Cambridge Ancient History 2-1
Cambridge Ancient History 2-1
CAMBRIDGE
ANCIENT HISTORY
THIRD EDITION
VOLUME II
PART 1
HISTORY OF THE MIDDLE EAST AND
THE AEGEAN REGION c. 1800-1380 B.C.
EDITED BY
I. E. S. EDWARDS F.B.A.
Formerly Keeper of Egyptian Antiquities, The British Museum
N. G. L. H A M M O N D F.B.A.
Professor Emeritus of Greek, University of Bristol
E. SOLLBERGER
Keeper of Western Asiatic Antiquities, The British Museum
CAMBRIDGE
UNIVERSITY PRESS
http://www.cambridge.org
i Shamshi-Adad I i
II Mari 8
in Eshnunna, Iamkhad, Qatna and other states 14
iv The Hurrians c. 1800 B.C. 22
v The Benjaminites and other nomads, and the
Habiru 24
vi Hammurabi's conquests in the North and the
decline of the Eastern Amorite states 28
VII The ' Great Kingship' of Aleppo 30
VIII Development of the Hurrian states 36
ix Hurrian elements in art and religion 39
CHAPTER II
CHAPTER III
Introduction 77
1 Middle Bronze Age I: characteristics, distri-
bution, origin 78
11 Middle Bronze Age II 88
in Middle Bronze Age I I : sites 90
CHAPTER IV
1 Introduction 117
11 The archaeological evidence 118
in The people: questions of race, language and
chronology 135
(i) T H E M A T U R I T Y OF
MINOAN CIVILIZATION
by F. MATZ
CHAPTER v
H A M M U R A B I AND T H E E N D OF
HIS DYNASTY
by C. J. G A D D
CHAPTER VI
A N A T O L I A e. 1750-1600 B.C.
by O. R. G U R N E Y
1 Sources 228
II Languages and peoples 229
in Origin of the kingdom of Khattusha 232
iv The Old Hittite Kingdom 235
v Early Hittite society 251
CHAPTER VII
P E R S I A c. 1800-1550 B.C.
^JWALTHER HINZ
CHAPTER VIII
CHAPTER IX
CHAPTER X
CHAPTER XI
CHAPTER XII
CHAPTER XIII
(b) T H E L I N E A R B TABLETS AS H I S T O R I C A L D O C U M E N T S
N CHADWICK
CHAPTER XIV
THE RISE OF MYCENAEAN CIVILIZATION
by F R A N K H. STUBBINGS
CHAPTER XV
A N A T O L I A c. 1600-1380 B.C.
by O. R. GURNEY
T R O Y VI
by CARL W. B LEG EN
in Troy VI 683
CHAPTER XVI
THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE OF
THE SECOND MILLENNIUM B.C.
ON THE PERSIAN PLATEAU
^j ROBERT H.DYSON, JR.
Introduction PaZe
i The late third and early second millennia B.C. 686
II Ceramic patterns of the middle second millennium 702
in End of the Bronze Age cultures, c. 1350—1150
B.C. 712
BIBLIOGRAPHIES
Abbreviations 716
Chapter 1 720
Chapter 11 723
Chapter in 730
Chapter iv(a) 732
Chapter iv(£) 738
Chapter iv(c) 740
Chapter v 742
Chapter vi 749
Chapter VII 754
Chapter vin 756
Chapter ix 760
Chapter x 777
Chapter xi 798
Chapter xn 799
Chapter xm (a) 801
Chapter xm (b) 805
Chapter xiv 805
Chapter xv 809
Chapter xvi 813
Chronological Tables
A Egypt page 818
B Western Asia 820
C Crete, the Aegean Islands and Mainland Greece 822
Index to Maps 825
General Index 829
TABLES
1 Correspondence of stratigraphy and types of pottery page 145
2 Chronology of the Eparti dynasty 272
3 Descendants of Tudkhaliash II 67S
4 Approximate correlations for ceramic traditions during the
second millennium B.C. on the Persian plateau 711
[xvii ]
II. MARI
Like Shamshi-Adad, Iakhdunlim, his unsuccessful opponent at
Mari, was a Western Semite whose forebears had abandoned the
nomadic life in order to settle in the Euphrates valley. The
origins of his dynasty are obscure. Of his father Iagitlim we
know only that he came into conflict with Shamshi-Adad's father,
after having been his ally.5 But it was Iakhdunlim who seems
to have laid the foundations of Mari's greatness. In a building-
1 8 3
§m, 4, 235. §1, 5, 29. G, 6, 30.
4 6
G, 7,36; §1, 5, 31. G , 6 , 33.
1 2
§11, 32, 56; §111, 12, 7. §111, 23, 109, 134.
3
Sinuhe B.98, 176; G, 15, vol. iv, 145-6; §11, 32, 56 n. 3.
4
G, 23, 78-9 (fr. 42); §111, 7, 47-8, pi. 6 (cols. 36-8); §111, 22, 84; §111, 12, 8,
34 ff.
5 6
§11, 32, 65, 70; §111, 20, 56. See above, n. 4.
7
See, for example, §111, 13, ijff.
8
§111, 19, 88-90; §11, 32, 56-61; §111, 17, 107-11.
1 2
G, 15, vol. VH, 396. §n, 32, 63 n. 2.
3
No sealings or other objects of Khyan and his Hyksos successors have been found
at Kerma.
4
§111, 18; §111, 20, 54; G, 28, 172-3, 175.
6
Col.x, 18 ( - G , 5, pi. 3,col.x, 17).
• §iv, 3, 49, ph. 1, pi. 1. See Plate 69. ' G, 15, vol. v, 163.
8 9
§iv, 2, 152, pi. 31 (1); G, 8, part 2, 7, fig. 2. G, 27, 147.
[77 3
but the great majority are probably locally produced. The ala-
baster-workers and the joiners, whose products have just been
mentioned, based their work on Egyptian originals or perhaps
the original craftsmen were trained by immigrant Egyptians, but
objects actually imported from Egypt were very few. A very few
imported Cypriot vessels are found, so few that it is almost
possible to give an exhaustive list,2 and infinitesimal in number
1
§", 2.
2
Six tombs on the tell at Megiddo, Tombs 5134, 5068, 3111, 3065, 5050,
5243, 4109 and two in the cemetery (8 and 7) have one or occasionally two vessels:
G, 9, pis. 26 and 34; G, 4, pis. 38, 4 1 ; from the southern Tell el-Far'ah, tomb
551, §111, 5,68 R*.
Bank
Metres
10 0 10 20 30 40 50
Metres
Fig. 4. Plan of Shechem, north gate.
M A C EID O N I A
Propound
Thessalonica
v^CHALCIDICE ^~
40° -40°
Lcmnos
CorfuV
| T H E S S A L Y
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CYCLADES
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r - ^ i s % ! v 4
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^ 4 2 ^ 4 3 %„i ^/Amorgos
0 20 40 60 80 Miles Melos
Thera
Therasia Oj
1 I ' 1 I 1
I ' l I 1
I
0 20 40 60 80 100 120 K m
i ") Cylhera
1
Rhodes
20° 22° 24° 26° 28°
Map. i. Greece and the Aegean Islands in the Middle Bronze Age.
Numerical key
1 Dodona 15 Iolcus 29 Ayios Kosmas 43 Karaousi
2 Nidri 16 Neleia 30 Eleusis 44 Kastri
3 Pelikata 17 Pteleum 31 Megara 45 Ayia Irini
4 Thermum 18 Lianokladhi 32 Minoa 46 Ayios Loukas
5 Dyme 19 Drakhmani 33 Korakou 47 Paroikia
6 Pheia 20 Crisa 34 Zygouries 48 Ayios Andreas
7 Pisa 21 Cirrha 35 Heraeum of Argos 49 Phylakopi
8 Samikon 22 Orchomenus (Boeotia) 36 Argos 50 Akrotiri
9 Malthi 23 Eutresis 37 Lerna 51 Poliochni
10 Pylus 24 Thebes 38 Asine 52 Thermi
11 Ayios Ioannis 25 Hyria 39 Orchomenus (Arcadia) 53 Larissa on the Hermus
12 Molyvopyrgo 26 Palaiochori 40 Asea 54 Emporio
13 Argissa 27 Aphidna 41 Yeraki 55 Heraeum of Samos
14 Sesklo 28 Brauron 42 Ayios Stephanos
Alphabetical key
Akrotiri (Thera) 50 Crisa (Phocis) 20 Larissa on the Hermus 53 Pheia (Elis) 6
Aphidna (Attica) 27 Dodona (Epirus) 1 Lerna (Argolid) 37 Phylakopi (Melos) 49
Argissa (Thessaly) 13 Drakhmani (Phocis) 19 Lianokladhi (Malis) 18 Pisa (Elis) 7
Argos (Argolid) 36 Dyme (Achaea) 5 Malthi (Messenia) 9 Poliochni (Lemnos) 51
Asea (Arcadia) 40 Eleusis (Attica) 30 Megara (Megarid) 31 Pteleum (Phthiotis) 17
Asine (Argolid) 38 Emporio (Chios) 54 Minoa (Megarid) 32 Pylus (Messenia) 10
Ayia Irini (Ceos) 45 Eutresis (Boeotia) 23 Molyvopyrgo (Chalcidice) 12 Samikon (Elis) 8
Ayios Andreas (Siphnos) 48 H e r a e u m of Argos 35 Neleia (Thessaly) 16 Sesklo (Thessaly) 14
Ayios Ioannis (Laconia) 11 Heraeum of Samos 55 Nidri (Leucas) 2 Thebes (Boeotia) 24
Ayios Kosmas (Attica) 29 Hyria (Boeotia) 25 Orchomenus (Arcadia) 39 T h e r m i (Lesbos) 52
Ayios Loukas (Syros) 46 Iolcus (Thessaly) 15 Orchomenus (Boeotia) 22 T h e r m u m (Aetolia) 4
Ayios Stephanos (Laconia) 42 Karaousi (Laconia) 43 Palaiochori (Euboea) 26 Yeraki (Laconia) 41
Brauron (Attica) 28 Kastri (Cythera) 44 Paroikia (Paros) 47 Zygouries (Corinthia) 34
Cirrha (Phocis) 21 Korakou (Corinthia) 33 Pelikata (Ithaca) 3
The Peloponnese
Nine or more sites on the Isthmus and in the region of Corinth
have yielded evidence of habitation in the Middle Bronze Age.
In the central area of the city itself the earlier settlements, which
go back to the beginning of Neolithic times, seem to have ended
abruptly with E.H. II, but other places in the immediate vicinity
continued to be occupied. Graves in the North Cemetery con-
tained Matt-painted pots and part of a gold diadem, a rare object
on the mainland at this time.1 At Korakou the sixth stratum of
E.H. deposits was covered, as far as could be seen in the areas
excavated, by ashes of a fire that had destroyed the houses. This
was followed by three M.H. levels, in which were remains of
houses and household goods.2 The development of ceramic styles
as observed there in the excavations of 1915—16 has proved to be
canonical in north-eastern Peloponnese: grey Minyan, black
Argive Minyan, and the coarser varieties of Matt-painted wares
were dominant in the earlier deposits whereas yellow Minyan and
fine Matt-painted pots bulked larger in the later phase. Blegen
refrained from multiplying the subdivisions. He noted the
appearance at the end of this period of pottery with patterns in
glaze paint, derived probably from Cretan styles of M.M. Ill
and leading without interruption to those seen in the Mycenaean
shaft graves of L.H. I. At this stage there were no signs of a
break in cultural development.
Great buildings of the Late Bronze Age at Mycenae obliterated
most of the remains of those which had preceded. In M.H. times
there may have been a circuit wall high on the citadel;3 un-
doubtedly there were houses on the slopes, and a cemetery lay at
the foot, in ground partly covered subsequently by the Lion
Gate and adjoining fortifications. The royal shaft graves of
Circle A were a special unit of this cemetery, and the oldest of
them, No. vi, belongs to the very end of the M.H. period.
Circle B, beginning earlier, contained a number of graves in
which all the offerings were of M.H. character.4
Palatial structures of the Mycenaean period at Tiryns also pre-
vented thorough investigation of the earlier levels, but a long
sequence of occupations is attested.5 A house with an oval plan,
at least three architectural phases later than the great tholos of
E.H. II, is among thefirstthat can be assigned to the M.H. period.
1
A, 1, 3-4.
2 s
§11, 6, 3, 76-9, 113-16. §11, 86, 21, 84; cf. B.C.H. 86 (1962), 712.
6
* §11, 57, 103-75. §n, 55, 97-105.
North-western Greece
At the ' Wall of the Dymaeans' on the border between Elis and
Achaea, another E.H. settlement, which ended in a fire, was
succeeded by M.H. occupation.1 From there eastwards in Achaea
only a little M.H. material has been gathered; there are tumuli
like those of Messenia, and much of the pottery shows local
variations. Crossing the Gulf, one finds similar remains in Aetolia
and Acarnania. The most famous are at Thermum where, in a
striking parallel to the sequence at Olympia, apsidal houses of
the Middle Bronze Age were discovered near and under an
archaic Greek temple (seventh century).2 One, House A, was
22 m. long, canonical in form with two rooms and a deep porch
at the south; another was apparently composed of two apsidal
structures joined at right angles; a third was oval. Associated
with these houses was pottery of a crude variety, some pieces
close in shape to normal Minyan ware but others having a pointed
foot or spiky out-turned handles. Directly below the temple of
Apollo there was an earlier megaron, B, oriented like House A
and bordered by slabs of stone that once held wooden columns.
This peristyle, if such it was, described a hairpin curve around the
north, end of the megaron. Rhomaios maintained persuasively
that building B formed a link in an unbroken series from M.H.
to archaic times, and many have followed him. Unhappily, the
first excavations (1898-1908) were conducted without proper
records and the stratigraphical evidence remains weak.
Epirus in the Bronze Age is not well known to us. 3 There are
early potsherds at Dodona,4 probably representing a settlement of
M.H. times and perhaps showing distant connexions with Mace-
donia ; but new excavations are needed throughout the province.
The Ionian islands have been more systematically surveyed.
Grey Minyan ware appears at several places in Cephallenia and in
Ithaca. Heurtley's observations at Pelikata support the conclu-
sion that a phase of M.H. culture succeeded one of E.H. Ill
without interruption. In Leucas Dorpfeld found important
grave-plots of the Middle Bronze Age, his Familiengrdber S and
F, which are clearly later in date than the Konigsgrdber R (E.H.
II). 5 Although quite mistaken about the chronology and signi-
ficance of these discoveries, he provided his usual exemplary
descriptions. Plot S was circular (i2*iom. in diameter), sur-
rounded by a wall and covered probably by a low mound. It
1 2 8
§11, 49- §n, 65; §11, 66. A, 6; A, 7.
6
* §11, 25. §11, 22, 206-50, 286-318.
to
• a,/ <
i e\ Chan
scnuv
O
ilk i\ ' ^ ^ , (Rethymnos ^ ^ V 1- Heraklion
f '/ V '
I \m& WDHUHUU
WCandia)
^ttmw Ult/u, A\ / 4»Ts ? 5ayo/
^Wuillf n / 1 Mirabello
0 \A /
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)
1 * 23 25,
O
'OGavdhos -
0 10 20 30 40 50 Miles
1 1 1 1
1 1 1 1 1 1 1
1 1
0 1C1 20 3040 50 60 70 30 Km
ARCHITECTURE POTTERY
Egypt MM LM
Cnossus
Ia Ib IIa lib III I II
1975
1950
1991
t
1925
1900 I
1875 IA Twelfth
1850 Dynasty
1825 I
1800 To
IB 1786
1775
1750
1725
)
tic
•
1700 J 1720
1675
1650 • Hyksos a
1625 IIA IIA
1600
X
575 b
1550 1570 • a
1525 IIB IIB
1500 Eight-
H75 . eenth
1450 Dynasty b
He lie
14.2 C
I4OO •
XI. MIDDLE C Y P R I O T O R I E N T A T I O N S
While it is clear that the M.C. period effectively involved Cyprus
in the affairs of the world around her, bringing about a radical
change in settlement pattern and the development of urbaniza-
tion in the process, the factors which precipitated this revolution
remain obscure. The inspiration doubtless came from east Cyprus,
and perhaps originally stemmed from the federation of which
Kalopsidha was the capital. Such moves perhaps took place with-
out the co-operation of the north and centre of the island, whose
embattled condition may have been organized in defiance of the
eastern group. Yet Kalopsidha remained an open settlement
throughout its history, and Gjerstad1 found no level of violent
destruction within its stratification; it was evidently not involved
in the trouble further east when Nitovikla2 was burnt; unless
perhaps Kalopsidha was responsible for this. Could the changes
that took place in the M.C. period have come about without foreign
interference ? It has been suggested that some of the peoples of
the Syro-Palestinian area who were involved in the turbulent con-
ditions contemporary with the Second Intermediary period in
Egypt may have left the mainland and established themselves
within the Karpass. They would then have formed the catalyst
by which Cypriot insularity was finally broken down, and have
taken the lead in promoting economic relations with the area
from which they had come. Attractive though this proposal un-
doubtedly is, the archaeological evidence is as yet insufficient to
sustain it. But, in any event, it is clear that the Aegean leanings
which the north coast towns had evinced in E.C. Ill and M.C. I
were in abeyance,3 and that for the time those regions that actively
pursued an eastern policy were dominant.
1
§VH, 3, 36. But Astrom has recently reported a burnt stratum in a M.C. III.
house in an adjoining area.
2 s
§ix, 5, 198. §vn, 6; §x, I.
•Hamadan
Mari
Kirmansh5h\
VSamarra S
Tuttul-S
Fallujah "> I
~"*\ Baghdad*
Akshak
^ Babylon
•Nippur
32°
Girsu ( T e l l o )
Numerical key
1 Altm Koprii 9 Tell es-Sawwan 16 Tell Ibrahim (Kutha) 24 Qal'at Hajji Muham 31 Tepe Sabz
2 Jarmo 10 Ba'qQba 17 Ras el-'Amiya mad 32 Tepe Guran
3 Chamchamal 11 Mandali 18 Kish 25 Reijibeh 33 Tepe Mussian
4 Kudish Saghlr 12 Eshnunna 19 Jamdat Nasr 26 Al-'Ubaid 34 Tepe Sabz
5 Matarrah (Tell Asmar) 20 Adab 27 Mereijeb 35 Tepe Giyan
6 Sulaimaniyyah 13 Khafajl (Tutub) 21 Shuruppak 28 Tepe Sarab 36 Altshtar
7 Kifrl 14 Ishchali 22 Umma 29 Harsln 37 Tepe Bandibal
8 Qasr-i-Shlrln 15 Tell 'Uqair 23 Bad-tibira 30 Delfan 38 Tepe Jaui
39 Tepe Ja'farabad
Alphabetical key
Adab 20 Hajji Muhammad (Qal'at Kifrl 7 Ras el-'Amiya 17 Tepe Giyan 35
Allshtar 36 Hajji Muhammad) 24 Kish 18 Reijibeh 25 Tepe Guran 32
Altm Kopru 1 Harsin 29 Kudish Saghlr 4 Sarab (Tepe Sarab) 28 Tepe Ja'farabad 39
Bad-tibira 23 Ishchali 14 Kutha ( t e l l Ibrahim) 16 Shuruppak 21 Tepe Jaui 38
Bandibal (Tepe Bandibal) Ja'farabad (Tepe Ja'farabad) Mandali 11 Sulaimaniyyah 6 Tepe Mussian 33
37 39 Matarrah 5 Tell Asmar (Eshnunna) 12 Tepe Sabz 31 and 34
Ba'quba 10 Jamdat Nasr 19 Mereijeb 27 Tell Ibrahim (Kutha) 16 Tepe Sarab 28
Chamchamal 3 Jarmo 2 Qal'at Hajji Muhammad Tell es-Sawwan 9 Tutub (Khafajl) 13
Delfan 30 Jaui (Tepe Jaui) 38 24 Tell 'Uqair 15 Al-'Ubaid 26
Eshnunna (Tell Asmar) 12 Khafajl (Tutub) 13 Qasr-i-Shlrln 8 Tepe Bandibal 37 Umma 22
'Uqair (Tell 'Uqair) 15
V. CULTURAL CONDITIONS
There is little to suggest that the establishment of the Amorite
invaders in Babylonia and the complete supersession of the Sume-
rians as the dominant race in the country brought about any
fundamental change in the religion. The ancient land was in
possession of so strong a cultural tradition, and so used to absorb-
ing newcomers, that a contrary result was not to be expected. It
is true that certain gods seem to come more to the fore, especially
the westerners Adad (the Storm-God) and the deity of' the west'
himself, the god Amurru, not unknown already to the Babylon-
ians,1 but especially identified with the invaders and their desert
home. At this time he becomes ubiquitous upon the cylinder-
seals, both as a leading figure in the designs, and as an element
in names of the owners. This god's fortunes mirrored curiously
those of his people; in Sumerian times both were despised
foreigners, the god being derided in even more odious terms than
the people.2 But this powerful interloper could not be denied
marriage into the aristocracy of heaven,3 just as his worshippers
were forcing themselves into supremacy on earth. Yet the god,
at least, was far from dispossessing the ancient lords, secure in
their seats as patrons, or owners, of the great cities of the south.
How strong this metropolitan tradition was can be observed in
the adjacent region of the middle Euphrates, now so clearly
illuminated by the Mari documents. There too the specifically
Babylonian gods make an impressive appearance4 as equalling,
at least in priestly esteem, the regional divinity Dagan and even
Itur-Mer, the city-god of Mari. For personal names the favourites
are Adad and El, followed by the obscurer but doubtless more
homely deities Lim and 'Ammu, leaving room still for adherents
of Shamash and Sin as well as the great goddesses Ishtar, Mama,
Nin-khursag, and Anunitum, and several patronesses of individual
cities. On the other side it is striking to notice how the strangers
among these figures were decisively eliminated at the boundary
of the ancient 'land'.
Within Babylonia itself the most notable evolution in the pan-
theon was the emergence of Marduk, the patron god of Babylon,
who appears almost dramatically in the first words of Ham-
murabi's prologue to the Code5 as the appointee of the two highest
gods to exercise lordship over the land and its people. Despite
this proclamation, it has been ascertained that, even at the court,
1 2 8
§v, 23, 55 and 84. Ibid. 75. G, 15, 6.
6
« §v, 7, 46 ff. G, 7,11, 6 f.
1 2
§vi, 18, no. 35; §vi, 19, 10 ff. G, 17, 266 (JigSruni).
3 4
G, 26, 63^. G, 9, 11, 164; §vi, 9, 21 5 ff.; G, 10, 168 n. 910.
5 8
G, 19,11, 18. G,2o, 9 7ff.
7 8
G, 10,167. §vi, 19,14.
9
The interpretation as 'sea' is not admitted by the dictionaries, G, 5; G, 17; G,
26, all under damtum. 10 §vi, 16; §vt, 19, 1 5ff.;§vi, 2, 43 f.; §i, 6, 140.
IV. T H E O L D H I T T I T E KINGDOM
Hittite history, as revealed by the archives, falls into two distinct
periods, usually termed the Old Kingdom and the Empire. T h e
texts relating to the Old Kingdom are few in number and for the
most part badly mutilated, 1 and historians of this period have
always taken as basis the well-preserved constitutional decree of
Telepinush, one of the last kings of the Old Kingdom, which
contains a long historical preamble contrasting the firm and
orderly government of former kings with the anarchy into which
the kingdom had subsequently sunk, 2 and thus giving in effect the
outline of Hittite history down to the author's time. This document
begins as follows:
Formerly Labarnash was Great King; and then his sons, his brothers, his
connexions by marriage, his blood-relations and his soldiers were united.
And the country was small; but wherever he marched to battle, he subdued
the countries of his enemies with might. He destroyed the countries and
made them powerless (?) and he made the sea their frontier.3 And when he
returned from battle, his sons went each to every part of the country, to
Khupishna, to Tuwanuwa, to Nenashsha, to Landa, to Zallara, to Parshu-
khanda and to Lushna, and governed the country, and the great cities were
firmly in his possession (?).4
Afterwards Khattushilish became king. And his sons, brothers, con-
nexions by marriage, blood-relations and soldiers were likewise united. And
wherever he marched to battle, he subdued the countries of his enemies with
might. He destroyed the countries and made them powerless (?) and he
made the sea their frontier. And when he returned from battle, his sons
went each to every part of the country. And the great cities were again
firmly in his hands (?).5
V. EARLY H I T T I T E SOCIETY
Central Anatolia, now a bleak and desiccated plateau crossed by
fertile but isolated valleys, seems to have enjoyed in antiquity a
much more copious rainfall than today, with consequent effects
upon its vegetation and easier living conditions for its inhabitants.2
None the less, the nature of the country would foster the growth
of largely self-contained communities, and it is clear that through-
out the Hittite period these local communities preserved their
individuality, though in consequence of the unification of the
country under the dynasty of Khattusha the many local kings
(Assyrian rubaum) attested during the period of the Assyrian
merchants had been eliminated. Local government was apparently
in the hands of 'Elders'. 3 Whether there were holy cities, as in
Strabo's time, governed by the priesthood of the local temple,
cannot be stated with any certainty owing to insufficient evidence.4
Scarcely anything is known of the general social structure of
these communities. The majority of the population would be
1
§iv, 4, no. 20. On this episode see §iv, 7, 384 f.
2 3
§v, 4- A , 33, 223ff. * §v, 2, 18.
TETISHERI
2
7 3 i » 3>454-5- 8
See below, p. 333. §1, 11, 192; §1, 9, 72.
[3'3]
V. THE SPORTING T R A D I T I O N
Wholly consistent with the vigorous spirit which brought them
success on the field of battle was the enthusiasm displayed by the
rulers and other prominent Egyptians of the New Kingdom for
such activities as target shooting with the bow and arrow, ship
handling, and, above all, the training and driving of teams of
chariot horses.2 There can be no doubt that, apart from their
value as military exercises, these occupations, like the hunting of
big game, were entered into, as sports, for the pleasure and excite-
ment which they provided. This was as true of the young prince,
whose education as a matter of course included training as a
bowman and charioteer, as it was of his father, the king, seeking
relaxation from the rigours of war or the cares of state. We have
no reason to question the caption in a private tomb at Thebes
which describes the boy-prince Amenophis (the future King
Amenophis II) as 'enjoying' a lesson in archery being given him
by the elderly mayor of This, 3 or the statement of Tuthmosis IV
on his famous Sphinx Stela that in his youth ' he did a thing which
gave him pleasure' when, all alone except for two attendants, he
indulged in target practice, lion hunting, and 'coursing in his
chariot' in the wastelands west of Memphis.4 Moreover, pride
in their undoubted ability as sportsmen and athletes led kings
like Tuthmosis III and Amenophis II to publicize their accom-
plishments along these lines with the same insistence that they
advertised their prowess as warriors and their wisdom as statesmen.
So there grew up the tradition that, as in all other fields of
1
§'» 5. 43-56.
2
§v, 1, 9-14; §v, 3, 49-53; §v, 17, 234-57; §11, 50, 195-200.
8
§v, 3, 52-3,fig.7; §n, 35, 227 (5, iv, 1).
4
§11, 42, 1541 (8-15); §11, 49, 449.
1
§1, 8, 180-91, 396-405, 508-12; §m, 14, vol. 1, 26* (A 90).
8
§1, 8, 103, 153-62, 384-90, 495-500; §m, 14, vol. 1, 42* (A 121).
8 4
§1, 8. 172-9 §"> 8, 112-14,235.
6
§1, 8, 114-15, 139.
6
See below, p. 363.
1
§xi, 14, 185-99; §XI> 2I » 45~87> H3-4» Pls- 3> 4; §i> 4> 159- S e e a l s o Pap-
Lansing, 4 , 8 - 5 , 1 (§vm, 17, 103; §111, 3, 384, 386 [also 17, 26-7]; §xi, 18,
65-119); §xi, 22, 97; §111, 20, 103-4.
2
§vm, 16, 27-47; §vm, 15, 23-4; §x, 19, 140-6; §vi, 24, 10, 64 (no. 47);
§v, 3, 54-7.
3
See, however, below, n. 6.
4
§x, 9, 903-21; §xi, 13, 122-7.
5
§vm, 19, §266, 4 (nn. 9-13); §x, 9, 9o6ff., 9ioff.; §xi, 14, i88ff.
8
§x, 9, 912, 913. See also §xi, 9, 26-7.
7
§x, 9, 904-6. Cf. §xi, 21, 80-2.
8
§x, 9, 905 ff.
9
§x, 9, 914-16; §xi, 8,44.
1
§n, 42, 5 5-6. See §iv, 24, vol. n, 868-71, 879-80,fig.420 (light blue areas);
§11, 34, vol. 11, 27-30; §xn, 3, 145 ff.
2
§xn, 5, 8ff. See, however, §iv, 24, vol. n, 870. See also §xir, 27, pis. 5, 6;
§11, 34, vol. 11, 28ff.; §11, 7, vol. LIII, 13-14.
3
§11, 42, 56 (6-10).
4
§11,42, 56 (11-12), 93 (6-7); §11, 34, vol. 11, 27. The erection ofTuthmosis Ps
obelisks appears actually to have been carried out under Hatshepsut and Tuthmosis
III. See §nf 39, 206 and n. 33.
XIV. ART
In sculpture and painting, as in architecture, the era of imperial
expansion under Tuthmosis I and his successors witnessed the
transition from the somewhat austere artistic traditions of the
Middle Kingdom to the elegant and vivacious style characteristic
of the late Eighteenth Dynasty.4
The royal temple statues of this period display a new slender-
ness in the proportions of the figures and an increased care and
delicacy in the treatment of the hands, feet, and other details.
The poses, costumes, and accessories are for the most part tradi-
tional; but the representation of the king as a kneeling figure
holding in each hand an offering jar is used with far greater
frequency than heretofore. The faces, though retaining the
quality of portraits, tend to be softened and idealized and the
modelling of the torsos and limbs is smooth and restrained as
becomes figures designed primarily as elements in grandiose
architectural lay-outs. Typical is a series of big'red granite
statues from Hatshepsut's temple at Deir el-Bahri, in which the
female ruler is represented as a king with the full pharaonic
regalia including the customary artificial chin-beard.5 Smaller in
scale and more sensitive in treatment are a beautiful seated
figure of the queen in hard white limestone, also from Deir
el-Bahri,6 and a superb standing statue of Tuthmosis III in
fine-grained schist, found at Karnak in 1904 in a great cache of
1
§iv, 24, vol. 11, 373-86.
2 3
§xm, 17, 64, pis. 24 (2), 25 (4). §11, 34, vol. v, 176-84passim.
* §vi, 1, 7-21; §11, 45, 128-55; §xiv, 31, 39-114; §1, 9, 76.
6
§xiv, 53;§xiv, 54, I59-6o;§n, 21, part 11, 92-101, figs. 51-3, 55;§vi, 1, 11,
nos. 20, 22, 24; §iv, 24, vol. 111, 299-302, pis. 98-9.
6
§xiv, 53, vol. xxiv, Nov., sect, n, 8—9,figs.4-6; vol. xxv, Dec, sect. 11, 8—9,
figs- 3~4> §"> 21. part n, 97-9, fig. 54; §11, 45, 135, pi. 95. See Plate 87.
35° 36°
Tyre
Rosh Haniqra
(Ras en K'aqura)
Hazor
33° 33°
V -, . . Megiddi
BASHAN
f
Aruna?. (Tell el-MuteTeUim)
Ta'anach, ^Beih-shan
(TellJVannek)-^
Migdol?
32° 32°
0 10 20 .30 40 50 Km
35° 36°
Map 5. The Lebanon, Syria, Mesopotamia and Assyria in the mid-second millennium.
1
§111, 21, 82 ff.; §111, 15, 216 ff.; §111, 41, 57 f.; G, 24, 22 f.
2
G, 27, 999; §111, 35, vol. 1 (ed. 2), 21 ff.
3
§111, 7, 341 ff., pi. 45. * G, 27, 648,1. 13.
8
Ibid. 649,11. 5-12. For Megiddo (Tell el-Mutesellim) see §v, 32.
6 7
See above, ch. vm, sect. 1. G, 14, 123.
8
§111, 32, 24, 28, 48 f.; §111, 2, noff.; G, 14, 125.
III. T H E SITES
The problems of interpreting the evidence from Megiddo have
been described in connexion with the Middle Bronze Age
remains.1 The same problems affect the interpretation of those of
the Late Bronze Age. The so-called strata cannot be accepted as
entities. The plans have to be analysed in great detail to establish,
as best the evidence allows, which structures are really associated;
and the contents of tombs have to be separated from the contents
of the levels in which they are cut. The strata as published that
have to be considered in connexion with the period of the Eight-
eenth Dynasty are IX, VIII and VII B. Only two areas of the
mound were to any extent excavated to these levels, area AA on
the northern edge and area BB in the south-east sector.
Area BB has in its centre in the published plans a temple area
in the Early Bronze, which has been shown to continue into the
Intermediate Early—Middle Bronze period.2 After a succession
of plans in which the central area is shown as a blank, a temple
again appears in the plans of strata VIII (see Fig. 5) and VII.
It can be taken as certain that the sacred area continued in
existence throughout, and it is in fact possible to work out
evidence to this effect.3
1 a 8
See above, ch. m . G, 21, 58*. G, 20, 25 ff.
0 1 5
1 ' I
Metres
• Fosse ;
Metres
Fig. 6. Plan of Temple I at Lachish. (After O. Tufnell et al.,
Lachish, vol. n, pi. LXVI.)
Tteotrvt
AT60
Initiatory
Qrea
\ <4> to
, /v. wr/tmi
J&Ztt?
aasftaa
ft.
Coe///
i
Pa/aa ana
at A/naSrca/zonr
lafzr ffovsi c&is/rt/ct'/an
occa/atiaAy 1 \
pro/xtM JAWJ or to
\ tarter V
fbncfi I
SfMft Corrector
cAana/Jcr6eV2
10 5 0 10 20 30 40 50
L i i i f I i i i • I I I i i i
Metres
Metres
Fig. 8. Plan of the domestic quarter and adjoining halls at Cnossus.
(From Annual of the British School at Athens vm (1901/2), 56,fig.29.)
--.-. «...T
10
South
Entry
Fig. 10. Plan of the Palace at Mallia. (From S. Marinatos and M. Hirmer,
Kreta und das Mykenische Hellas, p. 88,fig.14.)
0 5 10 20 30 40 50
Reception
Rooms
Fig. 11. Plan of the Palace at Hagia Triada. (L. Pernier, Festos, 1, ij,fig.8.)
10 5 0 10 20 30
Metres
•ir-
Fig. 12. Plan of the town of Gournia. (Harriet A. Boyd, Gournia, plan.)
MASONS' MARKS
Fig. 13. Four-sided bead seal with Pictographic Script from Sitia. (A.J.Evans
Scripta Minoa i, 155, no. P 28. By permission of Oxford University Press.)
III. SCRIPTS
PICTOGRAPHIC SCRIPT
Fig. 14. Clay label with Pictographic Script from Cnossus. The other side is plain.
(A. J. Evans, Scripta Minoa 1, 169, no. P 96 a. By permission of Oxford University
Press.)
LINEAR SCRIPT A
Fig. 15. Linear A tablet from Hagia Triada. ( M . Ventris and J. Chadwick,
Documents in Mycenaean Greek,fig.8.)
,.
?
L 77
AB38 1 I
L 78
ui ui
r
AB44 W <$ A 103 d- T AB10 A A
A A
A
L 9; cf. 28 x L 50; cf.92,1. L 7
AB. 12 tli A 119 f ft
L 10 A m L» 5 1 Hi »|7 rn L 81 y V
AB9 Y f AB 59 | I V 7 AB45 A X
L 15 >• L 82 1=
A 75 X f L 5 2
A B 49 T T T AB22 m
L 16
AB54
P.
^ t a L 5 3
A B 51 2 l 2 / U L 83
AB62 0^
//
L 21 * L
A|
4
31 l
P T L 84/48«A «*fc
A 93 T T T1
+ LAB2
22 I
T
L 56 J- x
L 85
AB63 ffl
!+,
L 86 rj C7
L23 Q
9 AB57 t AB 12 mm k AB39 ¥ T
L24 ft L 87 a,
L
AB 7 30 4> + A 53 Q? 15
L 25/7 U U L88 J
AB 19 n Fl H L 5 8
A B 26 1 11 % }} K A 70 Pi
L 26 ~ T ? L 59 p (7 L 91 /rv /r>
AB58 1 1 1 AB 13 L ll E 0 AB 24 W U 0
L27 f- Y
L60
AB46 Y
L 61 T T X
**
Y L 92 ± ±
AB5 T T
L 93/17 vi
+
L 28; cf 56 A
A AB12 m AB33± ±^tr AB56 ("
L 29 /TJ L 94 > •)
AB23 «? © L 62
AB35
«<• -0-
I I ? AB25 C / I
L 30 U- L 63 >> (a L 95 1 ^ u
AB1 1 1- A 72 € 6 A 40 Q> « ¥
L 31 v L64 > L97 fr
y AB27 I Y AB55 (V AB60 T
L32 • L65 A A
AB20 Q B A 81 <J V VB^I^^^I
L33 pr L66 A L 99/128 M
AB8 1 h91 </ A 89 /I
L 68/96* l^.
L
A3B429^ i t A 61 14 h VB 0 0 /^ 8 f ¥
L 36 A L69 / /
4 AB 69 " AB 16 \ V ( # ^36 $ f
L 37; c£62O L 72; cf. 94J L 102 w w-
AB35 I AB25 t AB48 5 A
L39 T L 74 p L 103 *-, tn
AB7 ' T ABU L K AB53¥ «
L 75 • L 120 i r r
*AB367 13 0 H AB21 ITI
A 116 III
iiV
Fig. 16. The Linear A syllabary in use at Hagia Triada (after Carratelli), with
possible cognates in the 'hieroglyphs' (H) and Linear B (B). (M. Ventris and J.
Chadwick, Documents in Mycenaean Greek, fig. 6.)
LINEAR SCRIPT B
«
7
I ka 7\ "3$ to 7 34
II re
I tu
V 35
>
au ^ ki Y pa ^ ri jj twe J> 47
da ko g pe R ro j " tw 49
de
di
III
ma PO f „ ffl 63
do pte sa Ap we 64
du mi Pu se wi « T(J
dwe mo Pu2
si wo /f 79
dwo mu qa so za 82
na
y qe su 83
f «
-
t.
18
19
r 89
J« no r.
Fig. 17. The Linear B syllabary. The signs with numerical values are still undeciphered.
CYPRUS
WRITING IN HOMER
II. OBSTACLES TO I N T E R P R E T A T I O N
The difficulties in the way of interpreting these documents are
such that archaeologists, inexpert in the epigraphic and linguistic
techniques they demand, have been frightened of making much
use of the information they can contribute, while other scholars
have sometimes pursued an eclectic policy, picking at random
among the numerous interpretations which they cannot evaluate.
A brief review of the obstacles may also reveal how solid is the
basis for some at least of the conclusions to be offered below.
The tablets are poorly preserved, often damaged and hard to
read; in all too many cases they have been reduced to small
fragments. The material from Cnossus has suffered most, mainly
due to the inadequate care taken by the first excavators, who did
not even seriously attempt to re-unite the fragments to make
whole tablets, a task which has now been attempted with much
labour by a new generation of Mycenaean epigraphists. But the
other sites too, whose excavators deserve nothing but praise, have
yielded their quota of tantalizing scraps and unintelligible frag-
ments. We must continue to deplore the accident which has given
us the name of Dionysus twice on fragments from Pylus so in-
complete that we cannot even be certain it is the name of a god.2
All too often vital information has to be qualified by a reservation
arising from the incompleteness of the context.
When complete and well preserved, it is possible to transcribe
the text: that is to say, we can replace the Linear B symbols by a
phonetic transcription, which is then to be understood and filled
out in accordance with certain well-defined rules which have been
recovered empirically from the texts. Only a few very rare
syllabic signs lack certain or probable identifications. Numerals
1
G,6.
2
PY Xa 102, Xa 1419.
WEIGHTS
• jTfl.so % , 1 -4 #
1 # - «? s 1 & -6? f
DRY MEASURE L I Q U I D MEASURE
1 3p = 10 f i | =3
=6 <| 1 f[ = 6
=4 -C3 I ^ - 4
In dry and liquid measure the major unit has no special sign, but
the commodity sign is used instead (*P" =wheat, GSj =wine).
III. CONCLUSIONS
The basic historical fact which emerges from the tablets is the
presence of the Greek language in Mycenaean Greece; all doubts
about the Greekness of the Late Helladic masters of Greece can
be set aside. By Greek we mean here speakers of a language not
merely ancestral to the dialects of classical Greece, but actually
showing already many of the characteristic features of phonology,
morphology and vocabulary which distinguish Greek from other
languages. The presence of a non-Greek element is perhaps to be
inferred from the personal names which are not of Greek type;
and Greek names of the 'sobriquet' type (such as Xanthos,
Eruthros, Korudallos, Tripodiskos) may perhaps have been given by
Greek masters to their barbarian serfs.1
The presence of Greeks at Cnossus at the beginning of the
fourteenth century B.C. is of course a fundamental blow to Evans's
reconstruction of a Minoan civilization destroyed by Greek
invaders; but the only correction necessary is to date the end of
Minoan civilization to L.M. Ib, leaving the last phase as a con-
tinuation in modified form under Greek rule. It would seem
that non-Greek names are more frequent at Cnossus than on the
mainland, but it is hard to judge the extent of admixture even
among the persons named on the tablets. It is perhaps significant
that yokes of oxen were given Greek epithets as names, for this
would be difficult to reconcile with a theory of a small Greek
aristocracy dominating a non-Greek population.2 The catastrophe
which terminated the Minoan period must have brought about a
very large influx of Greek blood into the island.
It is also worth noticing that all Linear B documents so far
known employ a similar dialect, and that this cannot be ancestral
to the West Greek (Doric) dialects of classical times. It therefore
follows that a branch of the Greek-speaking people existed at this
date outside southern and central Greece; and the suggestion that
they were still located outside the south Balkans encounters
severe difficulties. No positive statement beyond this can be
proved; but any historical reconstruction should leave room for
the Dorians, perhaps in the north-west of Greece.
1 2
G, 7. G, 14, 105.
rm
the east. Thus the coastline to be guarded can hardly have been
less than 150 km.; and with an average of little more than five
men per kilometre this force is plainly too small to put up even a
token defence. Its function must therefore have been to keep
watch and give warning of the approach of enemy ships. At
various points in the list occurs the note that one of the ' followers'
V. PELOPS
Whether the legend of Pelops, in its historical bearing, should be
grouped with those of Danaus and Cadmus is not easy to decide.
The later Greeks seem to have had no tradition or theory that
directly connects them; but if we ourselves seek a historical
context for Pelops, it must be found at any rate early in Mycenaean
times, since his descendants are represented as in conflict with
the Perseid descendants of Danaus. We can perhaps best place
him at the beginning of the Mycenaean period.1 That he was a
1 Cf. §iv, 4, 80.
1 l>
1 IV
7.IPPASHLA f
KHURRI
/ASHSHUWA SHEKHA-RIVER AI.SHF.
1^. L A N D ' / I - \ I
. Kanesh /
Vl'egarama r~
Malatva*^-
Shallapa • •
• Kumanni—- if
PITASHSHA 4 "S -
"^MASHA- |— K u t m a r " *
-
Tuwanuwa i C
I I
I
„ KARKISHA I • VC'ashshuganni
WALMA 3
Harranu* MITAN'XI I
CarchemishA
i
V * Ninua
"'Nl'KHASH LANDS*
Ugarit£ ASHTATA Ashur •(
I
I SIYANNI
AMURRU
/ • Qatna
.\lari •
•JKinza
Balrun
Gu'bla/
- 0 100 200 Miles
I
0
'|
100
' I
200
' I
300 Km .
BerutajT
Sidonl •Apina
I I Tyre/
Arnuwandash I Ashmu-Nikkal
1
1 G
' x' 8 ? \
2
The credit for this observation belongs to Dr Edmund I. Gordon.
3
G, 8, 105 ff., with earlier literature, especially §11, 2. Assuwa might then,
after all, be the 'Isy which sent gifts to Tuthmosis III (§11, 15, 290 and §11,
2, 11 ff.).
4
G, 8, 40 ff.
.III. TROY VI
The Sixth Settlement ushered in a new era distinguished by a
culture of its own, with widespread innovations in almost all
fields of human endeavour. Though some earlier elements evi-
dently survived, a break with the past on the site is obvious and
there can be no doubt that we must postulate the arrival of a
fresh human stock. Whence the new masters came is still a
mystery, but there is every reason to believe that they formed
part of the movement that at the same time swept over the Greek
1 2 3
§11, 7, 128-9 (53 ff.); §11, 6, 3. See above, p. 662. G, 14, 46 f.
Godin. .
KIRMANSHAH*^.. \.MALAYER
NIHAVAND .Sialfc
During the third millennium the Gurgan Grey Ware and the
earliest Giyan IV—III Culture were separated by the intrusion
south-eastward from eastern Anatolia and southern Transcaucasia
of the Yanik pottery which is characterized by the presence of a
light or dark grey-to-black burnished surface. The pottery is
handmade in shapes tending toward squared rims and pointed
bases and frequently has a metallic sheen. It is, however, quite
distinct from the thin, fine grey ware of Gurgan. In its earlier
stages (E.B. I at Yanik Tepe) it was decorated with elaborate
incised geometric patterns which are filled with a white paste.
Later (E.B. II at Yanik Tepe), the incised patterns gave way to
plain burnishing associated with 'Nahcevan lugs', impressed
dimples and occasional applied designs.5 Peoples using these
types of pottery occupied the whole of northern Azarbayjan around
the northern half of Lake Reza'iyeh (formerly Urmia) as indi-
cated by their surface remains and the excavated levels of Geoy
2
1 $11, 12,fig.4, p. 123. G , 18,fig.85, T . 139, T . 154; §1,35.
3 4
§11,12,fig.5, p. 123. . §1, 38, pi. 49^.
5
For Nahcevan lugs see §1, 6, 168 f.
3000
C Yanik -
2500 EBAI
2400 Giyan i Geoy Yanik Hamad3n Gurgan i
2300 Plain
Age
fQal'eh
2200 IV-III Hasanlu K. E B A I I . Sites ?
I
2100 K , VII
2000
1 G
1900 pa ? Hisar HI* ?' Jshoga
1800 DC I
1700 i
Dinltha
1600 lla LBA Sakkizabad
1500 lib (Has. VI) Cemetery ? hiatus? '
140O lie Polychrome
1300
IronL A g e l
1200 B Khorvin
Hasanlu
1100 I* \r Sialk A TYarim TTaimuran
1000 V Sakkizabad I Iron Age 1A
BIBLIOGRAPHY
CHAPTER I
G. GENERAL
I. SHAMSHI-ADAD I
CHAPTER II
G. GENERAL
1. Berlin Museum, Aegyptische Inschriften aus den Koniglichen Museen zu
Berlin, 1, 11. Leipzig, 1901, 1913.
2. British Museum, Hieroglyphic Texts from Egyptian Stelae, etc. in The
British Museum (edited by P. D. Scott-Moncrieff, H. R. Hall, I. E. S.
Edwards, T . G. H. James). 9 parts. London, 1911-70.
3. Drioton, E". and Vandier, J. L'Egypte ('Clio': Introduction aux /tudes historiques.
Les peup/es de I''orient miditerranien, 11). Ed. 3. Paris, 1952.
4. Evers, H. G. Staat aus dem Stein. Denkmaler, Geschichte und Bedeutung der
agyptischen Plastikwahrend des mittleren Reichs. 2 vols. Munich, 1929.
5. Gardiner, A. H. The Royal Canon of Turin. Oxford, 1959
6. Gauthier, H. Le livre des rois d'Egypte, 1, 11 {Me"m. lnst.fr. Caire, 17, 18).
Cairo, 1907, 1912.
7. Griffith, F. LI. Hieratic Papyri from Kahun andGurob. 2 vols. London, 1898.
8. Hayes, W. C. The Scepter of Egypt. Parts 1 and 11. New York, 1953, 1959.
9. Helck, W. Untersuchungen zu Manetho und den agyptischen Konigslisten ( Unters.
18). Berlin, 1956.
10. Lange, H . O. and Schafer, H. Grab- und Denksteine des mittleren Reichs im
Museum von Kairo (C.C.G. nos. 20001-780). 4 vols. Berlin, 1902-25.
11. Meyer, E. Aegyptische Chronologie {Abh. Berlin, 1904, 1). Berlin, 1904.
12. Meyer, E. Nachtragezuraegyptischen Chronologie {ibid. 1907,111). Berlin, 1908.
13. Meyer, E. Geschichte des Altertums, 1, 2 (ed. 5); 11, 1 (ed. 2). Stuttgart and
Berlin, 1926, 1928.
14. Petrie, W. M. F. A History of Egypt from the Earliest Kings to the XVIth
Dynasty. Ed. 11. London, 1924.
15. Porter, B. and Moss, R. L. B. Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian
Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings. 7 vols. Oxford, 1927-51.
16. Prisse d'Avennes, E. Monuments egyptiens: Bas-reliefs, peintures, inscriptions,
etc., d'apres les dessins execute's sur les lieux. Paris, 1847.
17. Rowe, A. A Catalogue of Egyptian Scarabs, Scaraboids, Seals, and Amulets in
the Palestine Archaeological Museum (Government of Palestine, Depart-
ment of Antiquities). Cairo, 1936.
18. Save-Soderbergh, T . Agypten und Nubien. Ein Beitrag zur altagyptischer
Aussenpolitik. Lund, 1941.
19. Sethe, K. Urkunden der 18. Dynastic {Urkunden des aegyptischen Altertums,
iv). 4 parts. Leipzig, 1906-9.
20. Stock, H . Studien zur Geschichte und Archaologie der 13. bis 17. Dynastie
Agyptens... (Agyptol. Forsch. 12). Gluckstadt, 1942.
21. Vandier, J. 'Quelques nouvelles hypotheses sur la fin du moyen empire
dgyptien.' In Journ. des Savants, Oct.—Dec. 1944, 154-68.
A. ADDENDA
Arnold, D. 'Bemerkungen zu den Konigsgrabern der friihen 11. Dynastie von
El-Tarif.' In Mitt, deutsch. Inst. Kairo, 23 (1968), 26-37.
von Beckerath, J. 'Die Konige mit dem Thronnamen Shm-rC fiw-tjwj.' In
Z.J.S. 84(1959), 81-5.
von Beckerath, J. 'Ein neuer Konig des spaten Mittleren Reiches.' In Z.A.S.
88 (1962), 4 - 5 .
von Beckerath, J. Untersuchungen zur politischen Geschichte der zweiten
Zwischenzeit in Agypten (Agyptol. Forsch. 23). Gliickstadt, 1965.
Gardiner, Sir Alan H . Egypt of the Pharaohs. Oxford, 1961.
CHAPTER III
G. GENERAL
CHAPTER
G. GENERAL
1. Blegen, C. W. 'Athens and the Early Age of Greece.' In Athenian Studies
presented to William Scott Ferguson {Harv. Stud. Class. Phil., suppl. 1.
Cambridge, Mass., 1940), 1—9.
2. Blegen, C. W. 'Preclassical Greece—A Survey.' In B.S.A. 46 (1951), 16-24.
3. Bossert, H. T h . The Art of Ancient Crete. London, 1937.
4. Fimmen,D. Die kretisch-mykenischeKultur(2nded.). Leipzigand Berlin, 1924.
5. Frankfort, H . Studies in Early Pottery of the Near East. 11. Asia, Europe and the
Aegean, and their Earliest Interrelations {Royal Anthropological Institute.
Occasional Papers, no. 8). London, 1927.
6. Hall, H . R. The Civilization of Greece in the Bronze Age. London, 1928.
7. Marinatos, S. ' La marine creto-mycenienne.' In B.C.H. 57 (1933), 170-235.
8. Marinatos, S. and Hirmer, M . Crete and Mycenae. London, i960.
9. Matz, F. 'Die Agais.' In Handbuch der Archdologie, 11 (Munich, 1954),
179-308.
10. Matz, F. Kreta, Mykene, Troja. Stuttgart, 1956.
11. Matz, F. The Art of Crete and Early Greece. Baden-Baden and New York,
1962.
12. Schachermeyr, F. Die altesten Kulturen Griechenlands. Stuttgart, 1955.
13. Schachermeyr, F. 'Prahistorische Kulturen Griechenlands.' In P.W. 22, 2,
cols. 13 50-1548.
14. Vermeule, E. Greece in the Bronze Age. Chicago, 1964.
15. Wace, A. J. B. ' T h e Early Age of Greece.' In A Companion to Homer, ed.
A. J. B. Wace and F. H. Stubbings (London, 1962), 337-43.
16. Wace, A. J. B. ' T h e History of Greece in the Third and Second Millenniums
B.C.' In Historia, 2 (1953/4), 74-94.
17. Wace, A. J. B. ' T h e Prehistoric Exploration of the Greek Mainland.' In
B.C.H. 70 (1946), 628-38.
18. Wace, A. J. B. and Blegen, C. W. 'Pottery as Evidence for Trade and Coloni-
zation in the Aegean Bronze Age.' In Klio, 32 (1939), 131-47.
19. Zervos, Chr. Vart des Cyclades du dibut i la fin de Page du bronze, 2500-HOO
avant notre ere. Paris, 1957.
i n . THE PEOPLE:
QUESTIONS OF RACE, LANGUAGE AND CHRONOLOGY
1. Aberg, N . Bronzezxitlicht undfriiheisenzeitliche Chronologie. iv, Griechenland.
Stockholm, 1933.
2. Angel, J. L. 'Human Biological Changes in Ancient Greece, with Special
Reference to Lerna.' In Tear Book of the American Philosophical Society,
1957, 266-70.
3. Angel, J. L. 'Human Biology, Health, and History in Greece from First
Settlement until Now.' In Tear Book of the American Philosophical Society,
1954, 168-72.
4. Angel, J. L. ' T h e People of Lerna' (abstract). In A.J.A. 62 (1958), 221.
5. Astrom, P . 'Remarks on Middle Minoan Chronology.' In Kretika Chronika,
15-16(1963), 137-50-
6. Bisson de la Roque, F., Contenau, G. and Chapouthier, F. Le Tr/sor de TSd
(Documents de fouilles de l'lnstitut fran^ais d'archeologie orientale du Caire,
xi). Cairo, 1953.
7. Brice, W . C. Inscriptions in the Minoan Linear Script of Class A. London,
1961.
8. Buck, C. D. ' T h e Language Situation in and about Greece in the Second
Millennium B.C.' In Cl. Phil. 21 (1926), 1-26.
9. Caskey, J. L. ' T h e Early Helladic Period in the Argolid.' In Hesperia, 29
(i960), 285-303. ^
10. Chadwick, J. "H yewyais rijs 'EXXTJVIKTJS yXuxrtrrjs' In 'EmarrjfioviK^
'EneTrjpls rrjs <[>iAooo<f>iKTJs £x°Xfjs TOV IJavemo-rrjfitov 'AOrjvwv, 12
(1961-2), 531-44.
11. Chadwick, J. ' 'H irpwrrt) 'EXXTJVIKTJ ypaxfrq.' In 'EmcrrrjiioviK^ 'EneTrjpls rrjs
0iXoacxf>LK7Js ExpXfjs TOV navemxmjfilov 'AOTJVWV, I 2 (1961—2), 515—30.
CHAPTER IV(O
G. GENERAL
1. Bossert, H . T . Alt-Syrien. Tubingen, 1951.
2. Casson, S. Ancient Cyprus. London, 1937
3. Charles, R.-P. Le Peuphment de Chypre Jans VantiquitL E~tude anthropologique.
ficole Francaise d'Athenes (Eludes Chypriotes, 11). Paris, 1962.
4. Daniel, J. F. Review of S. Casson, Ancient Cyprus. In A.J.A. 43 (1939),
354-7-
5. Daniel, J. F. Review of E. Sjoqvist, Problems of the Late Cypriote Bronze Age.
In A.J.A. 46 (1942), 286-93.
6. Dikaios, P . A Guide to the Cyprus Museum, 3rd ed. Nicosia, 1961.
7. Dussaud, R. 'Kinyras. £tude sur les anciens cultes chypriotes'. In Syria, 27
(1950), 57-81.
8. Gjerstad, E. and others. The Swedish Cyprus Expedition. Finds and results of
the excavations in Cyprus, 1927—1931, 1, n and in. Stockholm, 1934-7.
9. Helbaek, H . 'Late Cypriote Vegetable Diet at Apliki.' In Op. Atk. 4 (1963),
171-86.
10. Hill, Sir George. A History of Cyprus, 1. Cambridge, 1940.
11. Karageorghis, V. ' T e n years of Archaeology in Cyprus, 1953-1962.' In A.A.
(1963), pp. 498-600.
12. Karageorghis, V. 'Chronique des fouilles et decouvertes arche'ologiques a
Chypre.' In B.C.H. 83 (1959), 336-61; 84 (i960), 242-99; 85 (1961),
256-315; 86 (1962), 327-414; 87 (1963), 325-87; 88 (1964),289-379.
13. Karageorghis, V. Treasures in the Cyprus Museum. Nicosia, 1962.
14. Murray, A. S., Smith, A. H . and Walters, H . B. Excavations in Cyprus.
London, 1900.
15. Myres, J. L. and Ohnefalsch-Richter, M . A Catalogue of the Cyprus Museum.
Oxford, 1899.
16. Myres, J. L. Handbook of the Cesnola Collection of Antiquities from Cyprus.
New York, 1914.
17. Schaeffer, C. F . A. Missions en Chypre, 1932-1935. Paris, 1936.
18. Schaeffer, C. F. A. Stratigraphie Comparie et Chronologic de I'Asie Occidental.
Oxford, 1948.
19. Sjoqvist, E. Reports on Excavations in Cyprus. Stockholm, 1940. (Revised
reprint from The Swedish Cyprus Expedition, 1.)
20. Trendall, A. D., Stewart, J. R. and others. Handbook to the Nicholson Museum.
2nd ed. Sydney, 1948.
V. CULTURAL CONDITIONS
CHAPTER VI
G. GENERAL
1. Cavaignac, E. Le problime hittite. Paris, 1936.
2. Cavaignac, E. Les Hittites. L'ancien orient illustre1, no. 3. Paris, 1950.
3. Delaporte, L. Les Hittites. L'eVolution de l'humanite'. Paris, 1936.
4. Garstang, J. and Gurney, O. R. The Geography of the Hittite Empire. Occa-
sional Publications of the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara, no. 5.
London, 1959.
CHAPTER VIII
G. GENERAL
1. Breasted, J. H. A History of Egypt from the Earliest Times to the Persian
Conquest. Ed. 2. London, 1927.
2. Drioton, E. and Vandier, J. VEgypte {'Clio':Introductionaux e"tudes historiques.
Les peuples de I'orient mlditerrane"en,\\). Ed. 4. Paris, 1962.
3. Gardiner, Sir A. Egypt of the Pharaohs. Oxford, 1961.
4. Kees, H. Ancient Egypt. A Cultural Topography. London, 1961.
5. Lucas, A. Ancient Egyptian Materials and Industries. Ed. 4 (revised and en-
larged by J. R. Harris). London, 1962.
6. Porter, B. and Moss, R. L. B. Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian
Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs and Paintings. 7 vols. (vol. I rev. in 2 pts.).
Oxford, 1927-64.
7. Sethe, K. Urkunden der 18. Dynastie {Urk.vi). Leipzig, 1906-9.
8. Vandier, J. Manuel d'archhlogie /gyptienne. 5 vols. Paris, 1952-69.
I. THE CAMPAIGNS OF KAMOSE
1. Chevrier, H. 'Rapport sur les travauxdeKarnak (1934-1935).' In Ann. Serv.
350935). 97-izi-.
2. Gardiner, A. H. 'Davies's Copy of the great Speos Artemidos Inscription.' In
J.E.A. 32 (1946), 43-56.
3. Gardiner, A. H. 'The Defeat oi the Hyksos by Kamose: The Carnarvon
Tablet, No. 1.' In J.E.A. 3 (1916), 95-110.
CHAPTER IX
I. THE RULE OF THE MILITART KING
1. Breasted, J. H. Ancient Records of Egypt: Historical Documents (Ancient
Records, 2nd series), 2: The Eighteenth Dynasty. Chicago, 1906.
2. Breasted, J. H. A History of Egypt from the Earliest Times to the Persian
Conquest. Ed. 2. London, 1927.
3. Drioton, E". and Vandier, J. L'tfgypte ('Clio.' Les peuples de TOrient m/diter-
ranien, 2). Ed. 3. Paris, 1952.
4. Edgerton, W. F. 'The Government and the Governed in the Egyptian
Empire.' In J.N.E.S. 6 (1947), 152-60.
5. Gardiner, A. H. 'Davies's Copy of the Great Speos Artemidos Inscription.'
In J.E.A. 32 (1946), 43-56.
6. Habachi, L. 'Two Graffiti at Sehel from the Reign of Queen Hatshepsut.' In
J.N.E.S. 16 (1957), 88-104.
7. Helck, H.-W. Der Einfluss der Militarfuhrer in der 18. agyptischen Dynastie
(Unters. 14). Leipzig, 1939.
8. Helck, H.-W. Zur Ferwaltung des mittleren und neuen Reichs (Probleme der
Agyptologie, edited by H. Kees, m). Leiden-Cologne, 1958.
9. Meyer, E. Geschichte des Altertums. 11,1: Die Zeit der agyptischen Grossmacht.
Ed. 2. Stuttgart and Berlin, 1928.
10. Save-Soderbergh, T. The Navy of the Eighteenth Egyptian Dynasty (Uppsala
Universitets Arsskrift 1946, 6). Uppsala, 1946.
11. Yoyotte, J. 'figypteancienne'. In Histoire universelle,i: Desorigines & I'Islam
(Encyclopidie de la PUiade). Paris, 1956.
X I I I . TOMB DEVELOPMENT
1. Bucher, P. Les textes des tombes de Thoutmosis III et d'Ame"nophis II {Mini.
Inst.fr. Caire, 60). Cairo, 1932.
2. Carter, H. 'Report on the Tomb of Zeser-ka-Ra Amenhetep I, discovered by
the Earl of Carnarvon in 1914.' In J.E.A. 3 (1916), 147-54.
3. Carter, H. 'A Tomb Prepared for Queen Hatshepsuit and Other Recent
Discoveries at Thebes.' In J.E.A. 4 (1917), 130-58.
4. Carter, H. and Gardiner, A. H. 'The Tomb of Ramesses IV and the Turin
Plan of a Royal Tomb.' In J.E.A. 4 (1917), 130-58.
5. Carter, H. and Mace, A. C. The Tomb of' Tut-ankh-Amen. Vol. 1. London,
New York, Toronto, and Melbourne, 1923.
6. Carter, H., Newberry, P. E. and Maspero, G. The Tomb of ThoutmSsis IV
(Theodore M. Davis' Excavations: Bib an el Moluk). London, 1904.
7. Cern^, J. Ancient Egyptian Religion (Hutchinson's University Library: World
Religions). London, 1952.
8. Davies, Nina M. 'Some Representations of Tombs from the Theban Necro-
polis.' In J.E.A. 24 (1938), 25-40.
9. Davies, Norman de G. The Tomb of Nakht at Thebes {Pub. M.M.A.E.E.
Robb de Peyster Tytus Memorial Series, 1). New York, 1917.
10. Davies, Norman de. G. A Corpus of Inscribed Egyptian Funerary Cones (edited
by M. F. L. Macadam). Oxford, 1937.
11. Drioton, E. ' Croyances et coutumes funeraires de l'ancienne figypte' (Editions
de La Revue du Caire). Cairo, 1943.
12. Grapow, H. 'Studien zu den thebanischen Konigsgrabern.' In Z.A.S. 72
(1936), 12-39.
13. Grapow, H. 'Zum Alter des Buches Amduat und der Sonnenlitanei.' In
Z.J.S. 75 (1939). 134-
14. Hayes, W. C. 'A Writing-palette of the Chief Steward Amenhotpe and some
Notes on its Owner.' In J.E.A. 24 (1938), 9-24.
15. Hermann, A. Die Stelen der thebanischen Felsgraber der i&. Dynastie {Agyptol.
Forsch. 11). Gliickstadt, 1940.
16. Legrain, G. 'Fragments de canopes' and 'Seconde note sur des fragments de
canopes.' In Ann. Serv. 4 (1903), 138-49; 5 (1904), 139-41.
17. Maciver, D. R. and Mace, A. C. El Amrah and Abydos, i8gg-igoi (E.E.F.
Special Extra Publication). London, 1902.
18. Peet, T. E. Review of H. E. Winlock, The Tomb of Queen Meryet-Amun at
Thebes. In J.E.A. 20 (1934), 122-3.
19. Piankoff, A. ' Les differents " livres " dans les tombes royales du Nouvel Empire.'
In Ann. Serv. 40 (1940), 283-9.
20. Piankoff, A. The Tomb of Ramesses VI (Bollingen Series, XL, vol 1. Egyptian
Religious Texts and Representations). New York, 1954.
21. Piankoff, A. 'Les torn beaux de la Vallee des Rois avant et apres l'he're'sie
amarnienne.' In Bull. Soc.fr. egyptol., nos. 28-9 (mars-juillet 1959), 7-14.
22. Schott, S. 'Die Schrift der verborgenen Kammer in Konigsgrabern der 18.
Dynastie.' In Nachr. Gottingen, 1958, Nr. 4, 315-72.
CHAPTER X
G. GENERAL
1. Breasted, J. H . Ancient Records of Egypt. 5 vols. Chicago, 1906.
2. C.A.D. The Assyrian Dictionary. Chicago, 1956-.
3. Contenau, G. Manuel d'arch/ologie orientate. 4 vols. Paris, 1927—47.
4. C.T. Cuneiform Texts in the British Museum. London, 1896-.
5. Drioton, E. and Vandier, J. Lespeuples de I'Orient miditerranien. 11. VEgypte.
Clio: Introduction aux e'tudes historiques. Ed. 3. Paris, 1952.
6. Dussaud, R. Topographic historique de la Syrie antique et me'diivale. Paris, 1927.
7. EA. The Amarna Letters, as numbered in G, 16.
8. Ebeling, E., Meissner, B. and Weidner, E. F. (eds.). Reallexikon der Assyri-
ologie, 1—in. Berlin and Leipzig, 1932-.
9. Frankfort, H . The Art and Architecture of the Ancient Orient. Harmonds-
worth, 1954.
10. Gelb, I. J. 'The early history of the West Semitic peoples.' In J.C.S. 15
(1961), 27 ff.
n. Gelb, I. J. Hurrians and Subarians (S.A.O.C. 22). Chicago, 1944.
12. Gotze, A. Hethiter, Churriter und Assyrer. Oslo, 1936.
13. Goetze, A. 'On the Chronology of the Second Millennium B.C.' \I\ J.C.S. 11
(1957), 53ff-»63 ff-
C H A P T E R XI
G. GENERAL
1. Albright, W. F. 'The Excavation of Tell Beit Mirsim. I. The Pottery of the
First Three Campaigns.' In Ann. A.S.O.R. 12 (1932).
2. Albright, W. F. 'The Excavation of Tell Beit Mirsim. I A. The Bronze Age
Pottery of the Fourth Campaign.' In Ann. A.S.O.R. 13 (1933), 55 ff.
3. Albright, W. F. 'The Excavation of Tell Beit Mirsim. II. The Bronze Age.'
In Ann. A.S.O.R. 17 (1938).
4. Buhl, M.-L. and Holm-Nielsen, S. Shiloh. The Pre-Hellenistic Remains.
Copenhagen, 1969.
5. FitzGerald, G. M. The Four Canaanite Temples of Beth-shan. Part 11. The
Pottery. Philadelphia, 1930.
6. Garstang, J. 'Jericho: City and Necropolis. Fourth Report.' In Ann. Arch.
Anthr. 21 (1934), 99 ff.
7. Grant, E. and Wright, G. E. Ain Shems Excavations, iv. {Pottery). Haverford,
Pennsylvania. 1939.
8. Guy, P. L. O. and Engberg, R. M. Megiddo Tombs (O.I.P. 33). Chicago
1938.
9. Hamilton, R. W. 'Excavations at Tell Abu Hawam.' In Q.D.A.P. 4 (1935),
iff.
10. Hankey, V. 'Mycenaean Pottery in the Middle East.' In B.S.A. 62 (1967),
107 ff.
11. Harding, G. L. 'Four Tomb Groups from Jordan.' In Ann. P.E.F. 6 (1953).
12. James, F. W. The Iron Age at Beth-shan (University of Pennsylvania, Museum
Monographs). Philadelphia, 1966.
13. Kenyon, K. M. 'Excavations in Jerusalem, 1961.' In P.E.Q. 1962, 72 ff.
14. Kenyon, K. M. 'Excavations in Jerusalem, 1962.' In P.E.Q. 1963, 7 ff.
15. Kenyon, K. M. 'Excavations in Jerusalem, 1964.' In P.E.Q. 1965, 9 ff.
16. Kenyon, K. M. 'Some notes on the History of Jericho in the 2nd Millennium
B.C.' In P.E.Q. 1951, 101 ff.
CHAPTER XII
C. CENERAL
1. Bossert, H. T h . Altkreta. Ed. 3. Berlin, 1937.
2. ficole Francaise dAthenes. ttudes Critoises, I-XI. Paris, 1928-59.
3. Evans, A. J. The Palace of Minos at Knossos, I-IV and Index. London, 1921-36.
4. Marinatos, Sp. and Hirmer, M. Kreta und das Mykenische Hellas. Munich,
i960.
5. Matz, F. 'Die Aegaeis.' In Handbuch der Archaeologie, 11. Munich, 1954.
6. Matz, F. Kreta, Mykene, Troia. Die Minoische und die Homerische Welt.
Stuttgart, 1956.
7. Matz, F. Crete and Early Greece. The Prelude to Greek Art. London, 1962.
8. Nilsson, M. P. The Minoan-Mycenaean Religion. Ed. 2. Lund, 1950.
9. Pendlebury, J. D. S. The Archaeology of Crete. London, 1939.
10. Pernier, L. and Band, L. / / Palazzo Minoico di Festos. 1, 19 3 5. n, Rome, 19 51.
11. Zervos, Chr. VArt de la Crete. Paris, 1956.
CHAPTER XIII
(a) LITERACY IN MINOAN AND MYCENAEAN
LANDS
G. GENERAL
1. Baumbach, L. Studies in Mycenaean Inscriptions and Dialect, 1953—1964.
Rome, 1968.
2. Brice, W. C. Inscriptions in tie Minoan Linear Script of Class A. London, 1961.
3. Evans, A. J. Scripta Minoa 1. Oxford, 1909.
4. Evans, A. J. Scripta Minoa n. Oxford, 1952.
5. Evans, A. J. The Palace of Minos I-IV and Index. Oxford, 1921-36.
6. Kenna, V. E. G. Cretan Seals. Oxford, i960.
7. Landau, O. Mykenisch-griechische Personennamen. Goteborg, 1958.
8. Morpurgo, A. Mycenaeae Graecitatis Lexicon. Rome, 1963.
9. Palmer, L. R. The Interpretation of Mycenaean Greek Texts. Oxford, 1963.
10. Palmer, L. R. and Boardman, J. On the Knossos Tablets. Oxford, 1963.
11. Ventris, M . and Chadwick, J. Documents in Mycenaean Greek. Cambridge,
1959. (New edition in course of preparation.)
III. SCRIPTS
Pictographic
1. Grumach, Bibliographic (1963), 17-20, 31-3; Supplement, 5-6, 10.
2. Kober, A. E.'The Minoan Scripts: Fact and Theory.' In A.J.A. 52 (1948),
83-7.
3. Erlenmeyer, H. 'Hieroglyphisch-hethitische und agaische Schriftsiegel.' In
Kadmos 5 (1966), 118-20.
4. Grumach, E. and Sakellarakis, J. 'Dieneuen Hieroglyphensiegel vom Phourni
(Archanes) I.' In Kadmos 5 (1966), 109-14.
Numerals
5. Grumach, Bibliographic (1963), 67-9 (Weights, measures, accounts); Supple-
ment (1967), 18.
6. Bennett, E. L., Jr. 'Fractional Quantities in Minoan Bookkeeping.' In A.J.A.
54 (i95°)» 204-22.
Linear A
7. Grumach, Bibliographic (1963), 33-49, 73-4; Supplement (1967), 10-14,
20-1.
G. GENERAL
1. Baumbach, L. (editor). Studies in Mycenaean Inscriptions and Dialect IQ53—
ig64- Rome, 1968.
2. Bennett, E. L. (ed.). The Mycenae Tablets II. Transactions of the American
Philosophical Society (Philadelphia), 48 (1958), Part 1.
3. Bennett, E. L. 'Tentative identifications of the hands of the scribes of the
Pylos tablets.' In Athenaeum, 46 (1958), 328-33.
4. Chadwick, J. ' T h e Organization of the Mycenaean Archives.' In Studia
Mycenaea (Brno, 1968), 11-21.
5. Chadwick, J. and Killen, J. T . A Mycenaean Industry. Cambridge
(in preparation).
6. Duhoux, Y. 'Le groupe lexical de SIStofu en mycenien.' In Minos, 9 (1968),
81-108.
7. Landau, O. Mykenisch-griechische Personennamen. Goteborg, 1958.
8. Lejeune, M . 'Les forgerons de Pylos.' In Historia, 10 (1961), 409-34.
9. Marinatos, S. 'BacnXiKa /jivpei/jela /cat apxela ev MvKrjvais.' In II
TTJs'AKaSrinias'Aerjvuiv, 33 (1958), 161-73.
10. Morpurgo, A. Mycenaeae Graecitatis Lexicon. Rome, 1963.
11. Olivier, J.-P. Les Scribes de Cnossos. Rome, 1967.
12. Palmer, L. R. The Interpretation of Mycenaean Greek texts. Oxford, 1963.
13. Palmer, L. R. and Boardman, J. On the Knossos Tablets. Oxford, 1963.
14. Ventris, M . and Chadwick, J. Documents in Mycenaean Greek. Cambridge,
1956. (New edition in course of preparation.)
CHAPTER XIV
G. GENERAL
1. Dow, S. ' T h e Greeks in the Bronze Age.' In Rapports du Xle congrh inter-
national des sciences historiques, Stockholm, IQ6O, 1-34.
2. Evans, A. J. The Palace of Minos. London, 1922-37.
CHAPTER XV
C. GENERAL
1. Cavaignac, E. Le problime hittite. Paris, 1936.
2. Cavaignac, E. Les Hittites. L'ancien Orient illustrd, no. 3. Paris, 1950.
3. Cornelius, F . 'Die Chronologie des vorderen Orients im 2. Jahrtausend v.
Chr.' In Arch.f. Or. 17 (1954-6), 294 ff.
4. Cornelius, F. 'Chronology, eine Erwiderung.' In J.C.S. 12 (1958), 101 ff.
5. Delaporte, L. Les Hittites. L'eVolution de l'humanite'. Paris, 1936.
6. Ebeling, E., Meissner, B. and Weidner, E. (ed.). Reallexikon der Assyriologie.
Berlin, 1928- .
7. Forrer.E. Die Boghazkoi-Texte in Umschrift. W.V.D.O.G. 41, 42 (1922-6).
8. Garstang, J. and Gurney, O. R. The Geography of the Hittite Empire. Oc-
casional Publications of the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara, no. 5.
London, 1959.
9. Goetze, A. Das Hethiter-Reich. Alte Or. 27, 2. Leipzig, 1928.
10. Goetze, A. Kizzuwatna. T.O.S. Researches, vol. xxn. New Haven, 1940.
11. Goetze, A. ' T h e problem of chronology and early Hittite history.' In
Bull. A.S.O.R. 122 (1951), 18 ff.
12. Goetze, A. 'On the chronology of the second millennium B.C.' In J.C.S.
11 (X957)» 53 ff-
13. Goetze, A. Kleinasien. Kulturgeschichte des alten Orients, Abschnitt m , 1.
Ed. 2. Munchen, 1957. (Part of I. Mfiller, Handbuch der Altertumswissen-
schaft.)
14. Goetze, A. Review of G, 8. In J.C.S. 14 (i960), 43 ff.
15. Guterbock, H . G. ' T h e Human Element in the Hittite Empire.' In J.JV.H.
2 (1954). 383 ff-
16. Gurney, O. R. The Hittites. Pelican Books. Revised, 1964.
17. Gurney, O. R. 'Hittite Kingship.' In Hooke, S. H., Myth, Ritual, and King-
ship. Oxford, 1958.
18. Korosec, V. Hethitische Staatsvertrage. Leipzig, 1931.
19. Landsberger, B. 'Assyrische Konigsliste und "Dunkles Zeitalter".' In J.C.S.
8 (1954), 31 ff. and 106 ff.
20. Laroche, E. 'Chronologie hittite, itaX des questions.' In Anadolu, 2 (195 5), 1 ff.
21. Laroche,E. ' Catalogue des textes hittites.' I n ^ . / / . ^ . XIV/58-XV1/62 (1956-8).
A. ADDENDA
1. Beran, T. Bogazkoy-Hattula, v. Die hethitische Glyptik von Bogazkoy, 1. Teil.
fV.F.D.O.G. 76. Berlin, 1967.
2. Carruba, O. 'Die Chronologie der hethitischen Texte und die hethitische
Geschichte der Grossreichszeit.' In Z.D.M.G. Suppl. I (xvn. Deutscher
Orientalistentag), 1969, 226 ff.
3. Cornelius, F. 'Der Text des Hattusilis III, geographisch erlautert.' In R.H.A.
xvn/65 (1959), 104 ff.
4. Cornelius, F. 'Neue Aufschlusse zur hethitischen Geographic' In Or. n.s. 32
(1963), 233 ff.
5. Goetze, A. Review of K. Bo. x. In J.C.S. 16 (1962), 24 ff.
6. Goetze, A. 'Cilicians.' In J.C.S. 16 (1962), 48 ff.
7. Giiterbock, H. G. Review of §1, 1. In Oriens, 6 (1953), 152 ff.
8. Giiterbock, H. G. 'Sargon of Akkad mentioned by Hattusili I of Hatti.' In
J.C.S. 18 (1964), 1 ff.
9. Guterbock, H. G. 'The Hittite conquest of Cyprus reconsidered.' In J.N.E.S.
26 (1967), 73 ff.
10. Guterbock, H. G. 'The predecessors of Suppiluliuma again.' In J.N.E.S. 29
(1970), 73 ff.
11. Houwink ten Cate, Philo H. J. The Records of the Early Hittite Empire (c.
1450—1380 B.C.) Publications de l'Institut historique et arche'ologique de
de Stamboul, no. xxvi. Istanbul, 1970.
12. Kammenhuber, A. Die Arier im Vorderen Orient. Heidelberg, 1968.
13. Kammenhuber, A. 'Konsequenzen aus neueren Datierungen hethitischer Texte:
Pferdetrainingsanweisungen eine Erfindung der Hethiter.' In Or. n.s. 38
(1969), 548 ff. x . .
14. Kammenhuber, A. 'Die Vorganger Suppiluliumas I. Untersuchungen zu
einer neueren Geschichtsdarstellung H. Ottens.' In Or. n.s. 39 (1970), 278 ff.
15. K.Bo., Keihchrifttexte aus Boghazkoi, i-xvn. Leipzig and Berlin, 1916-69.
16. Kempinsky, A. and Kosak, S. 'Der Ismeriga-Vertrag.' In W.O. 5 (1970), 191 ff.
17. Klengel, H. Geschichte Syriens im 2. Jahrtausendv. u. Z. Berlin, 1965 and 1969.
18. Klengel, H. 'Die Rolle der "Altesten" ( L t f ^ SU. GI) im Kleinasien der
Hethiterzeit.' In Z.A. n.F. 23 (1965), 223 ff.
19. Landsberger, B. Sam'al. Ankara, 1948.
20. Laroche,E.'Unpointd'histoire:Ulmi-Tessub.' InR.H.A.vu\j^S,(\947-8),408".
21. Otten, H. 'Hethiter, Hurriterund Mitanni.' In Fischer Weltgeschichte, 3 (1966).
102 ff. .
22. Otten, H. 'Zur Datierung und Bedeutung des Felsheiligtums von Yazilikaya.'
In Z.A. n. F. 24 (1967), 222 ff.
23. Otten, H. 'Ein hethitischer Vertrag aus dem 15./14. Jahrhundert v. Chr.
{K.Bo. xvi 47).' In 1st. Mitt. 17 (1967), 55 ff.
24. Otten, H. 'Die hethitischen historischen Quellen und die altorientalische
Chronologic' In Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur (Mainz),
Abh. der Geistes- und Sozialwissenschaftlichen Klasse, 1968, 101 ff.
25. Otten, H. Sprackliche Stellung und Datierung des Madduwatta-textes. Studien
zu den Bogazkoy-Texte, Heft 11. Wiesbaden, 1969.
CHAPTER XVI
G. GENERAL
1. Arne, T . J. 'La Steppe turkomane et ses antiquites.' In Geografiska Annaler
(193 5>
2. Fairservis, W. F. Jr. Archaeological Studies in the Seistan Basin. New York, 1961.
3. Ghirshman, R. Iran. Baltimore, 1954.
4. Ghirshman, R. ' Iranian Pre-Sassanian Art Cultures.' In Encyclopedia of World
Art, 7, 247 ff. London, 1963.
5. Ghirshman, R. The Art of Ancient Iran. New York, 1965.
6. Godard, A. Les Bronzes du Luristan. Paris, 1931.
7. Herzfeld, E. 'Bericht fiber archaologische Beobachtungen im siidlichen Kur-
distan und im Luristan.' In A.M.I. 1 (1929), 65 ff.
8. Herzfeld, E. Iran in the Ancient East. New York, 1941.
9. Masson, V. M. and M. E. 'Archaeological Cultures of Central Asia of the
Aeneolithicand Bronze Ages.' In Cah. H.M. 5 (1959), 15 ff.
10. Masson, V. M. Drevnezemledeltcheskaya kultura Margiani. Moscow-
Leningrad, 1959. (French summary by R. Ghirshman, Iranica antiqua, 4
(1964), 69 ff.)
11. Masson, V. M. 'The Historical Position of Central Asian Civilization.' In
Soviet Anth. and Arch. 3 (1964), 3 ff.
12. McCown, D. E. The Comparative Stratigraphy of Early Iran. Chicago, 1942.
13. McCown, D. E. 'The Relative Stratigraphy and Chronology of Iran.' In
Relative Chronologies in Old World Archeology (R. W. Ehrich, ed.),
Chicago, 1954, 56 ff.
14. Meldgaard, J., Mortensen, P. and Thrane, H. 'Excavations at Tepe Guran,
Luristan.' In Ada Arch. 34 (1964), 97 ff.
15. Mongait, A. Archaeology in the U.S.S.R. Moscow, 1959.
16. de Morgan, J. J. Mission scientifique en Perse, iv. Recherches archiologiques.
Paris, 1896.
17. Porada, E. Ancient Iran. New York, 1965.
18. Schaeffer, C. F. A. Stratigraphie comparie et chronologie de I'Asie occidentale.
London, 1948.
19. Schmidt, E. F. Flights Over Ancient Cities of Iran. Chicago, 1940.
20. Stein, Sir A. 'Archaeological Reconnaissances in Southern Persia.' In G.f. 83
(1934), 119 ff.
21. Stein, Sir A. 'An Archaeological Tour in Ancient Persis.' In G.f. 86
(1935), 489 ff.
22. Stein, Sir A. Archaeological Reconnaissances in Northwest India and South-
east Iran. London, 1937.
23. Stein, Sir A. 'An Archaeological Journey in Western Iran.' In G.J. 92
(1938), 313 ff.
24. Stein, Sir A. Old Routes of Western Iran. London, 1940.
25. Vanden Berghe, L. Archiologie de I'Iran ancien. Leiden, 1959.
F O U R T E E N T H D Y N A S T Y : 1 7 8 6 - f . 1 6 0 3 B.C.
'Seventy-sir kings of Xols', who reigned together 184 years, according to the Africanus version of
Manetho. Many of their names are preserved in columns vm-x of the Turin Canon. Few monument!.
F I F T E E N T H D Y N A S T Y : 1 6 7 4 - 1 5 6 7 B.C.
Mayebre Sheshi [1 ?]3 years Auserre Apophis I 40+ar years
Meruserre Yakubher 8 years Aqenenre Apophis II
Seuserenre Khyan Asehre Khamudy (?)
S I X T E E N T H D Y N A S T Y : C. 1 6 8 4 — 1 5 6 7 B.C.
A succession of eight Hyksos chieftains probably contemporary with the 'Great Hyksos' of the Fifteenth
Dynasty and including some or all of the following rulers:
Anather Ahetepre
Semqen Sekhaenre
Khauserre Amu
Seket Nebkhepeshre Apophis (III!)
[ 818 }
Stcond Group
Nubkheperre Inyotef VII 3 + * year* Seqenenre Tao II,'the Brave' —
Senakhtenre Wadjkheperre Kamose 3 + * years
Seqenenre Tao I, 'the Elder'
EIGHTEENTH D Y N A S T Y : 1 5 6 7 — I 3 2 O B.C.
Nebpehtyre Amosis 1570-1546 B.C. Nebmare Amenophis III 1417-1379B.C.
Djeserkare Amenophis I 154.6—1526 B.C. Neferkheprure Amenophis IV
Akheperkare Tuthmosis I 1525-C. 1512 B.C. (Akhenaten) I379—1362 B.C.
Akheperenre Tuthmosis II C. I 512-1504 B.C. (Ankhkheprure)
Makare Hatshepsut I 364-I 361 B.C.
I5O3-I482 B.C. Smenkhkare (3)*
Menkheperre I361-I352 B.C.
Nebkheprure Tutankhamun
Tuthmosis III (21)* I504-I45O B.C. I 352-I 348 B.C.
Kheperkheprure Ay
Akheprure Amenophis II I45O-1425 B.C. I 348-I 32O B.C.
Djeserkheprure Horemheb
Menkheprure Tuthmosis IV 1425-1417 B.C.
Silli-Sin
' «75° ' (// Hammura 1750
Samsuiluna (38) Rim-Sin II bi of Babylon) Kuduzulush I
I749-I7I2 (nephew)
(// Samsuiluna)
Iqish-Tishpak Mut-Ashkur 11. Khana: Abbael I (son)
(son) 1740?—? (sequence of
kings
//. Sea Country: Kutir-Nah- uncertain)
Uima-ilu hunte I Rimufsh?]
(name
Anni (or Iluni) uncertain)
?-J727 Asinum (grand
son of Sham
Gandash (16) shi-Adad I?) Isharlim
Abieshu' (28) Anarchy: 8
1711-1684 usurpers from
Puzur-Sin to (Tudkhaliash
Adasi Iarimlim II 1?)
(son)
AEGEAN MAINLAND
B.C. CRETE
ISLANDS GREECE
AEGEAN MAINLAND
B.C. CRETE
ISLANDS GREECE
Minos in Sicily
I4O0 Destruction of LATE HELLADIC
Minoan palace at i n A begins
Cnossus Establishment ofPelo-
LATE MINOAN III pids in Argolid
begins
Destruction & re-
building of palace,
etc. at Mycenae
Expansion of My- Myc. trade expands
cenaean influence in in Cyprus, Syria,
the Aegean islands Palestine, Egypt
(Tell el Amarna)
Sack of Thebes by
Epigoni (? later)