migrants tend to exploit the conditions of scarcity to negotiate

with authorities for space and infrastructure while legitimizing the role of the latter.

Third, the acute scarceness of space and resources are compensated by a range of

socio-spatial practices. Space-making by various negotiations of socio-spatial

boundaries (e.g. obscuring public-private delineation or adapting to domestic

practices for economic gain) have become customary in the particular reality of

Khulnas migrant settlements. These practices, as found, are all based on flexibility,

adjustments and manipulations of the available and the affordable, and in no way

conform to the standard or to the formal.

6.2.1 Scarcity as a constructed condition

Scarcity has essentially remained a constructed condition; this has been evident

during the tenure of all ruling regimes irrespective of them being foreign or domestic.

Manipulation of various forms of scarcity has been obvious for all modern ruling

regimes (and elitist actors during each of their tenures) starting from the early

colonization of Bengal. The ruling elite class ranging from the higher level central

213
governments down to that of the village Jotedar have often attempted to control this

section of the ordinary population to earn themselves legitimacy. So in the context of

this agrarian society, this comes as no surprise that it is the distribution of land and its

accessibility above all, which were systematically exploited to control populations

(and economy) in both rural and urban areas. This, for example, is what has been seen

in EICs profit-oriented manipulation of land policies that had immediately turned

thousands of peasants into landless sharecroppers on their own lands, and made them

alter their cropping/production pattern to benefit EICs trades. Similar was evident

during the British Raj, when, through some derogatory land use planning, divided

cities were purposely created while leaving the most of ordinary population outside

the sanitized zone. With an intension to conveying the supremacy of the ruling

class, this exclusion left this main mass of Khulnas population outside the

classification of a citizenry.

Narratives on the post-decolonization period also reveal of the ethno-geographical

discriminations between the Eastern and Western parts of the same idealist Muslim

state of Pakistan. Imbalances were again created and retained through the harnessing

of geo-demographic advantages of the East yet leaving it to suffer severely from an

inequitable distribution of resources. At the level of the city, modern mechanisms of

control, such as town planning was adapted, often at the cost of uprooting indigenous

populations to make way for the politically and economically fitting housing

schemes targeting particular population groups. Industrialization in this period, whose

success was designed and dependent on the availability of low cost migrant labour

was promoted by authorities without promoting the livelihoods needs (including

housing) of this working class. During SAP (market liberalization), unprecedented

urbanization took place owing primarily to SAPs impact on rural agriculture and

mass exodus from rural areas. Yet, neither governments nor other formal-sector

actors did provide any housing for these ex-peasants in the city. Again, the very

214
system that had created an initial imbalance by upsetting the rural agrarian socio-

economic structure has been found acting inconsistently in the city by not being able

to solve the problem of housing for the ordinary migrants.

These instances hence refer back to the etymological root of scarcity in the French

word escarsete, meaning insufficiency of supply (Bronfenbrenner 1962: 265). This

insufficiency of supply, one realizes, also forms the base-work for present day market

economy and drives our growth-oriented society. These also conform that scarcities

are eventually produced and upheld by capitalism as stimulants to consumption by

creating a rather false sense of need or desire. Examples particularly from post-

liberation period in Bangladesh justify this hypothesis. It is the restlessness of

capital that continually shifts to exploit new opportunities, and with this manipulates

scarcities (Till 2011: 4). Governments, as caretakers of modern-day nation-states

exist to play the arbiters role to establish a system of rules and manage the scarce

resources for its entire citizenry (Bronfenbrenner 1962: 265). Yet, the regulatory

frameworks from governments part (e.g. urban planning) aims to control and limit

activities without taking into account the interconnectivity of limits which, when

accumulated, tend to shut down opportunity (Till 2011: 8). In undivided Bengal and

in Bangladesh for example, there was surplus of land. But their distribution and

accessibility was highly selective and characterized by complex ownership and

control mechanisms. Scarcity thus manifested itself as a deliberate construction of

power and meaning. As analyzed, it can now be viewed more as an outcome of

political objectives by all the authoritarian regimes by creating imbalance of systems

or by unevenly distributing human and non-human resources.

In terms of modernity, and under modernity-consumerism dyad, scarcity hence

appears as a constructed condition rather a mere period of dearth (as in Xenos 1989:

Introduction). In case of Bengal, scarcity was created by denying specific groups of

215
people or settlements from accessing certain resources to serve the interest of the

market (e.g. trades by EIC). As far as the prior evidences under modern conditions

are concerned, scarcity did not occur naturally. Scarcity was often manifested as an

outcome of exclusion and unequal power relations in a society that legitimized

asymmetrical access to, and control over, finite and limited resources (here land).

6.2.2 Scarcity as a political tool for validation

In an agrarian context as in Bangladesh, it is only natural that scarcity of land would

ultimately be used as a political tool for people who seek to control the agrarian

masses, and thus retain power at their disposal (Harris 1989). In addition to its value

as a scarce natural resource, land is also an essential component of economic

production, a base-work for anchorage and home-making, and also an ever-shifting

physical entity constantly shaped by the deltaic river-system. Land therefore has

always been an elusive cultural component in rural Bangladeshi society, and has

continued to do so even in the present urban context. Despite very few permanent

migrants could actually manage a piece of land while settling down in Khulna,

getting access to the currently possessed land and housing in whatever temporary

form they may be, have been the outcomes of a constant persuasion process with, and

loyalty to certain influential individuals. These individuals, one way or another, have

remained very important for the migrants everyday livelihood activities (Hakim

2012). And when land/housing was meant to be delivered by government agencies, it

has always required the bargaining and the mediation of powerful actors a

political figure, a rich businessman, a government official, a religious institution or in

the recent days, a number of NGOs and UNDP-led projects. This is exactly what has

been found in the case of the migrant settlements (Chapter 5).

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6.2.2.1 The politics of in-between-ness

As a continuum to the prior moments of land scarcity and the eventual uprooting of

the rural peasant, possibility of post-migration land ownership for them in the city

became even more impracticable. Land scarcity has been the result of it being

curtailed and hoarded by the public agencies2 and the gentry to manipulate land price

for profit3. No loan is made available for the urban poor for land purchasing or house

building neither from government banks nor from NGOs. Although more than

16,000 NGOs have been operating in Bangladesh in sectors allied to housing4, the

immediate return from the involvement with socio economic issues of the slums

prompt these NGOs to set a low priority on housing issues. NGOs also look for a

safer return from their investments, which the landless migrant does not guarantee.

So, as early as in 1997, 97% of the Bangladeshi urban poor did not own any land, as

private developers were serving exclusively the upper and middle classes (WB 2007:

35). Government agencies like KDA has also acted like a private developer,

developing fringe lands for profit and selling them to middle and higher class buyers.

A review of nine completed housing projects (KDA 2007), shows that at least six

amongst these are currently the most expensive plots of land in Khulna. The

remaining three identified as for low income residential areas (KDA 2012), are in

fact 150m2 land-plots for the lower-middle income groups in Khulna not the lowest.

2. Public agencies continue to occupy large quantities of underutilized land (approximately

10% in Khulna City; Bangladesh Railways for example, owns 2km2 of unutilized land).
Similar is seen in Dhaka, where the real scarcity (of land) is compounded by an artificial
scarcity stemming primarily from the lack of utilization of public land within the city
(WB 2007: 38).
3. Bangladesh is amongst the most densely populated nation in the world (1125person/km 2)
(CIA 2012). Yet land-grabbing elites illegally hold 1.3million hectares of government-
owned khas land, ignoring the official maximum allowable slab (Islam 2010).
4. Rahman (2002: 435) informs of the NGOs working in Dhaka slums that apart from their
involvement in poverty reduction, education, health, family planning and gender issues,
their works in housing has remained limited to infrastructure and utility provisioning.
Recently, BRAC is putting in efforts to create a housing fund for assisting Dhakas
female industrial workers by building dormitories, and acting as intermediaries between
female tenants and private slum landlords (WB 2007: 46).

217
Land-plot distribution and dissemination of ongoing structural plans still privilege the

rich who indulge in speculative markets5.

The near-absence of formal agencies in public infrastructure provisioning is also

glaring; a failure to realize local socio-political-economic realities becomes evident in

Khulnas 1961 Master Plan. Whilst large portions of land were zoned for industry and

housing, the British planner ignored cultural tradition, affordability and the nature of

housing required for industrial workers. This left little choice for migrants except to

settle in areas between these industries, in violation of the Master Plan intentions

(Chaudhury undated: 5). None of the nationalized jute industries in Khulna were

designed to provide adequate accommodation for its migrant workers either; not even

during their prosperous years6. Studies on three oldest and largest nationalized jute

mills in Khulna show that housing was available only to less than 10% of the entire

jute mills workers (Shahed 2006: 31, 33, 35); of these 10% however, most relied on

their deshi manush or political connections (with labour leaders or petty leaders of

political parties) to gain access to housing (Hakim 2012). In the later industrial

developments like the private-sector shrimp industries that fuelled Khulnas economy

since 1990s, still no workers accommodation or housing subsidy was provided for.

Squatting on Khas land thus has continued to produce rhizomic growth within the

formal grid. Tenanted shelters of varying size and configurations adjacent to these

industries has become the only recourse for (re)making home. When government

officials were to be involved in the settlement process, bribing to maintain stay was

frequent (Settlements 4, 8, and 10). Even for those with formal recognition

(Settlements 3, 5, 6), political patronage is still required; local-level politicians, from

5. Ghafur (2010) similarly shows how Dhakas planning and development agency (RAJUK)
has formed a syndicate with land developers, politicians and the affluent higher middle
class.

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both ruling and opposition parties, are persistently lobbied by migrant-tenants. These

politicians assure the migrants by visiting settlements regularly and taking care of

their immediate needs (e.g. repair roads and construct public baths). Yet even in cases

where disputes about land ownership appear resoluble, the process is intentionally

lingered and delayed by the same politicians and influential personnel irrespective of

their political affiliation. As in settlement 6 - the government-provided low income

site and service project originally allotted to the homeless migrants of Khulna in mid

1970s, formalization of title has still been deliberately kept unresolved for almost four

decades now. It was only the Land Allotment Slip (Figure 6.1: left) that was issued

to migrants for 45m2 plots in 1977 instead of a formal title deed (or Dalil in

Bangla). Although entitled for such a Dalil by Government decree, the holders of

these land allotment slips (i.e. the actual owners) are still kept in a state of dilemma

with a tenure status that is at once formal and informal.

Figure 6.1: (Left) typical Land Allotment Slip for Vastuhara; (middle and right) brick-built
house with wooden floor and CI sheet roof.

This situation is further compounded by the contradictory acts of recognition by

various public sector organizations. While migrants without a Dalil continue remain

outside the tax roll of central governments land revenue office, Khulna City

Corporation (KCC), i.e. the Mayors office continue to put holding numbers on each

of these illegal dwelling units and collect holding tax from their owners. Lobbying

6. Between early- to mid-1970s, Jute export contributed around 80% to national export
revenue (Rahman and Khaled 2011: 2).

219
and political pressure from reigning Mayors7, Ward Councillors and party cadres on

other central government offices (e.g. postal, electricity and water supply services)

also ensures that these essential services are extended to these illegal settlements,

which would otherwise have not been possible8.

The creation of uncertainty though such quasi recognition of the migrant

populations, however, gives Mayor and Ward Councillors crucial political

imperatives. For them, partial legalization of Khulnas 1million population living in

its 5080 settlements9 would improve the latters confidence in them and ensure

obedience. Provisioning of land, although unsecured, still provides the essential

anchorage-element for home-making and augments migrants reliance on the political

machinery as the provider. Thus, as observed so far, the initial formation of 9 out of

the 10 settlements have occurred through the direct patronization of political actors

and their associates (e.g. businessmen or labour leaders). Migrant population in these

settlements residing even for 4 to 5 decades still rely heavily on these patrons for all

infrastructure/utility provisioning, and for potential formalization of land title (Hakim

2012). A systematic and dawdling disbursement of infrastructure through

strategically prolonged promises also help sustain these interests and obedience. In

Roy (2004: 154)s terms, this choreographed unevenness, deliberately devised and

maintained by the powerful actors lead to the curious construction of in-between-

ness in these settlements characterized by a number of neither-nor scenarios of

uncertainty. Both social and physical boundaries between legal and illegal, and

differentiations between formal and informal hence appear blurred and ambiguous

7. KCCs history suggests that each of its Mayors typically got elected from the same party
that formed the central government; thus central government organizations had to respond
to the Mayors and his party workers (including the ward councillors) political
persuasions even if they were illegitimate or extra-legal.
8. This is coined as the coupling of party and state, the combining of informal party tactics
of mobilization with the formal state apparatus of infrastructure provision (Roy 2004:
149).
9. 58.9% of Khulnas urban population currently live in these so called poor settlements
(CUS-UNDP-KCC 2011: ii).

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benefitting the political actors to control this large demography yearning for

legitimization of their present land-tenure.

The tale of the Allotment Slip also speaks of the various motives of the political

actors in nations like Bangladesh. The unresolved case of ownership therefore

sustains conditions that impart a sense of rootless-ness10 amongst the tenant migrants.

In a similar way, Ananya Roys seminal work on Kolkata in relation to its

Communist governments manipulation of informality suggest that party politics

there has been an everyday business which ran parallel to government works.

Panchayet in the villages and party cadres in the urban informal settlements have

often played an active brokerage role between the central power and grassroots

migrants in order to maintain a systematic political control of the latters spaces. To

further strengthen this control every detail of daily life from clogged toilets to

domestic disputes and infrastructure provisioning was taken care of by these

brokers. Threatened by similar moves by opposition parties, there was also a

persistent search for new territories of support (read voters) through a constant

recharging of patronage (Roy 2004: 149). The territorial flexibility11 as practiced

by the Communist government was facilitated by the absence of a Master Plan, a

detailed land record and the simplification of land bureaucracy (by the government

itself) to formulate any such plan or land record (Ibid: 154-156). In addition, as in

Bangladesh, a legal provision called vested property law was put in place in order to

facilitate the ruling regime to informally acquire and expropriate any land in the

name of public interest (Ibid: 158).

10. In Bangladeshi context, rootless-ness is defined by Ghafur (2006: 45) as loss of

identity, privacy, comfort and protection enjoyed at home by default.
11. Formation of numerous informal settlements on the city fringes, their eviction and
relocation, the illegal subdivision of peripheral agricultural land, their development using
the relocated informal population and their eventual selling off to large-scale private
sector projects (Opcit.).

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Such in-between-ness can also be found in another form that may be termed as the

politics with plinths and roofs. Plinths and roofs, as an axiom, here portrays a

symbolic category that has crucial spatio-physical implications for migrant

settlements and their rather slippery tenure status (e.g. settlements 1 and 7, Figure

4). Although not recognized on KDA maps as residential areas, these settlements

have physically expanded during the last six decades in a manner that many formal

townships and settlements of Khulna have not. Many buildings (some two-storied) in

these settlements were constructed using brick and other permanent materials, while

gentrification and property transfer remains part of everyday practice. Also, both

settlements have a long history of negotiation with elites. Settlement 1 with fish

merchants and shrimp factory owners, Christian Service Society (CSS) and KCC

Mayors and Ward Councillors from successive political regimes; settlement 7

initially with International Red Cross, and later with Stranded Pakistanis General

Repatriation Committee (SPGRC) and Ward Councillors and local MPs. Here,

migrants are allowed to do anything a normal owner is able to do: buy and sell

property, construct permanent building etc. Most urban infrastructure and utility

services are also available in both. Yet what makes their case interesting is the way

the permanent and temporary are made to work as a combination as migrants are not

allowed to construct permanent (concrete) roofs (Figure 3: middle and right).

Permanent roofs, as locally perceived, are culturally approved symbols of

permanence. So as roofless-ness is maintained to accentuate the condition of rootless-

ness, politics of in-between-ness makes its claim as an essential tool for authorities.

6.2.2.2 The politics of control

In many cases, the migrant dweller may compromise or give up portions of spatio-

territorial claim, for example, of his dwelling unit in order to strengthen households

privacy and social control at a higher level. In the context of severe deficiency of

space as in the (28X11) house in Figure 6.2 (left), a (6X6) verandah space has

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been given up for constructing a community bathroom cum water collection point

(circled). Although none of the inhabitants of settlement 7 are owners in usual

sense, yet giving up of a tenth of what is already scarce according to most definitions

of standard, is certainly indicative of a different set of life priorities for this owner.

In black and white, this addition ensured her family a better privacy and for her

adolescent daughter in particular who can now take her bath in the house without

having to go to the community bathroom. It also has saved the owner time that was

normally lost waiting in a water collection queue. However, the true intension of hers

is to be manifested in other gains. The female owner of this house, who is also a

cluster-leader for UNDP-run community improvement project (UPPRP) that operates

in settlement 7, was ready to make this apparently costly sacrifice on the ground that

this would eventually reinforce her social position. Although not willing to give in

initially, her ultimate compliance with the communitys decision for constructing this

service area within her home certainly has earned her added reputation in the eyes of

non-household actors such as community elders, neighbours (potential users of the

new bathing/water collection space) and other UPPRP project personnel.

This apparent sacrifice of valuable space, culminating in the construction of a very

small physical structure, therefore has had a much broader social implication. For this

owner, it legitimizes her position as a giving leader, and a competent woman for her

house premise has now become the centre-point of many everyday social activities.

For the community, this construction legitimizes communitys position as the key

decision-making body and re-affirms its authority over the control of socio-spatial

activities within the settlement. It also demonstrates the communitys strength to the

external actors (UPPRP officials, NGOs and local Ward Councillor) by

demonstrating its solidarity and preparedness for any sacrifice for communitys

betterment. The external actors, considering their individual intents, thus receive the

223
message that any intervention (positive or negative) from their part must satisfy a

complex and hierarchical decision-making process.

Figure 6.2: Compromised control: (left) part of house premise given up for community bath in
settlement 7; (right) previously vacant in-house space transformed into NGO-run pre-school
in settlement 1.

Such negotiated control in a different form may also be noticed in another dwelling-

level example (Figure 6.2 left). Here the Christian owner has allowed the Christian

Missionary-led NGO (CSS) to construct a pre-school in her house compound. Despite

being on a bigger plot of land compared with the previous case (50X22), running a

school (although very small in terms of space) certainly makes the owner to

compromise households privacy and loosen territorial control of the domestic space

to relax by sharing it with outsiders. Yet, the spiritual importance of the missionary in

the owners life, the economic gain that comes out from the small rent received, and

also the continuance of social relation with the NGO (for small loans, free healthcare

etc.) have all made this owner to decide rather strategically. It led her subscribing to

an alternative control mechanism by opening up household spatial boundaries for

public use. Unlike the previous case with a complex decision-making structure, only

224
two parties were involved here. But it is the greater socio-political gain that transpires

from the erection of a very small non-permanent structure (13X11 school-room) is

what hints of its commonality with the other case. In these settlements where people

are ever more anonymous than an average urban citizen, such territorial compromises

can only be seen as pieces of a persistent effort toward the formation of some sort of

identity. Any form of structure manifesting such negotiated control mechanisms, even

if they are made of bamboo and thatch, thus can be seen as landmarks that essentially

benefit identity formation for these poor migrants in the city.

6.2.2.3 The politics of infrastructure

With the aim to validate their present status and in order to become visible, migrants

engage in a politics of infrastructure as well. These can be identified particularly at

the settlement level in the realm of public. Irrespective of the hidden nature of all

these settlements, migrants put in efforts to legitimize their illegality by trying and

getting recognized by as many formal public- (such as utilities boards, postal service

etc.) and private-sector institutions (e.g. NGOs) as they can. Construction of physical

infrastructure hence becomes the most practiced means towards achieving senses of

anchorage and claim. Infrastructure of any size, quantity or quality, even if unfit or

less required, are all accommodated. Infrastructures, which are at once visible and

permanent investments from the part of official bodies, are believed to leave a formal

stamping on these otherwise informal and illegal spaces. All forms of exogenous

interventions, including NGO- or Donor-led infrastructure projects hence are

welcomed and enthusiastically pursued. NGOs having their own objectives (such as

Donor-defined so called Slum Upgrading Projects), also make use of this opportunity

and continue funding for schools and community buildings, communal and individual

baths and toilets, water distribution points, sewer drains and internal roads. Through

these interventions, different interests of both parties converge onto a single point a

project of mutual interest and mutual claim.

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Figure 6.3: Infrastructure politics (clockwise, from top left corner): electricity meter at
settlement 1; less used toilet structure at settlement 3; school, Madrasah and orphanage at
settlement 6; community building at settlement 4; Hindu Mandir in settlement 3.

Infrastructures with political implication may also be self-financed. In large

settlements as in settlement 6, secondary schools, Madrasah and Yatimkhana12 are

built, managed and promoted by the community itself where outsiders can also send

their children to (Figure 6.3). Likewise, in the Harijanpara Kali Mandir in settlement

3 self-financed by the Harijan community, where a Muslim woman from a distant

district is seen sitting before this Hindu temple (circled, Figure 6.3) waiting for a

spiritual healing session to begin. Although the Mandir primarily serves the ritual

purpose of the Harijan, outsiders even from other faiths are also invited to join. The

spiritual healing session that takes place every Tuesday afternoon on the temple

12. Arabic terms referring to a Muslim religious school and an orphanage respectively. These
are both religiously significant institutions. A Yatimkhana is a residential facility
(generally for orphan boys) that occurs simultaneously with an educational institute. It is
a particularly sensitive institution in any Muslim society since Prophet Muhammad (SM)
was himself an orphan, while he repeatedly stressed the importance of taking good care of
the orphans. Madrasahs and Yatimkhanas are very common in Bangladeshi villages and
towns; they are run by different forms (and sums) of donation from both wealthy and
poor, and from both landlord and tenant. Any acts that benefit the erection, management
and continuity of these institutions are widely perceived as acts of divinity.

226
premise and is conducted by the priest, is actually a more secular event that draws in

people from different faiths and from different areas of Khulna. The non-monetary

transactions and information flows between migrant communities and outside

societies by making use of the sites of both modern and traditional (religiously

sensitive) institutions and edifices again help earn a good name for the community.

Still unable to make any permanent claim on the land, migrant communitys

establishment of these apparently neutral public infrastructures then start to make

sense. One realizes how their many socio-financial investments in these

infrastructures are aimed to elevate their status to the level of any other mainstream

citizen and hence reinforce their claims for the volatile lands they are holding

presently. As widely held by tenant migrants, these interventions are also acts of

territorial compromise, which allow outsiders to penetrate and help them positively

transform their spatio-physical environment. In the naive eyes, these are simply

outside assistances, merely donations made to compensate for the lacks. Yet a critical

reading into this strategic loosening of territorial control shows it is also a means of

sanitizing these settlements present negative image of a Bastee or a Colony.

6.2.3 Scarcity or alternative materiality: density question revisited

In the hunter-gatherer society of the uneconomic man, human wants are limited and

few; people enjoy material abundance with lower standard of living by being free

from the market-creation of scarcity (Bronfenbrenner 1962: 266). Likewise,

Australian aborigines prosper on what is considered insufficient in modern

definitions. Although their access to material, edible and instrumental resources is

limited, it still allows them to open up to an astonishingly abundant set of mythical

and human horizons. Scarcity only makes sense in relation to the context (physical,

material or conceptual) which it is part of (Till 2011: 1). Taking account of this

context-dependent character of scarcity and basing on the premise that migrants

wants, as in pre-modern societies, are limited without options, and conditioned by

227
manufactured scarcities, the apparently slum-like migrant spaces then can also be

viewed as alternative ideal environments (Ghafur 2010: 12). Characterized by

mobility, resilience and adaptiveness, these spaces suggest of underlying synthetic

processes where social and spatial boundaries are inscribed, erased (and) identities

are formed, expressed and transformed (Dovey 2012: 353). Here I emphasize

primarily on one of his slow variables i.e. density, which he believes, could

potentially push the system accorss a threshold into a new regime or identity (Ibid:

355). Based mainly on Amos Rapoport (1975)s Redefinition of Density, the idea of

density as a complex formation of alternative socio-spatial practices and principles

is analyzed in the context of Khulnas migrant settlements.

Simple quantitative derivative of population density however does not reveal the

limits to density the threshold beyond which density begins to feel like crowding.

Density is thus a perceived experience and should be seen as more than the

number of people per unit area. To understand how the apparently crowded slums

continue to work just fine as effective living environments for the migrants, one

must understand how individuals respond to other members under specific

conditions, previous experiences, and social organization (Rapoport 1975: 134). The

core components that construct both the idea of crowding and density hence is the

awareness about others. This awareness is formed using all the senses, and a

consciousness based on direct interaction or spatio-physical mechanisms about the

sharing of spaces and facilities, as well as cultural and physical defences which help

control this awareness about others (Ibid: 135). So to understand how migrant

population go about others, there is a need to understand the context of Khulnas

migrant settlements in comparative numerical terms of density.

Desired densities can vary significantly across cultures and between places within the

same culture or setting. The gross population density of New York is

228
32persons/hectare; in Manhattan it is 215persons/hectare (UN-HABITAT 2013: 34),

while in Lower East side 11th Ward it is 4680 persons/hectare (Demographia 2013).

In Hong Kongs public sector neighbourhoods, population density may count as high

as 4000 persons/hectare (Wong 2010: 323). In the studied settlements, population

density came out very high, and significantly similar to local and international

standards. In settlements 1, 3, 4 and 6 (larger ones) the net density counts

approximately at 3140, 1380, 1550 and 1260 persons/hectare respectively13 (Hakim

2012). Similar numbers also emerge from mega-city settlements such as in Dhakas

private informal settlements (3400persons/hectare; KDA 2002a: 61); Mumbais

Dharavi and Karachis Nawalane (3000 and 3400 persons/hectare respectively; see

Hasan 2010a: 267-268).

Comparing New York with Hong Kong or Karachi hence is risky. As 215

persons/hectare works very well for Manhattan, a gross density of up to 3500

persons/hectare still provides good housing environments14 with low- to mid-rise

buildings in Mumbais Dharavi or Karachis Orangi Project (Hasan 2010a: 268).

Numbers, as inconsistent as above also substantiate Rapoport (1975: 149)s claim that

high, medium, and lower density can only be evaluated in terms of particular socio-

culturally and spatially implicit norms and the way they are perceived by the

insiders. Notwithstanding the many lacks15 associated with Khulnas migrant

13. Khulnas planning documents project an overall density for its old core areas at 286
persons/hectare for year 2010 (KDA 2002a: 15), and 500persons/hectare for year 2020
(KDA 2002b: 54). A recent study (CUS-UNDP-KCC 2011: 36), however, concludes that
the overall density in many migrant settlements located in and around the core area have
already reached those levels if not exceeded. In the wards 22, 21, 1 and 9 in which
settlements 1, 3, 4 and 6 are located respectively, the net population density already
recorded are: 513, 134, 55 and 178persons/hectare.
14. Density is one aspect what the idea of the city is all about; the contemporary reappraisal
of compact city discourse also highlights this. On a similar note, David Satterthwaite
(2003: 34) writes, worlds current 3 billion urban population would fit into an area of
200,000 km2, at densities similar to those of high class, much valued inner city residential
areas of European cities.
15. Theoretically, these settlements lack legal status of ownership (as squatter); lack ideal
physical qualities (e.g. space, durability, water, sanitation and other infrastructure

229
settlements, following threads of alternative socio-spatial principles demonstrate

how the idea of density might have a different meaning there.

6.2.3.1 Benefit from crowding

In the studied settlements, potential behavioural unpredictability associated with

close-by living with heterogeneous population groups has been overcome by a sense

of solidarity realized through a shared common fate. One mans household-level

(personal) issues are viewed as a problem for the overall commune and dealt with, in

many cases, at the community level. Because resources are limited, and choices are

crippled by a lack of alternatives, only a sustained relation ensures synergy and hence

ensures access to those resources as if they are meant for all (e.g. usage of the street

space without conflict). Problem solutions are eventually quiet and negotiated,

although might be loud and contested initially. Illicit issues, such as drug trades (in

settlement 1) and human-trafficking (from settlement 3) are not commonly disclosed

to outsiders. It is not because it might lead to personal danger, but it is because

discussing might earn a bad name for the community at large and would potentially

endanger any future claim for legitimacy. Problems are hence retained within the

settlement, and efforts are given to resolve them by the help of community elites

mostly. Long years of socio-cultural exchange (e.g. inter-marriage between regional

groups) and introduction of new settlers through regional or personal networks ensure

predictable socio-spatial behaviour (that Somerville 1997 calls mutual familiarity;

p. 236), reduce the elements of uncertainty. This eases the need for constant

communication and hence the need for maintaining greater physical distance. This

explains Rapoport (1975: 143)s assertion that a need for constant communication is

reduced when there are fixed and recognized relationships, agreed-upon rules,

appropriate cues, symbols and markers, and also defences. The prevailing form of

necessary for a comfortable human habitation as in a slum), and/or lack formal control
over planning, design and construction (as informal settlement) (Dovey 2012: 351).

230
social organization in these settlements also elaborates Altman (1975: 80)s

hypothesis that positive relationships between people are associated with closer

interpersonal distances while people located at close distances (tend to) have good

interpersonal relationships. The more favourable the social relations are, closer is the

distance between people (Ibid: 36).

Heterogeneity, which is said to increase unpredictable behaviour, reduce redundancy

and lead to inappropriate actions (Rapoport 1975: 140), is also used rather

constructively in the context of these settlements. In fact, the overall resilience of

these settlements depends to a large extent, on how the presence of culturally

heterogeneous elements16 are politically used to retain an amicable social relation that

serve a number of purposes including the support for vulnerable tenure situation. It is

true for both illegal settlements (e.g. 1, 3, or 9) and legal settlements (4, 6), where

migrants regional identity is used to liaise and coalesce with the political (and

seldom bureaucratic) personnel having the same regional identity. For example, as in

the mid-rise slums of settlement 9, two representatives from each building are

selected who would negotiate and bargain with the Mayor in times of crisis. Although

these representatives belong to the Mayors party, their regional origin is what

matters above all. For having the same regional origin that of the Mayor, these

representatives bargain and negotiate with assurance, with trust and also with an

additional sense of bonding going even beyond the partys interest. This socio-

political mechanism, however, is generic. As regime changes and a different Mayor

from a different party takes office, new representatives replace the earlier. The

migrant inhabitants, beyond their political prejudice, would now extend their

unconditional support to these new key personnel. The presence of heterogeneous

population groups in each of these apparently crowded settlements and their

16. For example, diversity according to a particular regional dialect and geographic location,
or according to religious affiliations.

231
involvement in an unrelenting political process therefore ensure financial support by

Mayors office (through KCC and NGOs) for example, for carrying out renovation

works (Figure 6.4).

Figure 6.4: (Left) settlement 10, Peoples Panchtala mid-rise squatter Building 1
undergoing renovation works overseen by building representatives belonging to Mayors
party and of his same regional origin; circled is a signboard by the ruling regime (Mayor)s
supporters claiming this building as a memorial club; (Right) another ex-office building is
claimed by the same supporters, to be used as another clubhouse.

6.2.3.2 Obscured boundaries

Perception of density and its evaluation depends on both desired and actual level of

interaction between people and their socio-spatial environment hence the way

socio-spatial boundaries are defined and maintained by the inhabitants of the

settlement concerned (Rapoport 1975: 142). Typically, migrant settlements are high-

density agglomerations where conditions are often exacerbated by intricate physical

conditions such as minimum greenery and maximum man-made features, lack of

public space and shortage of land for non-residential use, more forms than spaces etc.

Both individually and collectively, all these add up and lead to a negative

construction of density (Ibid: 138-140). Yet, an underlying mechanism of synthesis

has been intently devised and gradually converted into practice. To overcome the

constraints of fixed private-public, communal and state boundaries, the definition and

implications of density statistics appear insignificant when social and spatial

boundaries are made to work flexibly, permeably, sometimes ambiguously and by

even serving dual purposes. Through these means nevertheless, forms, spaces and

associated social exchanges find alternative usage and meaning.

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Figure 6.5: (Left) shared functional space leading to social exchange between landlord and her
tenants in settlement 5; (Middle) territorial encroachment of public street during dry winter
seasons; (Right) spiritual corner (with deity) in bed room space in settlement 3.

Here, as in settlement 3, a room for rest and retreat equally performs as a place for

spiritual fulfilment; a public street temporally becomes a living, child-rearing, or

seasonally, a cooking space (Figure 6.5: middle and right). Church or Mosque

premises continue to serve as childrens play area or other domestic purposes in

settlement 3 and 5 respectively; while within the privately owned migrant-house in

settlement 5, the conventional landlord-tenant distinction becomes as blurred. It is

also here a solitary space for social exchange and domestic cohort is created between

the landlord and his/her tenants, and remains negotiated (Figure 6.5: left). This

substantiates a prior proposition that in small-scale housing markets, resident owners

relationship with tenants remain personal and is enforced by social exchange. Small

owners as such are also able to achieve greater social efficiency at a lower cost and

are benefitted socially and economically (Peattie 1994: 140-141).

6.2.3.3 Spatial compromises

The urban dwelling unit of the rural migrant is often used as a space for retail and

production. Indeed, practices of using the entire household premise as a space for

economic production is only natural in the context of a predominantly agrarian

233
Bangladeshi society17 (Hakim 2010). In the rural context, household space also has its

multiple uses (e.g. sleeping room also used for storage). Due to the agrarian nature of

production, open spaces are often required around which house forms are arranged

(Ali 2005; Hakim and Ahmed 2007). In the presence of homestead income-

generating sources, renting or other commercial/production-oriented use of space is

not felt as well. In the context of the urban house, however, similar practices cannot

be expected because of the non-agrarian nature of livelihoods, and also considering

the space scarcity compared to rural households. Yet driven by the need to

supplement livelihoods, the unregulated dwelling spaces are often used for income

generation (as in Peattie 1994: 136). And quite evidently, the domestic realm the

only spatial resource available at the personal level is often allowed to be permeated

to incite economic return. In addition to income generation through the engagement

of household members (mostly women), various associations are established and

alliances are maintained with the actors (e.g. NGOs, local businessmen) whom the

migrants deem important. This allows both parties to gain materially and socially as

the following paragraph illustrates.

In settlement 1 for example, works, particularly related to backward linkages of

nearby export-oriented industries (e.g. fish scaling, carton making) are done within

the confines of ones house (Figure 6.6). These works benefit both; the industrialist

elite benefits from saving factory space, supply and utility cost, and most of all

crucial labour hours, while the migrant worker benefits from a flexible time

schedule (particularly for women members in a family), minimum travel cost and

easier marketability. Also through these primarily economic transactions, a

symbiotic social relation with the industrial-elite is also established. These

17. Although a typology exists (Ali 2005: 253), a typical rural homestead includes open land,
multiple dwelling units shared amongst members of the extended family, orchards and
vegetable gardens, cowsheds and poultry house, and at least a pond (Ahmed 2006: 10-
11).

234
arrangements provide the migrants considerable leverage in retaining their occupancy

of settlement territories and leading to a more intense and vibrant mix of activities.

The elite support thus remains crucial especially to neutralize eviction threats or

during times when some financial assistance is required (e.g. donation for the medical

treatment of an ailing member of community, during marriage or funeral etc.).

Figure 6.6: (left to right) NGO signboard describing the nature of their involvement in
settlement 5; house interior transformed into workspace for producing export-oriented
commodities (Saree at settlement 6, and shrimp at settlement 1).

On the other hand, NGO intervention in built environment is also noteworthy. They

prompt for trading of domestic privacy for migrants economic (and also their own)

gains (e.g. Saree making, as in settlement 6). Similar is found at the settlement level.

Space, although scarce, is often sacrificed for accommodating community level

infrastructure upgradation by NGOs. This is an opportunity that both would take with

relative ease. Again a sense of synergy underlies these transactions in anticipation of

continuing social gains. For the migrant, NGOs remain the only government they

have ever known; NGOs, although not loved always, are still considered as the key

providers of livelihood issues including education, healthcare, sanitation,

infrastructure and instant credit. So things initially seen as the negative components

of density i.e. enhanced activities, movements and information flows, and also the

domestic encroachments, are not in fact crowding per se. The same conditions of

round-the-clock activities (as in settlements 1 and 10), which are feared would

worsen the perception of density (Rapoport 1975: 139) becomes the most important

factor behind households financial gain, womens empowerment and economic

235
security, settlements reputation and hence a bargaining tool for safeguarding it, and

also a key driver for economic growth of the city.

The situated practices of privacy in Khulnas migrant settlements are of socio-spatial

compromises and negotiations; a crude example of this may be the frequent

occurrence of bathing and cooking in public space. According to Dovey (2012: 358),

such fluidity of form, practices and meaning essentially suggest of slippages. Yet in

this predominantly Muslim society, the notion of privacy is clearly defined with

implications for a gendered distinction of space18. This was stressed by both male and

female members of Muslim migrant households. Hindu (settlement 3) and Christian

(settlement 1) migrants have also expressed the need for similar level of privacy

revealing that privacy is culturally desired rather defined solely by religion. So when

slippages as above occur, scarcity of space is naturally held responsible. But a deeper

look also reveals that once such slippages have become customary through decades of

residence within the familiar context19, they cannot be viewed as consequences of

scarcity merely. Instead, these slippages may also be seen as deliberate acts of socio-

spatial compromise made by migrant populations to establish territorial claims over

neighbourhood level spaces for conducting particular private activities. The usage

of spatio-behavioural means hence helps retain a desired level of privacy within the

limits of scarcity. Familiarity with rules of spatial encounter patterns (e.g. particular

male and female time-slots for using community baths), and knowing and respecting

each others boundaries (e.g. street-level cooking stall in Figure 6.5: middle) actually

allow these people to maintain privacy within the realm of the public.

18. Considering migrants rural origin, a review of rural house forms and spaces further
substantiate that a variety of spatio-physical mechanisms, including zoning and
sequencing of open, semi-open and enclosed spaces, use of barriers (vegetation and
screen), and time-zoning are all traditionally used for ensuring a desired level of privacy
(Ahmed 2007: 12; Muktadir and Hasan 1985: 82, 84).
19. Positive outcome of a desired level of density is related to familiar patterns of interaction
between migrant dwellers and other actors who use that public space equally. Privacy is
seen as the ability to control unwanted interactions (Rapoport 1975: 140).

236
On the other hand, the feeling of crowdedness also depends on the types of income

generation activities that are performed in these settlements and in relation to their

location within a particular settlement. Since both types of home-based income-

generating activities (renting and producing) require space, both contribute to the

perception of crowdedness equally at the household level and the public level of these

already crowded settlements. This can be observed in the subdivision of a house

into multiple rentable rooms, leading to the feeling of crowdedness at the dwelling

level. This can also be found in the extension of dwelling-level income generating

activities on the public level or in the public level encroachment for income

generation. This feeling of crowdedness however becomes tolerable as a number of

synergistic social, political and economic benefits are yielded from home-based

works and enterprises; this has already been elaborated in Chapter 5.

6.2.3.4 Becoming brick-by-brick

Micro-accumulation and harnessing of social and human capitals to the fullest

epitomize the resource accumulation mechanism for migrants; rather paying for a

house in instalments, it is more like building a house in instalments (Peattie 1994:

136) involving a process of inhabitation20. Rather than housing that put common

people into disadvantage as seen during recent economic downturn in the US, this

mode of self-reinstatement actually suits the economic circumstances of someone like

the migrant. A lack of housing finance21 has also been a good thing after all; with

their irregular income, committing to fixed monthly payments would have actually

imperilled the possibility of a house at all (similar has been stressed by Peattie 1994:

136). In Khulna settlements, it is only the people with some form of regular income

(shop-owners, contracted labourers etc.) who actually seem to do well to renew their

20. This process based on customary practices and everyday activities by the agents, contrasts
the static and program-based modern building practices (Habraken 1998: 134-135).

237
loans by being able to pay back instalments in time. Illegal occupancy also implies

immediate home-making for the migrant in his preferred locations. As a result they

have to spend less for housing. Whereas global average spending for accommodation

is around 40%-50% of monthly income, the squatter-owners tend to spend only 10-

15% for maintaining the otherwise non-permanent buildings. This is how the illegal

tenant could save on rent and could use that savings for upgrading their settlements22.

6.2.3.5 Redundancy and micro-adaptability

Redundancy is defined as the capacity of a system to perform in diverse (alternative)

ways to adopt to change by moving forms, functions and flows around, while its parts

performing different functions (Dovey 2012: 356). The migrant settlements and

particularly the dwelling units can be viewed as redundant forms, which are flexible

enough to cope with the changing conditions. In response to space and monetary

lacks, micro-adaptability of spatial elements help form to operate redundantly by

producing alternative choices right at the very site where form is faced with

constraints. In addition to the examples of density, transformation of form, space and

usage to cope with changing needs can be traced here (Figure 6.7). In settlement 6,

multiple examples can be found where government-provided 15X30 plots of land

under a site and services scheme have been transformed to cope with a myriad of

situations. Growing family needs or economic decisions led to stitching of adjacent

plots as an extended family house, as rentable units, as a school or even as a small-

scale food industry (Figure 6.7: top). Similarly in S1H1, its 32-year long

morphological history reveals its redundant character; Figure 6.7 (bottom) shows how

in response to successive socio-spatial challenges that include top-down

21. Though small loans for house building (equivalent to US$100-150) can now be taken
from NGOs and UPPRP cooperatives, NGOs still do not officially admit that they provide
loans for house building; yet again, both parties benefit by being informal.
22. Although not adequate, UNDP-led settlement improvement projects operating in
Khulnas migrant settlements (LPUPAP) could still make the migrant communities to

238
interventions, the house-form has morphed and thus has been able to withstand those

challenges. The process of transformation, which might look expensive initially, has

also been benefitted by the usage of locally available non-permanent (replaceable and

affordable in nature) materials.

Redundancy also

manifests in the

entrepreneur-like

opportunist responses

during moments of

crises. In the events of

incidents, migrants

seem to take advantage

of the situation by

adapting swiftly and

claiming even more

than that has been lost.

Following hazards,
Figure 6.7: (Top-left) two adjacent formal plots of land
natural calamities or stitched together to form a single plot in settlement 6; (top-right)
house accommodates community school in settlement 6;
eviction drives, large- (bottom) floating dwelling unit first transforms into shop-front
house after landfill in settlement 1 (P2); when widening of road
takes shop away and house front becomes the back of new
scale protests and
roadside shop, previous shop-space becomes rentable rooms
while house-form extends vertically (P3).
lobbying take place.

Particularly in larger

settlements (e.g. 1 and 6), these movements are to be dealt with by Mayor, Ward

Councillor or opposition leaders with utmost care. Although these movements seldom

bring about material compensations, yet they create other prospects. Example of a fire

save more than 100,000USD between 2000 to 2007 by saving 0.5USD per month by a
single cooperative group of 10-12 people (UNDP 2007: 7).

239
hazard in 2004, which burnt down a significant portion of settlement 1, shows how

this incident was used as an excuse to build back permanent houses. Using this rather

relevant cause that permanent houses are less prone to fire, and subsequently

negotiating with the local Ward Councillor, a number of both burnt and un-burnt

Katcha houses were quickly rebuilt into brick buildings. Thus the power of

collectivism was demonstrated while tenure claims got reinforced by using the hazard

as a bargaining tool for permanent construction.

6.2.3.6 Less is more

As homelessness has become pervasive even in the most developed of nations,

activism about micro houses in Tokyo or small house movement in the US

(Ferraro 2009) demonstrates the reinvigorated belief in the essentials under

contemporary global downturn in economy. People have started questioning the

limits of so called standards of living and aiming to redefine them using newer real-

life standards23. People remain engaged in search for certain qualities in certain places

where they are not expected to be found. Proponents of the concept of sustainability

are asking to do more with less and revert to the Miesian axiom of less is more in a

conceptual level. Spatial-tactics are often being considered better than actually

building while doing things have become a question of degrees with the right dose

(Bouman 2006: 115). Migrant forms and spaces, looked at through this lens are more

about maximizing potentials of the existing forms and spaces rather creating new

forms which are more resource consuming. Indeed, one might view this less building

more managing of the existing mode of transformation as slum romanticism and

criticize this bypassing the real problem of slum formation. Yet, given the space

constraints and other challenges, many of which are constructed, these are lived

forms and spaces that came out of decades-long bottom up efforts and practices. For a

240
large number of these permanent migrants, the rhizomic development of their

dwelling units have given them a sense of accomplishment which certainly has

followed an upwardly direction over the years. This has been done by harnessing the

on-hand spatio-physical resource potentials (e.g. maximize usage of house-interior,

house-form, house-front road space etc.) to their fullest.

Figure 6.8: (Left) spatial management - less by newer permanent constructions but more by
accommodating needs; effective performance of house-form even having formal and
functional incongruence (between upper and lower floors) and unplanned additions (pigeon
housing, elevated vegetable garden etc. (settlement 6). (Right) street accommodating all
additional purpose - clothe drying, playing, moving about, enjoying the winter morning sun
and rearing livestock (settlement 1).

Among these settlements, for example, at dwelling-neighbourhood intersections, each

apparently insignificant spatial element is deemed valuable. There is practically no

space not even a small niche, which goes without a use. Space also remains flexible

in the sense that it readily accommodates alternative usage should demands change.

This can be seen in how a small vegetable garden is developed on top of a pigeon-

cage (upper floor), behind which a temporary poultry-shed is erected (Figure 6.8:

left). However, what now is the garden and the poultry-shed were originally

conceived as the first floor verandah and a future extension space of sleeping room

respectively. Currently, however, the owner has a different idea. Now, he is

23. Saha (2011) reports of an architect-activist (who is also a University lecturer) who, with
an aim to finding out how to live only on essentials, has been living in one of Dhakas

241
considering a modification of the front part of the upper floor into a small rentable

unit. Since street-facing upper units are typically lucrative amongst rent-seekers, he

expects to receive higher monetary return as it would be required in the coming days.

In addition, the Mosque loudspeaker for Azan (call for prayer) has also found its place

on this private house facade for it is the tallest building around. It shows that the

core characteristic of this small house-form is used for social service (and for

strengthening social relations) as well. There is a similar trend of multiple usage in

the streets of Khulna (Figure 6.8: right), where the same narrow space is optimized

for a number of everyday activities while still serving its original purpose. So

harnessing the spatial potentials of a meagre 30X30 house-form, or of a 5 wide

public street hence point out to the maximization of the less at hand. Alongside this

maximization process of the less, however, various socio-spatial negotiations are

made (see how the bicycle is making its way through!) while a much greater sum of

socio-economic gains are acquired.

6.2.4 Scarcity during modernity: the urbanism of negotiations

And so if scarcity is a product, then there is space for all of us to consider

ourselves as part of that production and do something about it
(Henri Lefebvre quoted in Till 2011: 10).

There indeed is social, cultural and spatial room for manoeuvre; and as both real

and constructed scarcities are worked out through the negotiation of spatial claims

and hence in the quiet interplay between the elite and the subaltern, low income

settlement forms continue to evolve. Opportunist tactics from all actors in response to

waves of scarcities also influence form-making. The politics of in-between-ness is

therefore mediated by politics of infrastructure at the level of communities, and by

the manipulation of density structure at the level of the migrant dweller. The

perceived deficiencies and densities, at least what is presumed from outside, turns out

largest slums for about four years now.

242
to be something not in need of external fix. Successful migrants socio-spatial

mechanisms have particular and proven ways of fixing things, which also enhance

solidarity. For a sustained stay, strategic construction of a social-network with elites24

thus seems inventive, where settlement configurations to a certain extent are allowed

to be controlled by individual elites or by a combination of them. The personal

interactions with the elite thus may be viewed as a usual episode in agrarian

Bangladeshi society. Even under modern democratic condition as of today, identical

hierarchical class-structure is still to be found in rural Bangladesh. Elites there still

play an active brokerage role between villagers and wider institutions (Lewis and

Hossain 2008: 48-49). So in the prevailing urban context, this may be viewed as a

revival of traditional social structure in response to the modern (post-agrarian)

episodes of land/housing scarcity in the city25. But either way, this present-day

occurrence of an elite regime that in many ways resembles the pre-colonial

hierarchical (land)-ruling class26 demonstrates that Khulnas is a highly stratified

social structure, and for someone ordinary like the migrants, compliance to these elite

is a time-tested tactic for overcoming material inadequacies.

Therefore, as the Khulna Master Plan of 2002 proves to be highly theoretical, it

becomes subject to the manipulation of successive Mayors and Ward Councillors,

influential actors (e.g. fishing businessmen), and migrant community groups (such as

CDC groups in UPPRP projects) on a day to day basis; this also determines the

ultimate configuration of the settlements. Social networks (e.g. kinship, regional and

political) also play a key role behind the shaping of these settlements as the way they

grow. The various negotiations that are made between different actors on these

networks hence determine the eventual spatio-physical outcome. The notion of

24. Murubbi (community elder), Neta (political leader), NGO in-charge, Mayor and Ward
Councillor, religious institutions namely Masjid, Church or Mandir committees.
25. This is pointed out in Raharjo (2010)s review of Traditional and modern in Chapter 2.

243
scarcity thus becomes dependent on who has the power to make decision on land and

other scarce resources and how that is negotiated. Scarcity thus manifests as a

relational concept, deeply rooted in local perceptions about what and how resources

are valued, and whether rendered scarce or not. In the Bangladeshi context, this then

drives different actors to assume different roles while each of them looking to retain

control of the land-related resources in particular.

Similarly at the household level, migrant populations make use of the strategies same

as those by the rural landless population by making innovative use of kinship and

other ideologies (to) legitimating reciprocity and mutual aid to re-establish

themselves rent-free on the land of others (Indra and Norman 1997: 26). With

cultural approval, such practices remain rooted in the vernacular customs27. These can

be viewed as creative acts manifested in the way people make use of their social

world ingeniously, and play with control-mechanisms through acts of compromise,

negotiation and occasional resistance in times of need. For the migrant, this cultural

scheme of using the social in combination and often inseparably with the spatial

compensates for his/her spatio-economic shortcomings. Particularly in a transitioning

society, where the dynamics between scarcity and opportunity is complex and

unrelenting, conditions of not having enough appears only as another stage in

transition a mere period of not having. As long as the periods such as those under

modern conditions would occur, they would most likely be dealt with creativity of

some sort, using elements of the built environment (land, buildings, infrastructure

etc.) as its key instruments.

26. Zamindar, Jotedar or Mathbar, or the socio-political superiority of late-colonial English-

educated higher middle class Bhadrolok (Nahiduzzaman 2003: 50).
27. Extended entitlements (Dreze and Sen 1989: 11) is a socio-economic concept; it shows
how members of a poor family use the socially sanctioned rights through a range informal
social relations (rather than formal legal rights of ownership), which becomes the primary
means of accessing food, health care and other necessary household commodities.
Entitlements refers to the set of alternative commodity bundles that a person may
command, using the totality of (possible) rights and opportunities that the person gets
(Southerton 2011: 1248).

244
Nevertheless, these events of reciprocity are nothing new. The discussions hitherto

also substantiate the two hypotheses that in a non-market society, people still tend to

satisfy their wants using alternative logics that incorporate reciprocity, redistribution

and exchange (Bronfenbrenner 1962: 265). People also cooperate with each other in

times of adversity to avoid high transaction costs associated with their failure to

comply (Southerton 2011: 1247). Castells and Portes (1989: 26) similarly noted that

(informalities are) flexible, ad-hoc form of economic activity that, while reviving

old methods of primitive exploitation, also provides room for personal interaction.

The small-scale and face-to-face features of these activities make living through crisis

a more manageable experience than waiting in line for relief from impersonal

bureaucracies. Under the constructed conditions of scarcity during todays modern

third world context, these revival of old methods, and cooperation hence can be

likened with the ongoing reciprocal relation between the elite and the ordinary

migrant. In addition, terms such as flexibility and alternative logic emerge as

expressions in response to a particular context, which in Khulna, are the spatio-

physical compromises that migrants make in response to the manifold scarce

conditions produced by modernity.

Ananya Roy (2011: 223) wrote that the theorization of the megacity and its

subaltern spaces and subaltern classes provides accounts of the slum as a terrain of

habitation, livelihood, self-organization and politics. In the present reign of

modernity therefore, a study that combines historic events of constructed scarcities

ranging from top-down to grass-root levels, their socio-political implications as

manifested in the many moments of negotiation, and their spatial consequences hence

hint of a framework to grasp urban transformation in cities like Khulna. The roles of

different actors inform about their agency28 in this framework.

28. Agency is the capability, the power, to be the source and originator of acts; agents are
the subjects of action, deployed in debates over the relationship between individuals and

245
6.3 Home and scarcity

Most literatures on home as reviewed in Chapter 2 can be criticized for being

acontextual; they suffer from not being able to delineate any clear indicators to

explain ordinary migrants home-making in an ordinary third world city. Works are

also limited which examine home in relation to wider socio-political-economic

conditions that historically prevails in a particular society as in the concept of

land/resource scarcity in modern Bangladesh context. How then the concept of

home culminates in the idea of scarcity in the particular context of Khulna? How does

this pair of concepts help comprehend each other? Referring back to the conceptual

model and the indicators for measuring territorial practices in Chapter 2 (Figure 2.3),

some key themes have been identified in Chapter 5 (Table 5.2). Indeed, these themes

have been used in other spatial analyses (e.g. under the rhetoric of politics) in this

Chapter. This section, however, rather briefly aims to establish a more direct

correlation between conditions of scarcity and spatial practices for boundary control

as the key variables of home. It demonstrates that the notions of both real and

constructed scarcity manifested in the many lacks, and also in the legal-illegal

dilemma or in the formal-informal impasse affect the way in which people go about

their everyday spatial acts; scarcity also affects the way they claim and control their

personal space and public territories, get familiar with it, and become able to identify

themselves both as an individual and also as a group within the urban context.

6.3.1 Everyday negotiation

At the higher-level of migrants urban home, i.e. at the level of settlements, the notion

of ownership remains the most important component for home-making. As seen, the

policy-process necessary for obtaining any sense of ownership, i.e. upgradation from

illegal/informal to legal/formal, however, have intentionally been kept complicated

social structure...(and) pertain...to the nature of individual consciousness, its ability to

constitute and reconstitute itself, and...the extent of its freedom from exterior

246
and prolonged. This can be viewed as one form of scarcity a neither-nor

condition, which is curable, yet constructed by national-level politicians and

persistently maintained by their local level party officio (e.g. Mayor, Ward

Councillors, party cadres etc.) and government bureaucracies (e.g. Planning machine

such as KDA). Although migrants living in different illegal settlements (as in

Settlement 1, 3 or 4) have continued to convey their preparedness for paying off any

sort of fees or instalments for acquiring a formal ownership, little has changed over

the years. The same politicians (e.g. rule-makers such as MPs) who could have solved

the problem by implementing favourable bylaws for settling the ownership issue for

the hundreds of thousands of these slum-living migrant dwellers, rather prefers

leaving options open for an on-site negotiation of issues chief amongst which is the

issue of land ownership. Although it has been observed that with a more settled

state of ownership, migrant inhabitants tend to show a greater sense of belonging to

their dwelling environments and hence to the overall physical environment it is part

of, the process of acquiring a more formal ownership in most settlement has remained

subject to everyday negotiations with both political and bureaucratic machinery.

Indeed, this leaves a certain amount of power to the disposal of this apparently

ordinary and powerless group of citizens as the migrants are. This day to day

encounter imparts them with certain know-how about how the government and its

political-bureaucratic machinery works, who hold the decision-making positions, and

how things are done even if informally.

This process, through which one acquires and maintains the ownership outside the

formal mechanisms as in Western societies has been largely unspoken of in

Somerville (1997)s theory of home. On the other hand, although Rapoport (1995:

45) views home as a manifestation of sets of relationships between people and system

of settings, setting nevertheless does not necessarily comprehend a man-made

determination (Rapport and Overing 2003: 1).

247
condition that scarcity instills. Yet at large, scarcity as a socio-political creation of

modern times appears to be a successful concept that aids the authorities to control

ordinary migrants tenure and ownership situations, hence home-making in the larger

of the illegal/informal migrant settlements. Scarcity thus promotes and upholds

informality, and it is the informal and unsettled status of home that serves best the

purposes of scarcity in the particular setting of Khulnas migrant settlements. Since

informality persistently seeks to become formal and thus scarcity prevails, this

negotiated form of relationship continues to remain an unrelenting process that

underlies all home-making efforts by the migrant.

6.3.2 Compromised boundary

Similar neither-nor status of ownership may also manifest in migrants many acts

culminating into the politics of in-between-ness and the politics of infrastructure

as discussed earlier in this chapter. Although these two have their influence on

migrants home-making, it is the politics of control and its associated spatial

compromises and negotiations that actually translate into the way people satisfy their

everyday privacy needs and gain socio-economically at the level of migrant

dwellings. In addition, the constructed conditions of scarcity that base on a vulnerable

tenure status hence also hinder growth. The small size of plots and restriction on

building construction (e.g. height, construction of roof etc.) also restrict individuals to

grow socio-economically. This actual scarcity of space that originates from the

constructed condition of scarcity (of ownership) hence leads to an even more

constraining situation for this particular group of ex-rural people. Primarily due to

cultural reasons29, these migrants who used to depend heavily on their home premise

29. Traditionally rural homesteads in agrarian Bangladesh used to provide essential

livelihood means and used to serve economic production (Ahmed 2006; Hakim and
Ahmed 2007; Hakim 2010) required for every households sustenance. This somehow
resonates Stea (1995: 194-196)s example of urban Mexico where the newly urban
population were lacking the necessary coping mechanisms to adjust to the modern ways
of life once they were suddenly exposed to it.

248
for fulfilling their livelihood- and privacy-needs, now find themselves severely

constrained by the lack of space and material resources. This is exactly where the

various spatial boundaries are redefined by people in their everyday territorial acts

while newer (and often multiple) meanings become associated with spaces and forms

found in these settlements. Not only are various spatial negotiations made within the

house interior spaces as privacy is profoundly compromised30, secondary (public)

territories (e.g. neighbourhood streets and alleyways) are often used in ways as in

primary territories. What could be easily considered as acts of territorial

encroachment or invasion in typical middle-class neighbourhoods thus only appears

as simple every-day acts of negotiation over the public spaces in the realm of these

settlements. This sharing of public space for personal use, yet retaining a strong

mutual respect for each others use lead to a situation in which individual gain

becomes possible only when there is a simultaneous collective gain. A collective

control of a house-front alleyway, for instance, certainly ensures that every individual

living adjacent to that alleyway would also be able to claim a certain territory from it

during certain times in a day or night. Such maximization of public space usage is

essential in terms of both household and livelihood needs since available house-space

for satisfying both these purposes is always going to be inadequate for most

inhabitants.

In terms of home-making, these findings remain significant. First, the slippery31

nature (and meaning) associated with privacy practices substantiates Somerville

(1997: 234)s initial claim that the extent of being private is variable. It equally

conforms to Altman (1975: 18)s suggestion that the definition of privacy implies

selective control, where privacy (practices) assume different forms in response to

different circumstances over certain periods of time. In that, however, findings from

30. Although a strong urge for an orthodox level of privacy is stressed by migrants across
different regional origin and with different religious orientation.

249
Khulnas migrant settlements impart the essential context, i.e. the idea of scarcity that

occurs from the migrants lack of ownership of their dwelling environments to

the initial concept of privacy practices (hence home-making) as in Somervilles and

Altmans rather acontextual and universal frameworks. Second, politics of control

and its associated spatial negotiations produce interesting architectural patterns of

displacement (Heynen and Loeckx 1994). In terms of post-displacement

consequence under modern (globalized) conditions, new use of public as private,

juxtaposition of forms, habits and conventions in host environment, re-

codification of signs and creation of a closed system become immediately evident

of the migrants spatial practices. One finds ambivalent meanings associated with

the architectural forms and spaces of migrant dwelling units and settlements, where

Bricolage (e.g. rural forms in the city) and Hybridity (Cairns 2003) often become

manifest. Dwelling units and settlements are used commonly as a stage, where they

become spaces and forms for mediation and negotiation while leading to the

formation of new social relations (Heynen and Loeckx 1994).

6.3.3 Re-construction of Samaj

The situated conditions of scarcity prioritize collectivism over individualism. So in

terms of identity formation, which is one of the three main pillars of Somerville

(1997)s home framework, migrant population identify themselves not as

individuals but as constituent parts of a certain group residing in a certain location 32.

Shaped by the prevailing conditions of scarcity, home-making for individual migrants

therefore gains essential socio-economic-political impetus as part of a collective

31. Slippage of meaning has been used by Cairns (2003).

32. If any individual, for example, from Settlement 1 (Rupsha Char Bastee) is asked about
his/her identity and whereabouts, he/she would immediately recognize him/herself as
Char er lok and say Char e thaki meaning he/she is one who is part of the Char
community and that is where he/she resides. When needed, this self-recognition with a
10,000 strong population group provides him/her with an immediate socio-political
benefit compared to any other mainstream citizen albeit the formers stay at that
government-owned land is illegal according to official terms.

250
process, which would otherwise have not been possible through the migrants solitary

effort. Different territorial acts also come coupled with added social gains, which

subsequently go on to produce conditions that help home-making. What at first

appears as acts of encroachment (e.g. street vending or footpath-shops) due mainly to

a lack of business space, eventually end up being proven as sources of constant social

surveillance and security for the whole community. Such sense of security, Rapoport

(1995: 30) writes, helps acquire psychological and social meanings, which turns these

spaces into homes by establishing particular relationships between people and these

particular settings. Such findings further advance Somerville (1997: 235)s

hypothesis that Identity of a human being as an autonomous individual is bound up

with his membership of a body of citizens who all own property according to the

same set of rules and laws. Once again, the scarce condition pertaining to ownership,

i.e. the particular unresolved and negotiated state of tenure and an actual lack of space

are what lead migrants to adopt this particular collective manipulation of a number

of territorial thresholds for their identity formation. It is also through this adoption to

specific space-making traits that a sense of security is established, communities are

formed and eventually home is made in an ever evolving and relative form (Heynen

and Loeckx 1994).

Scarcity of space thus contributes to the particular way in which a new Samaj (sense

of identity as part of a community) is being re-created amongst the typically super-

dense migrant settlements. As contextual notions such as becoming a Bariwala (as

in Section 5.3.2.1) aspires migrants to own a house in the city, it is the migrants

many manipulations and compromises with the spatial boundaries of home that

culminates incrementally to an eventual (in all possibility informal/illegal) ownership

of a dwelling unit. With time, more partitions are made or a whole new floor may be

added to create new rooms for familial use or for income generation. This is how

settlement density keeps increasing while in many such cases, this increased density

251
keeps contributing in a positive manner by giving rise to everyday socio-spatial

encounters amongst heterogeneous population groups in their sharing of the same

public space. A common ownership over public space by the concerned community

thus converge the communitys interest on to a single issue. On the other hand, the

sets of spatio-physical constraints, such as unresolved ownership status of land,

building restrictions and lack of material/financial means to carry out newer

construction lead to the assumption of alternative spatio-physical practices (e.g.

incrementality, adaptability, sharing of common functions etc.) at dwelling-

neighbourhood levels of migrant settlements. These acts of collective

territorialization that span across a certain period of time again create a sense of

belonging and attachment to the environment that migrants create with their own

efforts and using their own resources. Familiarity, the third pillar of Somerville

(1997)s home framework thus is attained by maintaining (both individual and

collective) identity through continuity and stability of experience (Ibid: 235).

Although it is said that success in creating such domestic familiarity requires

economic resources and legal possession rights to support and manage a household

(Ibid: 236), in Khulnas migrant settlements, the scarcity of both economic resources

and possession rights to land are compensated by collective use of space and

resources and collective socio-political negotiations respectively33. All these conform

to Ghafur (2004: 268)s assertion that in Bangladeshi context, the concept of home in

the traditional sense becomes meaningful only when it is viewed as an integral part of

the Samaj. The various conditions of scarcity hence also influence the re-creation of

Samaj as found in the studied settlements in Khulna, and hence aids home-making by

providing the latter a desired grounding.

In addition, examples of various spatio-physical compromises such as the politics of

control demonstrate that if scopes for physical growth is constrained, there is still

33. These have been discussed elaborately in Chapter 5 and earlier sections of this chapter.

252
room for economic and social gain by making adjustments to the existing spatial

boundaries of home. On the other hand, the politics of infrastructure or the

development of a social interface at the settlement-outside world boundary reveal

that room for socio-economic gain also exists on the higher level of settlements even

if social and spatial scarcity prevails. All these socio-spatial acts however attempt to

ground the migrant Samaj into the larger Samaj outside the settlement (i.e. urban

mainstream socio-economic-political context). Migrant populations, through these

acts, hence aim to identify themselves as part of the mainstream citizenry.

6.3.4 The Home-Scarcity framework

The discussion on urbanism of negotiations in Section 6.2.4 also helps understand

the association between home-making and scarcity further. Thus the situated

territorial practices as in Chapter 5 can be viewed as socio-spatial negotiations that

came out as a response to

particular scarce conditions

prevailing in Khulnas migrant

settlements. Figure 6.9 shows

how the situated conditions of

scarcity potentially deserve a

place in the initial conceptual

framework from Chapter 2.

The inclusion of Scarcity,

which affects the various

territorial practices and

mechanisms, and hence the

way spatial boundaries are

controlled (and allowed Figure 6.9: The home-scarcity framework.

253
externals to control) by the migrants at the many different levels of their settlements,

influence the latters privacy practices. And it is the desire for privacy that according

to prior definitions is the primary goal of all spatial control mechanisms. In view of

this, it is only through such control over ones spatial environment, identity is formed

for anonymous migrants and their home is made.

6.4 Conclusion

In Khulna, migrants home-making and the associated socio-spatial processes prior

to migration, during migration and following migration may all be viewed as

responses to the many real and constructed conditions of scarcity in a context

characterized by the different challenges posed by modernity. Particularly in their

post-migration phase in Khulna, evident lacks and deficiencies such as lack of

resources, lack of legality (e.g. illegal status of tenure) or lack of formal recognition

(e.g. informal economic activities and building) thus have been worked out by the

migrants to remake themselves a home. The socio-spatial negotiations for controlling

territorial boundaries therefore come only as a realistic outcome to many constructed

conditions of land/housing/resource shortages. These conditions made various actors

to assume different paths of negotiation and compromises. The discussion on

mechanisms against this particular backdrop hence imparts a deeper understanding

of home-making in Khulna settlements over the ones with no context or in different

contexts.

On the other hand, for a better understanding of the concept of scarcity (e.g.

particularly the way land shortage is defined/maintained by Governments and other

authorities particularly during post-WWII decades), examples from Khulna

settlements show that issues pertaining to land scarcity can alternatively be resolved

by particular social mechanisms that the social construction of home framework

helps identify. For example, without understanding how in response to spatial

254
scarcity, the issues of household privacy are compromised and compensated with

greater social gains, the concept of scarcity also sounds vague and acontextual. The

socially focused home framework in this case certainly helps since the generalized

description of scarcity tells least about what exactly scarcity means, who creates it,

who it affects most, and who benefits from this state of scarcity (Southerton 2011:

1249). These descriptions that occur from the discussions on home also tell about

how such scarcities are mediated and neutralized using the premise of home and with

what socio-spatial outcome. These findings also resonate with Jeremy Till (2011: 5)

claim that a scarcity of stuff may not necessarily be dealt with the provision of

more stuff because stuff is neutral and hence is made to work in the ways the

actors want them to work. The lack of food or hunger, he says, is not best provided by

food aid only. Doing that should essentially overlook the real causes such as

inequitable distribution, poverty and other inequalities. In the field of the built

environment, Jeremy Till criticizes, that scarcity is mostly associated with stuff and

the reaction is limited to material and technical fixes, rather than understanding

stuff in its social context (Ibid: 7). Similarly, the concept of scarcity, only after

being reviewed against a particular context as Khulna is, demonstrates how room for

bargain is left open by the powerful elites, while the same room for bargain is

used by the grassroots migrant for a sustained stay, and hence make home in the city.

The pairing of the concept of scarcity with the concept of home therefore aids a

further understanding of this social setting under a particular context. It shows how

the scarcities of space at both household and community levels are compensated by

accepted re-definitions of, and culturally approved negotiations and compromises

with territorial boundaries. Physical spaces and forms here are routinely allowed to

transform at various levels of home by complex social mechanisms involving the

migrants and other often elitist actors in and out of the settlements. Spatial (and

physical) is made to work inseparably with the social. A lack of stuff (space and

255
space-making resources) is often dealt not with form but rather through a process

where neutral form is viewed equally as a tool, a stage and an outcome of the

process. Scarcity and home thus complement each other both socially and spatially

and make sense of the context where home is being made. Buchli (2002: 210-211)

commented on Soviet society that Home is the sphere of the daily life and the arena in

which fundamental restructuring of Soviet society were materialized. Clinging to this

same note, while drawing contextual examples it can be argued that Scarcity, both

actual and constructed, remains a negotiable concept. The premise of migrants home

in Khulna at its many different levels remains the exclusive arena where socio-spatial

strategies for boundary control symbolize the acts of negotiation that migrants have

been using for dealing with the historical conditions of Scarcity.

6.5 Scopes for further work

As developed and proposed by this research, a further testing of the hypotheses (and

the framework) may also be carried out in other third world contexts to check their

validity against these particular socio-spatial settings. It is believed, there are also

other key areas where further contributions can be made considering them as

continuation of this research. These areas are highlighted below.

- This framework can be tested in the context of other Bangladeshi cities

and may be in the context of other developing nations. The idea would be

to observe how the different land prices may possibly affect the type of

social relations and its spatio-physical outcomes as observed in Khulna.

Cities where land price is much higher than Khulna, for example in

Dhaka, a negative effect of land price on social relations and forms of

such migrant settlements is expected. Probably this is why both eviction

threats and rates in Dhaka are much higher than in Khulna. This is also

probably for the same reason, even within the studied settlements in

256
 Khulna, settlement 1 (Rupsha Char) faces the most eviction threats. For

being located on a potentially prime location for new shrimp industries

or expanding the existing ones, this settlement territory remains the most

contested amongst all those studied. City size and hence land price is

thus expected to influence the type of social relation and hence to the

spatio-territorial practices. Similar correlations may be tested in Khulna

context with regard to settlement scale and practiced types of

negotiations (considering the number of voters, and hence received

political attention).

- Studies similar to this present research have the scope to focus more on

the issues of migrancy in relation to architecture, and hence contribute to

the less tested architectural frameworks/conceptual models such as

Architectural pattern of displacement by Heynen and Loeckx (1994) or

Drifting by Stephen Cairns (2003). Focusing on ordinary migrant

spaces and forms and finding out their implication on these rather

theoretical premises would certainly provide ample insight and

knowledge toward a better understanding of our present world

characterized by various forms of mobilities.

- As in mainstream studies carried out in middle- or higher-class

neighbourhoods and using concepts such as New Urbanism, studies can

be dedicated to understand the density (and height) structure of these

low-income settlements. A social threshold test can be conducted to

understand the optimal level of perceived density (threshold between

density and crowding) even amongst the present accepted level of super-

density. In a world whose major share of housing future lies in similar

257
 low-income settlement systems, socio-demographic indicators generated

though such studies should help all sorts of planning activities.

- Purely qualitative studies as this present research must be complemented

with more quantitative studies, for example, using city-level mapping

and modelling of all low-income settlements (e.g. GIS). These statistical

studies should certainly complement the qualitative findings by

providing additional quantitative data and settlement-level growth

models for a much better understanding/grounding of the threads and

themes that have already been outlined. Additional in-depth drawings

(similar to those prepared and used already in this research) can be

prepared and used for facilitating more generalized

statements/hypotheses.

- There may be other forms of rural-urban migration that are now on the

increase particularly in cities like Khulna (such as Circular or Seasonal

Migration, or temporary Climate Refugees). Socio-spatial implications of

these emerging forms of migration (with different economic status) and

the possible patterns of negotiations involved may also be an interesting

prospect for further research. In addition, there are numerous

unaccounted cases of middle-class and higher-middle class rural-urban

migration that are taking place in cities like Khulna. Their socio-

economic implications on urban spatio-physical environment may also

be another useful topic for further research.

- A research focusing on the concept of Social Network Analysis can be

carried out to investigate their implication on the production of migrant

spaces.

258
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274
 Appendix

1. Table1: The evolution of urban and rural population, the world and major
regions, 1950-2050; source UN (2008: 7)

2. Form 1 (overleaf): Questionnaire for household survey; pilot survey phase 1

(2011)

275
Negotiation and Form of Urban Migrant Homes
Questionnaire for household survey, Khulna, Bangladesh
Research team no.____; Interviewers________________________________

This questionnaire is part of an academic work, which aims at gaining comprehensive

understanding of the livelihoods of families who migrated to Khulna city from
_______________________________________________ and are now living at
______________. The interviewer assures that the respondent will be kept anonymous, and
the results will be used solely for the purposes of this academic research. Thank you for your
cooperation.

Basic information Description

Date of interview
Duration From To
Name of respondent
Sex of respondent (M/F) Male Female
Village address of origin
Duration of stay in Khulna till date
Religious affiliation
Present address

A. What are the spatio-physical transformations that have taken place at the level of
low-income migrant dwellings (and settlements) in Khulna during ISI and SAP
respectively?
- Referring back to the possible roles played by elitist agencies, transformations to the
dwelling units (and settlements) will be graphically illustrated in terms of: Ownership of
land and dwelling units (type of ownership, history); Use of space (indoor and outdoor
alteration and control); Building mass (addition and subtraction, and control); System of
threshold and boundary (physical); Construction technique and material (permanent,
semi-permanent or non-permanent); and Services, infrastructure and utilities
(provisioning and delivery)

B. How this spatio-physical transformation of the dwelling/settlement may have been

influenced by changes to the socio-political relation between the tenant-migrant and
the elite (including the landowner) throughout ISI and SAP?
Changes in social relation in accordance with spatio-physical transformation will be
measured in terms of: Type of elitist agency affecting change (politician local and
national, NGO/CBO, public sector personnel); Type of interaction (compromising or
conflicting); Nature of interaction (mutually benefitting and/or exploitative); Type of
negotiation (Master-servant or Patron-client); and Communitys decision-making
(structure, hierarchy of leadership)

Tenure - right to hold property (land and/or house)

Nature of Tenure
1. What are the different land-tenure types which this migrant household held during its
stay in Khulna?
Tenure Types of Land

Type of agency
1
involved
Decision-
2
making level
Nature of
interaction
3
(contribution &
pay-back)
4 Type of

276
 Influence
Timeline

2. What were the reasons behind choosing different types of tenure during different phases?
N
Reasons
1 Financial Gains
Closer to
2
Workplace
Change of
3
occupation
Presence of Kin
4
(friend, relative)
Benefit of living
5
close to an Elite
6 Forced Eviction
Voluntary
7
Relocation
Timeline

3. Which persons and/or organizations provide for and/or maintain infrastructure and utility
issues?
N Indicators Infrastructure (road, drainage etc.) Utilities (water, electricity etc.)
1 Type of Agency
Decision-
2
Making Level
Nature of
Interaction
3
(contribution &
pay-back)
Type of
4
Influence
Timeline

4. What sorts of public service/utility bills are paid regularly?

Water (W); electricity (E); telephone (T); garbage collection/sewerage (G)
Services & utilities
whose bills are paid
regularly (use codes)
Agencies to whom
bills are addressed
Timeline

5. Is it needed for you to pay any property or holding tax or any other tax? What sorts are
paid? To whom?
Codes: land tax (H); building tax (B); informal tax (e.g. bribe - B)
Taxes (use codes)
Agencies to whom
bills are addressed or
taxes given to
Timeline

6. Any memorable event of resentment and/or conflict regarding tenure of land/house?

Please use recording device to record conversation

Tenure History
7. In which phase of industrialization a land title or a sense of ownership was acquired? Any
special help needed while transitioning from non-permanent to present status of tenure?
What is the form of return by the migrants in response to this help from the elite with
regard to tenure-disputes or tenure-settlements?
Codes: purchased ownership (P); lease (L); other informal arrangement (I)
Timeline
Form of permanent
ownership
Agency involved in
helping transition
Form of return

277
8. Is there any religious bylaw in practice (e.g. Muslim) that influence tenure?
Descriptions/indicators
Detail of bylaw
Religious Agencies
concerned (individuals,
NGO, institutions etc.)
Timeline 1 2 3

Sense of Ownership
Control
9. Social relation with which powerful class helped retain tenure status of land and building?
Q.1
10. Is there any particular community decision-making body that affects building or other
physical construction and transformation? What sort of role does it play?
Names & details of Community decision-making body affecting
construction
N
Members of
body
Roles/Functions
Protects interest of members
1
(e.g. against KDA, NHA etc.)
Lobbies and negotiates for
2
infrastructure upgrade or repair
Manages funds for community-
3
level construction or modification
4 Approves outdoor space usage
5 Approves new construction
6 Approves in-house modification
7 Approves outdoor modification
Takes decisions on non-
8
residence buildings
Arbitrates disputes regarding
9
property (land or house)
10 Facilitates household entrepreneurship

11. Who are the five most important persons and organizations within and outside the
settlement? Describe the situation during which their helps/assistances/influences are
required most?
Timeline Persons & Organizations within settlement Persons & Organizations outside settlement

12. Who does the community (leader) resort to when disputes cannot be settled internally?
Elitist agency
Central Local NGO Dono Formal Informal Local Urban Religious Communi
Govt. Govt. r private sector private sector Politician Affluent Institutions ty leader
(CG) (LG) (D) (FP) (I-P) (P) (A) (R) (CL)

Personalization
13. What is the tenure (and ownership) status of present permanent building(s) and other
construction(s)?
N Indicators Put tick mark ()
1 Owned (by purchase)
2 Co-owned (by purchase)
3 Rented
4 Squatted (arrangements made)
5 Squatted (no arrangement)

14. Whose approval is needed (within/outside settlement) for outdoor space/building

usage/alterations? Does house modifications require out-house authorization? Q.10
15. What is the average amount of money spent on housing annually (i.e. house rent,
maintenance expenses, utility bills, services, taxes etc.)? What percentage it represents
when compared against the total income? Q.19

278
 N Indicators Paid to Yearly expenditure in BDT1
1 House rent
2 Maintenance expenditure
3 Utility bills
4 Service bills
5 Property taxes
6 Informal fees, bribes, gifts
Other
Total

16. Who gives labour for upgrading or maintaining the house?

N Indicators Put tick mark ()
1 Self (family members)
2 Members of the extended family
3 Community members and neighbours
4 Hired professionals
5 Government or other formal agencies
6 NGO and/or Donor
Other

17. What non-monetary resources (material or non-material) are used for house construction
and maintenance?
N Indicators Put tick mark ()
1 Collected (& used) building materials
2 Donated building materials
3 Materials purchased in credit
4 Friends & family labour for construction
5 NGOs or others technical advice
6 Creditor (Elite)s advices
Other

Access to Resources
Access to Income
18. What are the sources of income for the household at the present time?
N Sources Contribution by Amount in BDT
1 Wages/salaries
2 Own business
3 Pension
4 Social assistance/donation
5 Casual/part-time work
6 Day-labour
Contribution from other
7
members (esp. wife)
8 Contribution from children
9 Remittances
10 Income from rent
11 Raised poultry/livestock
11 Urban agriculture
Supplements from rural
12
household/land
Other
Total

19. Who are the elitist agencies that contributed to income generation and resource
accumulation in the past?
N Indicators Elitist agency influencing income generation during different timelines
Type of Agency
1
involved
Decision-
2
Making Level
Nature of
3 Interaction
(assistance)
Type of
4 Interaction
(assistance)
Timeline

1. Bangladesh Taka; Conversion rate 1 USD = 75 BDT as in September 2011

279
20. Do households receive any kind of donation that helps their basic housing needs (e.g.
purchasing of or accessing to land, house, utilities, infrastructure etc.)?
Elitist agency
Central Local NGO Dono Formal Informal Local Urban Religious Communi
Govt. Govt. r private sector private sector Politician Affluent Institutions ty leader
(CG) (LG) (D) (FP) (I-P) (P) (A) (R) (CL)

Access to Credit
21. In which situation one has to borrow? Which amongst the elitist agencies you borrow
regularly? In which (material and intangible) forms fiscal borrowings are paid back?
Which amongst the agencies provide formal fiscal borrowing (that requires written
documentations)? Which of agencies offer informal borrowing (no documentation
needed)? Can building materials be purchased in credit?
N Indicators Situations, lending Elitist agency and forms of pay-back
Situations/
1 sectors of
borrowing
Type of Formal
2 Agency
Informal
involved
Decision-Making
3
Level
Nature of
4 Interaction
(lending)
Type of Interaction
5
(lending)
Forms of Pay-
6
back
Timeline

22. Does religion play any particular role to facilitate access to credit?
Indicators Roles of religion
Purposes for borrowing
Lending Religious
Agencies (individuals,
NGO, institutions etc.), &
their name/titles

Healthcare & Education

23. How is hospital admission managed during an emergency? How are monthly medical
expenses paid for? How are childrens educational expenses (e.g. examination fees) paid
for? What role religion (and religious institutions) plays to facilitate healthcare and
education?
N Indicators Situations and assisting Elitist agency
Situations/
1
sectors of assistance
Type of Agency
2
involved
Decision-Making
3
Ebene
Nature of
Interaction
4
(assistance & pay-
back story)
5 Type of Interaction
Timeline

Boundary & Threshold

Boundary and Threshold: Dwelling Level (drawings, maps or diagrams to complement each
answer)

24. How the notion of private is manifested at the house-settlement interface? What sort of
household (domestic) activities are performed outside the household and at the level of
the streets and in similar public spaces? PHOTO

280
 Private activities as performed at the level of public
Bathing Cooking Resting or Meeting Holding Children Cottage Parking Dispute
or sleeping guest family playing industry resolution
Toilets events

25. Is there any functional and/or spatial relation between any elite houses/properties and
migrants dwelling?
N Functional/Spatial relation
1 Sharing of common function (e.g. toilet, bathroom, kitchen etc.) with adjacent elite households
2 Borrowing of item (e.g. food, money etc.) from adjacent elite household
3 Usage of elite (or landlords) space for own purpose (e.g. agriculture or poultry)
4 Proximity to elite benefitting income generation
5 Proximity to elite providing other social benefit (e.g. sense of security etc.)

26. What functional and/or physical transformation of the house affects street fabric?
N Functional/physical transformation of house that affects street fabric
1 Change of building material (e.g. permanent construction)
2 Change in construction technique (e.g. traditional to modern)
3 Modified layout
4 Addition of income generating functions (e.g. roadside shops, small/cottage industries etc.)
Addition of non-income generating functions (e.g. extension or additional use of existing building and
5
spaces)

27. What social functions occur at the physical interface of houses and larger settlements?
DRAWING
Social function at the physical interface
Meeting and gathering through the Usage and sharing of common Personal usage for household
usage of public functions (e.g. shops) public space (e.g. street or open reasons
space for water collection)

Boundary and Threshold: Settlement Level

28. What is the geographic location of the concerned settlement at the level of Khulna map?
MAP
29. What are the functional properties (of land use) of this present settlement? What are the
functional properties surrounding this settlement? DRAWING, MAP & PHOTO
Types of land use Within settlement Surrounding
N
() settlement ()
1 Informal residential
2 Formal residential
3 Mixed use (residential cum income generating activities)
4 Informal trade and commerce
5 Formal sector industry
6 Formal sector business and commerce
7 Agriculture
8 Rural-urban fringe
9 Derelict land/property (private-owned)
10 Derelict land/property (government-owned)
11 Rivers or natural waterways
Other

30. What social function occurs at the physical interface of the settlement and the city
outside? DRAWING, MAP & PHOTO
Social function at the physical interface
Meeting and gathering Shared common public space Barren Income generating Patronizing
(e.g. shops, markets) (e.g. street or location for water walls activities of migrant- elites
collection) residents domicile

Spatial Layout and Usage: Personalization (through alteration and transformation)

31. What are the indoor usages of space beside regular living functions? In which ways the
physical house (and its spaces) benefit income generation? DRAWING & PHOTO
N Other use of space Put tick mark ()
1 Cottage industry and handicrafts
2 Selling of commodities/Shops
3 Commercial storage
4 Communitys informal usage (gathering, meeting, mourning etc.)

281
 5 Communitys formal usage (school, clinic etc.)
6 Religious gatherings

32. Who are the consumers and other beneficiaries of the (social and/or material) products
produced in the house?
N Consumers & beneficiaries Timeline ()
1 Ordinary local-level residents
2 Local elitist residents
3 City-level consumers
4 National-level consumers
5 International consumers
Timeline

33. What social and/or economic circumstances led to this certain other usage (and alteration)
of domestic space?
N Circumstances Timeline ()
1 Sudden fall of income level
2 Loss of job or occupation
3 Add to present income
4 Enlargement of family (marriage)
5 Uplift social status/image
6 External influence (e.g. NGO)
Timeline

34. Which space of the house has been subject to alteration? DRAWING & PHOTO
Spaces of house subject to alteration
Verandah Living Sleeping Eating & Kitchen Outdoor/courtyard Roof Toilet

35. What sort of alteration has taken place? When were these various alterations carried out
(do these changes signify or coincide with any particular phase of rise or decline of the
industries)? Was there a facilitator required or involved in each phase of alteration? In
what particular situation his/her/its involvement was required? What was his/her/its
particular form of contribution? What form of relation migrant retain with the
contributing individual and/or organization? DRAWING & PHOTO
N Indicators Situations and assisting Elitist agency
Forms of alteration
1
and/or modification
Type of Agency
2
involved
Decision-Making
3
Level
Nature of
Interaction
4
(take note of
situation)
5 Type of Interaction
Timeline

36. What is the proportion of alteration compared to total area prior to each addition?
DRAWING
Percentage of alteration
Extent of alteration in sq. feet

Built Form: Personalization (through alteration and transformation)

37. What are the various phases of construction evident in the built form of the house? Which
portion of the house form has been subject to construction and alteration? What are the
evidences of personalization at the different levels (plinth, wall and roof) of house form?
DRAWING & PHOTO
Indicators Describe or put tick mark () as needed
Portion of house form subject
Plinth Wall Roof
to alteration
Evidence of personalization
Type of elites contribution
Type of Agency involved
Decision-Making Level

282
 Nature of Interaction
(take note of situation/event)
Type of Interaction
Timeline

38. What particular functional, social or cultural needs the different add-ons signify?
DRAWING & PHOTO
39. How do the alterations (e.g. change of functional usage, addition of rentable units,
enhanced density etc.) affect the built fabric of the larger settlement the house is part of?
DRAWING & PHOTO

Services & Utilities: Provision, Accessibility, Delivery (FGD)

40. In which areas of settlement water taps, public toilets and baths are located? DRAWING
& PHOTO
41. Who takes decisions on the locations of these public functions?
N Indicators Situations and concerned elitist agency
Decision-making on
1
locations
Type of agency
2
involved
Decision-making
3
Ebene
Nature of
interaction
4 (take note of elites
contribution & pay-
back situation)
5 Type of interaction
Timeline

42. What is the provision of water? Who constructs and maintains the sewage drain? Who
pays for the toilet and bathroom maintenance? Who collects garbage?
N Indicators Situations and concerned elitist agency
Decision-making on
1
public services
Type of agency
2
involved
Decision-making
3
Level
Nature of
interaction
4 (take note of elites
contribution & pay-
back situation)
5 Type of interaction
Timeline

43. Who constructs/maintains the road adjacent to property?

Gendered Space and Influences

44. In which household spaces the female spends their time in a day? DRAWING &
PHOTO
45. What are the spaces outside the house that the female visits in a typical day? DRAWING
& PHOTO
46. How do these affect spatial & formal transformation of houses & settlements? DRAWING
& PHOTO

3. Form 2 (overleaf): Household data collection framework; field-work phase 2

(2012)

283
Sub-question 1: On form and space
a. Who uses which part of the physical units of home for what purpose, and
under what condition?

Variables What functional How do the What are the How does What are
preferences values and more significant dwelling the
explain the ideals of a changeable function contextual
space-making good elements correlate the definitions
practices and the environment compared to the functions of of space
resulting layout manifest in the core elements? other higher categories
of rooms & layout?* What explains level units? that signify
spaces? What specific the changed How do they property
qualities are against the influence each ownership
mostly valued? unchanging? other? & control?
Levels Indicators
Rooms & Use of space: Notion of Partitioning & Sites with Ghar-Bari-
partitioned - Front-back ownership segmentation everyday Basha
space - Specialized- significance:
multiple-dual Spatial Economic - Income Bariwala
House - Sacred-profane organization of production producing
- Clean-dirty functional - Service & Gram-
Street- - Served-service needs Building utility Shohor
settlement - Plan-non plan material & provisioning
Formal structure - Religiously
Priority expression significant
functions Absorption - Educational &
Privacy other
Important practices Conventions & institutional
possessions style - Supplies
Group - Recreational
Latent needs membership Built form in
horizontal &
Formal- Environmental vertical
functional preferences:
incongruence -Climate
-Lighting

Construction
techniques &
materials

Sub-question 2: On control
b. How does the migrant exercise control over the spatio-physical boundaries of
the homes many parts & configurations?

Variables How is everyday privacy In which way a sense of How does property
practiced? territorial control is ownership manifest
maintained? in the practiced
What sorts of compromises control over various
(spatial and social) are made to spaces?
realize what benefit?
Levels Indicators

284
Rooms & Rules & zones: Appropriation of space: Levels of
partitioned - Male-female - Individual & group transformation
space - Insider-outsider levels
- Owner-member - Right-based practice
House - Master-servant
- Landlord-tenant Personalization:
Street- - Fixed objects
settlement Partitioning - Moveable objects
- Symbols & signs
Time management
Surveillance:
Common control as a larger unit - Eyes on the streets
- Habitual practices
Socially permitted level of:
- Functional overlaps
- Accessibility

Sub-question 3: On actors and agents

c. Which other agencies also share control of boundaries?
d. What are the perceived benefits from controlling

Variables What socio-economic-political forces brought How did they influence

about the spatio-physical transformation? transformation?
Levels Indicators
Rooms & Demographic variables:
partitioned - Race, regional identity, gender, institutional affiliation, socio-economic status
space within community

House Decision making process:

- Structure, hierarchy of leadership
Street-
settlement Role played by decision makers:
- Kinship network, KDA, KCC, migrant elite, religious bodies, NGO, donors,
elected public representative, businessman, political figures

Nature of interaction

4. Table 2: List of Interviewed migrant households2 (family heads): field-

work 2011

Settlements Interviewees list Gender/ Address details

(local (local names used) Religion (local addresses used)
names)
1 Rupsha Char Tereja Biswas F/Chris End of Ranga Mia Goli
Bastee Hamida Parvin F/Musl Mosharef Goli
Hamida Begum F/Musl BRAC School Goli
(Sattars mom)
Md Moksed Ali M/Musl Kashem Goli
Md Montaz Ali M/Musl Sat Bhai Goli
Md Afzal Hossain M/Musl Mosjid Goli
Mridha
Amjad Ali M/Musl Kashem Goli
Jibon Babu M/Hind Nirmala Goli

2. Names and address details are provided with all interviewees kind consent

285
2 Rupsha Char Md Jala Gazi M/Musl 2 No. Custom Ghat, United Saw Mill,
private C/O Quaium Shaheb
Parvin F/Musl 2 No. Custom Ghat, Rajon Shaheb er Gola
Shahida Begum F/Musl 2 No. Custom Ghat, Suja Shaheb er Gola
Runu Begum F/Musl WAPDA Veri Bund Road, Rafiq Shaheb er Gola
Md Chan Mia M/Musl WAPDA Veri Bund Road, Abdur Rahman Shaheb er Gola
Md Shah Jahan M/Musl Notun Bazar, Bablu Mollar Gola
Md Elahi Boks M/Musl WAPDA Veri Bund Road, Rafiq Shaheb er Gola
Waresh Sardar M/Musl WAPDA Veri Bund Road, Rafiq Shaheb er Gola
3 5 No. Ghat Parvin F/Musl Near Kabarkhana Mosque, CDC Netri
Rehana Begum F/Musl
Shahida Begum F/Musl Near main Mosque
Subhas Chandra Shawjal M/Hind
Mr Mansur Sardar M/Musl
Mohan Sardar M/Musl
Md Anwar Hossain M/Musl
Patwari
Aklima Begum F/Musl
4 Ranar Math Rokeya F/Musl Purba Banik Para, Ranar Math, Community Center
Md Ismail Khan M/Musl Road no. 3
Md Sultan Khan M/Musl Road no. 2
Fatema F/Musl Road no. 1
Shamsul Haq M/Musl Road no. 1
Siddique Molla M/Musl Road no. 3
Kader Sardar M/Musl Road no. 2
Monwara Begum F/Musl Road no. 2
5 Dakshin Momtaz Begum F/Musl Taltala Hospital Road, Holding No. 77
Tootpara, Ashish Babu M/Chris Dakshin Tootpara Christian Para
Motiakhali Tohmina Begum F/Musl Christian Para (On the other end of Bridge)
Shahida F/Musl Baitul Aman Moholla
Amena Begum F/Musl Monsur Khan Sarak, Dakshin Tootpara
Sheikh Ali Akbar M/Musl Baitul Aman Moholla
Md Jomir Hossain M/Musl Dakshin Tootpara Christian Para
Rustam Ali M/Musl Dakshin Tootpara
6 Vastuhara Siddiqur Rahman M/Musl Road 4, House 211
Abdul Mannan Sharif M/Musl Road 1, House 2
Syed Shamsuzzaman M/Musl Road 3, House 142
Merezan Begum F/Musl Muktijoddha Colony
Chan Boru F/Hind Road 1, House 7
Abdul Mannan M/Musl Road 2, House 36
Asya Khatun F/Musl Road 11
Anwarul Islam M/Musl Road 1, Muktijoddha Colony
Hasina Banu F/Musl Muktijoddha Colony
Mohammad Ali Sheikh M/Musl Road 3, House 59, Semi-pucca Colony
7 Khalishpur 7 Nasir Uddin M/Musl
No. Camp Ishak M/Musl
Asma Begum F/Musl CDC Netri
Jubaida F/Musl
Nurjahan F/Musl
Jainul Abedin M/Musl
Zumrati F/Musl

5. Table 3: List of Interviewed migrant households3 (family heads): field-

work 2012

Settlements Interviewees list Gender/ Address details

(local Religion
names)
1 Rupsha Char Tereja Biswas F/Chris End of Ranga Mia Goli
Bastee Hamida Parvin F/Musl Mosharef Goli

3. Names and address details are provided with all interviewees kind consent

286
 Mansura Begum F/Musl Sattar Boro Mias Goli
Md Afzal Hossain M/Musl Mosjid Goli
Mridha
Jibon Babu M/Hind Nirmala Goli
2 Rupsha Char Md Abdul Khaleque M/Musl WAPDA Veri Bund Road, Rafiq Saheb er Gola
private Gazi
Shahida Begum F/Musl 2 No. Custom Ghat, Suja Shaheb er Gola
3 5 No. Ghat Abdul Malik Sardar M/Musl Baidda Para
Gol Banu alias Hasan F/Musl Panir Tank
er Ma
Mira Rani Raut F/Hind Harijan Para
Shahida Khatun F/Musl Near main Mosque, CDC leader
4 Ranar Math Israil Chunnu M/Musl Road 1
Lutfor Hossain M/Musl Road 3
Haolader
Abdul Kader Haolader M/Musl Road 2
alias Sardar
Md Sultan Khan M/Musl Road 2
5 Dakshin Md Ziarul M/Musl Baitul Aman Moholla
Tootpara, Momtaz Begum F/Musl Near Catholic Church
Motiakhali Shamsunnahar Begum F/Musl Bridge Road
Ashish Babu M/Chris Dakshin Tootpara Christian Para
6 Vastuhara Mohammad Ali Sharif M/Musl Road 1, House 2
Merezan Begum F/Musl Muktijoddha Colony
Md Alauddin alias M/Musl Road 4, House 1
Dulal
Sufia Khatun F/Musl Road 7, House 11
Munira Motizan F/Musl Road 1, House 7 (AL leader)
7 Khalishpur 7 Md Shamsu M/Musl Corner of Pond
No. Camp Nurjahan Begum F/Musl Mosque trust land
Nurjahan F/Musl Pond side
Asma Khatun F/Musl CDC Netri
8 Bakkar Bakkar Jomaddar M/Musl Pond side
Bastee Md Mazhar Hossain M/Musl Pond side
Azad
Rahima Khatun F/Musl Housing Bazar Road, Khalishpur
9 Peoples Shampa Akter F/Musl Beside Peoples Jute Mills bachelors quarters,
Pachtala Khalishpur
Md Anisur Rahman M/Musl Peoples Jute Mills bachelors quarters, Khalishpur
10 Railway Md Bodiuzzaman M/Musl Railway Guards Colony
Guards Haolader
Colony

6. Table 4: List of Interviewed key personnel: field-work 2012

Institution/designation (and Interviewees name Address details

description)
1 KDA (Khulna Development Authority) Mujibur Rahman Chief Planning Officer, KDA
2 General Secretary, Khulna City BNP Shafiqul Alam Mona Munshipara 2nd Lane
(Bangladesh Nationalist Party) one of
the major patrons of Rupsha Char
Bastee
3 UPPRP/Settlement Improvement Toslima Khatun UPPRP (UNDP-KCC project working in
Assistant (SIA) Khulna slums
4 Ex employee of Crescent Jute Mills Habibur Rahaman Farazipara Lane
Ltd. a senior resident of Khulna, and
an ex-refugee from Kolkata during
1947 riot
5 Owner, Chhobi Fish Industries Ltd. a Bikki Kazi WAPDA Veri Bund Road, Notun Bazar
patron of Rupsha Bastee
6 Ex-Professor of History Sheikh Ghaus Miah Sheikh Para Lane
Author: Metropolitan Khulna In
Light of History (trans.)

287
7. Table 5: Reconnaissance field-survey schedule (07.12.2009 to 08.01.2010)

07.12.09- 14.12.09- 21.12.09- 28.12.09- 04.01.10-

Key Issues 11.12.09 18.12.09 25.12.09 01.01.10 08.01.10
Broad areas to Site Site visit Site visit Key Data
cover weekly
selection and and informant compilation
and individual individual interview and feedback
discussions household household (planning
with co- survey survey background)
researchers

Daily schedule
regarding core
tasks
Selection of
migrant-
settlements
Testing/adjusting
questionnaire/sch
edule
Discussions with
research
assistant(s)
Survey

Travel back to Singapore

(settlement
morphology)
Holiday

Holiday

Survey
(individual
households)
Key informant
interview
(planning
authority)
Key informant
interview
(professional
planner)
Data
documentation
Feedback (from
research assistant)
Secondary data
collection
(documents/literat
ure)

288
8. Table 6: Pilot field-survey schedule (07.02.2011 to 21.04.2011)

07.02.11- 15.02.11- 15.03.11- 28.03.11- 15.04.11-

Key issues 14.02.11 14.03.11 25.03.11 14.04.11 21.04.11
Broad Development Amendment Revision of Field visit to Data
areas to cover of initial to previous amended migrant compilation
weekly
questions research proposal and settlements and
and proposal finalization in case study travelling
hypotheses area back

Daily schedule
regarding core
tasks
Selection of
migrant-
settlements
Testing/adjusti
ng
questionnaire/s
chedule
Discussions
with research
assistant(s)
Survey
(settlement
morphology)
Travel back to Singapore
Holiday

Holiday

Survey
(individual
households)
Key informant
interview
(planning
authority)
Key informant
interview
(professional
planner)
Data
documentation
Feedback
(from research
assistants)
Secondary data
collection
(documents/lite
rature)

289
9. Table 7: Final field-work schedule 2011-2012

Month Week Tasks accomplished

September 1+2 Visit UPPRP (UNDP project on poverty reduction) in Khulna
2011 Meeting with NGOs working in Khulnas low income settlements
Talk to Khulna University (and other local) researchers
3 Finalize selection of study settlements (at least 7 types) and prepare
preliminary database on each type
4 Co-researcher selection (KU architecture students)
Team formation: 4 teams of two (1 male+1 female)
October 1 Co-researcher training
2011 2+3 Focus Group Discussion (FGD) in each of the selected settlements
(1 day/settlement)
Selection of initial respondents (and later snowballing for finalizing
pool of respondent households)
Creation of contact database for all respondents
Questionnaire testing in each of the selected settlements; PI will
accompany each team to their initiation of survey
4 Feedback from all teams of co-researchers
Necessary adjustments to questionnaire
First phase of data collection at dwelling/household level (expected
data collection rate: 1 household/day by a team)
November 1+3+4 First phase data collection at dwelling/household level continues
2011 An expert (architectural background) will be employed for
November and December for finalizing drawings (and if possible,
sketches and 3-D figures)
Simultaneous search for secondary materials/information from
Khulna/Dhaka/Kolkata sources
December 1+2 First phase data collection at dwelling/household level finishes
2011 3+4 Second phase of data collection and drawing preparation at
settlement level (expected data collection rate and drawing
preparation: 1 settlement/week by a team of 4)
January 29 Come back to Singapore
2012-July Compilation of accumulated data from first phase of fieldwork
2012 Presentation to and feedback from Supervisors
Refinement to questions to be asked and data to be collected
Work simultaneously on seminar papers and journal articles
Engage in Departments academic and research activities
August 1 Come back to Khulna
2012 2 Check back and finalize data collection at household level
Interview of Key personnel by PI phase 1: (local politicians, long
3+4 living Khulna residents, local businessmen)
Dhaka visit for one week to collect national-level information
September 1+2 Finalization of data collection and drawing preparation at settlement
2012 level (expected data collection rate and drawing preparation is 1
settlement/week by a team of 4)
3+4 Interview of Key personnel by PI phase 2: (urban historians,
planners, public sector bureaucrats dealing with housing)
October 1+2+3 Third phase of data collection (at the city level) from secondary
2012 sources (KDA, KCC, Satellite images etc.) (expected data collection
rate: 1 settlement/week by a team of 4)
4 Starting of data compilation (drawing finalization; coding of semi-
structured interview data)
November 1 Site re-visits to compensate for possibly missing data
2012 2 Finalization of drawings and coding respectively
3+4 Preparation of a preliminary report (summary)

290
List of publications during PhD candidature

Book

- Hakim S. S. 2010, Of the Rough Waters and onto the City: Livelihood-
biographies of the rural migrant from the coasts of Bangladesh, LAP
LAMBERT Academic Publishing, Saarbrcken

Journal

- Hakim S. S. and J. L. Ee Man 2013, Scarcity, control and negotiations: An

interpretation of urban form in Khulna, Planum. The Journal of Urbanism
(selected and under final review)

Seminar/Conference paper

- Hakim S. S. 2011, The rural face of urban constraints: coastal migrants

livelihood vulnerabilities beyond the climate question, Bangladesh Urban
Research Forum, GIZ Good Urban Governance, 26-27 May, Khulna
University, Khulna

- Hakim S. S. and J. L. Ee Man 2013, Scarcity, Control and Third World Urban
Form, PhD Conference: Scarcity and Creativity in the Built Environment,
HERA (Humanities in European Research Area), 26-28 February, University of
Westminster, London

291