Naaman 1996. The Contribution of The Amarna
Naaman 1996. The Contribution of The Amarna
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide
range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and
facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
http://about.jstor.org/terms
This content downloaded from 132.64.31.253 on Sat, 09 Dec 2017 14:26:31 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
The Contribution of the Amarna Letters
to the Debate on Jerusalem's Political
Position in the Tenth Century B.C.E.
NADAV NA AMAN
17
This content downloaded from 132.64.31.253 on Sat, 09 Dec 2017 14:26:31 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
18 NADAV NAAMAN BASOR 304
surveys conducted
more powerfulin the towns.
small autonomous areas
"It first
From settlement took size
on the form and
and acquired distribut
the status of a city,
cial stratification evident
capable of being understood asin public
a state capital, some-
items, he concludes that
time in the middle Judah
of the seventh century." bec
Jerusalem a major Many problems raised by these scholars deserve
administrative c
than the eighth century
further B.C.E.
critical investigation. I will limit my criticism "T
dence that Judah to two began to functio
major points: the evaluation of the results of
prior to the tremendous the archaeological excavations conducted increas
in Jerusa-
building, production, lem and the contribution of the Amarna tablets to the
centralizat
tion which began debate to
about theappear
emergence of a kingdom in the
in Israel.
writes (Jamieson-Drake 1991:
I will try to show that these scholars' evaluation of38-
ninth centuries Judah may
the excavations in Jerusalem be
is inadequate and defin
leads
which is still far to erroneousfromconclusions, and an that they incipi
ignore the
our polythetic lesson classification
that may be learned from investigation ofsche the
small state in the 8th-7th centuries, but not be- Amarna tablets for the study of Jerusalem's political
fore." (Jamieson-Drake 1991: 139; for similar conclu-position in the tenth century B.C.E.
sions, see Knauf 1991a: 171-72; 1991b: 39; Lemche
1994: 184-85). Thompson (1992: 409-11) went a
EXCAVATIONS OF THE
step further, suggesting that "during the first part of
OPHEL HILL: LEGITIMATE AND
Iron Age II, Jerusalem was a small provincial town
at best, not significantly superior to such Shephelah ILLEGITIMATE CONCLUSIONS
towns as Lachish and Gezer." Prior to the seventh
Deposits of pottery of Iron Age II
century Jerusalem competed with the other towns for
the kingdom's resources and products. Only inmainsthe of a few walls of this period w
seventh century B.C.E. did Jerusalem acquire in thethe excavations conducted in the O
City of David; Tarler and Cahill 199
character of a regional state capital. "The existence
of the Bible's 'United Monarchy' during the tenthearlier literature). Kenyon (1974: 9
century is not only impossible because Judah had posed
not a tenth-century wall fragment
yet a sedentary population, but also because there
eastern side of the Ophel Hill, which
was no transregional political or economic base asofpart of a casemate fortification (W
33-35). Shiloh (1984: 27) dated the
power in Palestine prior to the expansion of Assyrian
structure in Area G to the tenth cent
imperial influence into the southern Levant" (Thomp-
son 1992: 412). Davies (1992: 69) suggests thatgested
"it that it was built as the south
of the royal compound erected then
is quite likely that Judah was formed as a secondary
state perhaps in the 9th century, and possibly by However
the Tarler and Cahill (1992: 5
Assyrians . . . The range of indices consideredsuggested
by that the stepped stone stru
Jamieson-Drake make it necessary for us to excludestructed in the 13th-12th century B.C
the Davidic and the Solomonic monarchies, let alone
occupation in the Iron Age IIA is know
a few remains centered on the Oph
their 'empire' from a nonbiblical history of Pales-
tine." Finally, Lemche and Thompson (1994: 19-20)
pottery of this period was found in o
areas
conclude that "in the history of Palestine ... there is of Jerusalem.
The results of the excavations at the site of old
no room for a historical United Monarchy, or for
Jerusalem were taken by some scholars as an indica-
such kings as those presented in the biblical stories
of Saul, David or Solomon. The early period tion in that it was no more than a small provincial town
which the traditions have set their narratives is an
until the expansion of settlement to the Western
imaginary world of long ago that never existed Hill
as in the eighth century B.C.E. (note, in particular,
Thompson 1992: 331-33; Lemche 1994: 184-85).
such." There could not have been a kingdom in the
tenth century because there were not enough peopleHowever they did not consider the many problems
involved in excavating this site. First, the area of
nor enough towns. Jerusalem at this time can hardly
Jerusalem's public buildings is under the Temple
be described as a city. It was still centuries away
from being able to challenge any of the dozens of Mount and cannot be examined. The most impor-
This content downloaded from 132.64.31.253 on Sat, 09 Dec 2017 14:26:31 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
1996 THE CONTRIBUTION OF THE AMARNA LETTERS 19
This content downloaded from 132.64.31.253 on Sat, 09 Dec 2017 14:26:31 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
20 NADAV NAAMAN BASOR 304
This content downloaded from 132.64.31.253 on Sat, 09 Dec 2017 14:26:31 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
1996 THE CONTRIBUTION OF THE AMARNA LETTERS 21
This content downloaded from 132.64.31.253 on Sat, 09 Dec 2017 14:26:31 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
22 NADAV NAAMAN BASOR 304
This content downloaded from 132.64.31.253 on Sat, 09 Dec 2017 14:26:31 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
1996 THE CONTRIBUTION OF THE AMARNA LETTERS 23
(above)
established in the new capital with scribes among its fits well the socioarchaeological picture as it
officials. An ideology of a divine guidance of hasthe
emerged from the new surveys of the highlands.
The scope of settlement in the highland areas is
king and his dynasty quickly arose and the new rul-
also
ers used propaganda to consolidate their throne andrelevant for the discussion of the so-called
ISRAELITE STATE
The Iron Age IIA highland settled population on
both sides of the Jordan was about 15-20 times
larger than that in LB II Shechem, and David ma
What was the number of settlements and the also have conquered some lowland districts an
scope of population governed from the new court mustered
of their population. The abundance of man
Jerusalem? Recent surveys supply this essential power
in- enabled David to mobilize a great army an
formation. Overall, about 255 Iron Age I sites to have
conquer large areas. Since the conquest was short-
lived and the "empire" fell apart immediately after
been discovered in the central hill country of Pales-
tine (Zertal 1994: 54-59; Ofer 1994: 102; Finkel- the conqueror's death, no established administration
stein 1994: 159). It is more difficult to determinewas
the set up in the subjugated areas. Only the migh
of David and the fear of his army may have kep
number of settlements in Iron Age IIA (the tenth
them under his dominion. There are many historica
century), due to the well-known problem of the inner
analogies for short-lived conquests of large territo-
division of Iron Age II pottery. Taking into account
a moderate increase of settlement, we may assume ries; those conquests ended with the death of the con
queror. There is, therefore, nothing impossible abou
that the overall number of sites in the Cisjordanian
This content downloaded from 132.64.31.253 on Sat, 09 Dec 2017 14:26:31 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
24 NADAV NAAMAN BASOR 304
the main outline of the biblical account of David's single regional center in southern Palestine had held
conquest. Unfortunately, there is no other source sufficient
with power or density of population to dominate
other established centers of population." He con-
which to verify the historicity of the biblical account
of David's wars and his territorial expansion. cludes (Thompson 1992: 332), "This same isolation
In his discussion of the symbolic attainment of restricted
the its (i.e., Jerusalem) power and political
world order, Liverani (1990: 59) wrote as follows:
influence largely to its own region, and the small sub-
regions contiguous to it. The limited excavations in
At the ideological level, the physical presence of the
Jerusalem confirm this picture of a small provincial
king in a remote country is sufficient (although nec-
commercial center ... ."
essary) to demonstrate his political control thereon.
A victorious raid, even a pacific one, an expedition We may ask on what Thompson bases these far-
reaching
aiming at knowledge more than at conquest, is the re- conclusions. He does not discuss the ar-
quired symbolic achievement-not an effective ad- chaeological data in detail, nor does he examine the
ministrative organization (which could in [any] case longue duree or compare the Iron Age IIA data to
eventually follow). It is in fact unbelievable that an
other documented periods. His conclusions neither
area where the king freely walks, receives tributes, take into account all the available evidence nor do
subdues people, should not be a part of the organized
justice to the complexity of the problem. On the
world, whatever be the local political system.
basis of the data presented above, I would suggest
This ideological concept, which is supported that
by Judah in the late tenth-ninth centuries B.C.E.
was a peripheral small and powerless kingdom gov-
many historical examples, may well explain the bib-
erned by its local dynasty from the highland strong-
lical description of David's great kingdom, provided
hold of Jerusalem. Its rulers considered themselves
that at a certain moment in his career he actually
reached the remote areas attributed to him in biblical kings and were so regarded by their neighbors and
historiography. inhabitants. According to "modem" sociological def-
What happened in the stronghold of Jerusalem inition, late tenth-ninth century Judah should be
after the rebellion and the establishment of the defined as a chiefdom whose center was the strong-
Northern Kingdom? According to the (yet unpub-hold of Jerusalem, whose territory encompassed hilly
lished) new surveys, 17 Iron Age I sites have and
beenneighboring lowland and Negebite areas, and
whose population was a mixture of rural and pastoral
discovered in the hill country of Judah (Ofer 1994:
elements.
102) and 10 sites in the district of Benjamin (Finkel-
stein and Magen 1993: 26). Ofer (1994: 102-4) sug-
gests that 34 Judaean highland sites were settled in CONCLUSIONS
This content downloaded from 132.64.31.253 on Sat, 09 Dec 2017 14:26:31 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
1996 THE CONTRIBUTION OF THE AMARNA LETTERS 25
NOTES
This content downloaded from 132.64.31.253 on Sat, 09 Dec 2017 14:26:31 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
26 NADAV NADAMAN BASOR 304
REFERENCES
1988- The Land of Ephraim Survey 1980-1987: Pre-1991b From History to Interpretation. Pp. 26-64 in
1989 liminary Report. Tel Aviv 15-16: 117-83. The Fabric of History: Text, Artifact and Is-
1991 The Central Hill Country in the Intermediate rael's Past, ed. D. V. Edelman. Journal for the
Bronze Age. Israel Exploration Journal 41: Study of the Old Testament, Supplement Series
19-45. 127. Sheffield: JSOT.
Kochavi, M.
1992 Middle Bronze Age 'Fortifications': A Reflec-
1972 The Land of Judah. Pp. 19-90 in Judaea, Sa-
tion of Social Organization and Political For-
mation. Tel Aviv 19: 201-20. maria and the Golan: Archaeological Survey
1994 The Emergence of Israel: A Phase in the 1967-1968, ed. M. Kochavi. Jerusalem: Carta
Cyclic History of Canaan in the Third and (Hebrew).
Second Millennia B.C.E. Pp. 150-78 in From Landsberger, B.
Nomadism to Monarchy: Archaeological and 1926 Die Eigenbegrifflichkeit der Babylonischen
Historical Aspects of Early Israel, eds. I. Welt. Islamica 2: 355-72. (Trans. T. Jacobsen,
Finkelstein and N. Na'aman. Jerusalem: Yad B. Foster, and H. von Siebenthal, from German,
Izhak Ben-Zvi and Israel Exploration Society. 1976. The Conceptual Autonomy of the Baby-
Finkelstein, I., and Magen, Y., eds. lonian World. Sources and Monographs of the
1993 Archaeological Survey of the Hill Country of Ancient Near East 1: 157-71.)
Lemche, N. P.
Benjamin. Jerusalem: Israel Antiquities Author-
ity (Hebrew). 1994 Is it Still Possible to Write a History of Israel?
Franken, H. J., and Steiner, M. L. Scandinavian Journal of the Old Testament 8:
1992 Urusalim and Jebus. Zeitschrift fiir die alttes- 165-90.
This content downloaded from 132.64.31.253 on Sat, 09 Dec 2017 14:26:31 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
1996 THE CONTRIBUTION OF THE AMARNA LETTERS 27
ninger.Johns
and J. J. M. Roberts. Baltimore: St. Augustin,Hopkins
bei Bonn: Anthropos
University. Instituts.
1992 The Amarna Letters. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins 1977 Dimorphic Structure and the Parasocial Ele-
University. ment. Journal of Near Eastern Studies 36:
Na'aman, N. 181-98.
This content downloaded from 132.64.31.253 on Sat, 09 Dec 2017 14:26:31 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms