I.

Tryambaka’s Introduction
(Sdhp. lv. l-2v. 5)

Tryambaka opens his treatise with a typical invocation: ‘Hail to

Ganadhipati! Hail to Sarasvatl! Hail to (the line) of teachers!*1
Ganadhipati, more commonly called Ganapati or Ganesa (‘Lord of
troops’), is traditionally worshipped as the remover of obstacles.
As ‘one who causes an auspicious beginning* (mahgalarambhah),
he is invoked at the start of rituals or other projects. This is how¬
ever a late development: Ganesa is not invoked in the grhya- or
dharmasutras. Sarasvatl is the goddess of eloquence and learning.
The text continues with four introductory verses.
1. ‘Obedient service to one’s husband (bhartrhdrusanam) is the
primary religious duty enjoined by sacred tradition for women.
When the daughter of the Himalayas (Parvati) realized that this
duty was endorsed by her father, she put it into practice and so
assumed the form {abhajata) of half the body of her husband. May
she always show me how to follow the path of sacred law!’2
Susrusanam and hisrusa (lit. ‘desire to hear’) cover a range of
meanings and associations from the reverential (such as the Vedic
student’s ministrations to his teacher and the devotee’s homage to
his god) to the subservient (such as the obsequious services of the
slave). With regard to women, it manages to combine all three and
describes the proper attitude of the wife to her lord: obedience in
matters of principle; diligent and attentive service in the practical
matters of every day. It also bridges without difficulty the apparent
gap between religious duties and daily chores: the wife’s service to
her husband in the home is her worship of her god. Tryambaka
returns to this topic in his concluding section where he defines
patisusrusanam in three different ways (see section V, p. 305).
In particular, he argues that the term ‘service’ (susrusa) covers every-

1* ffsri ganadhipataye namahff ffsri sarasvatyai namah // ffsri gurubhyo

namahif ■'/Sdhp.lv. 1.
2. mukhyo dharmah smrtisu vihito bhartrsusrusanam hi; strlndm etat
pitur anumaiam karyam ity dkalayyafj tat kurvanabhajata vapuso bhortur
ardham himadrehjkanyd sa me disaiu satatam dharmamargapravrttim ifIff
Sdhp.lv.2-4. The metre is mandakrmta.
 Tryambakas Introduction 31
3Q StrJdharmapaddhati
with his mate half, pursuing the female in her various forms for the
tog a».
both .Uh the
• i™**"* T StfCSS IS s“£
’
'<*-
purpose of sexual intercourse. On the human level, the oneness of the
married couple means not the merging of two individuals but the
■remce’ offered by the mtat ® to tMml ,**»• self-effacement of one of them* In the Mahdbharata. for example,
Gandhari adopts not only her husband’s lifestyle and interests, but
his physical characteristics as well: she binds her eyes so as not to
excel the blind Dhrtarastra in any way (Mbh.M 10.14). As Trya*
mhaka’s treatise on women unfolds, it becomes increasingly clear
that the ideal wife is one whose duties, purpose and identity derive
entirely from her husband. In practical terms, as we shall see, this is
devoted .Ife, retells dre “£^Li by *ont«n alone what is meant by the oneness of marriage. For the goddess ParvatT
This ‘vow’ or religious °|5Se"anCe’L even ,0day, involves or the ideal woman such as Sakuntala, the whole woman — as wife
— becomes absorbed into half the man {ardham bharya manusyasya;
Mbh.I,68.40a).
2. ‘She who desired (only) to gain a husband’s blessing long
S' 3 displayed the utmost devotion: (first,) because she wanted to show
favour to the world; (secondly,) because it was advocated by sacred
tradition; (thirdly,) because it was her father’s command. (As a
said to have been narrated to Par * . §j her husband result,) she became one with the body of the Lord (Siva) whose
*» ? <""> ^SSSi b.- of becoming crest jewel is the crescent moon. May Satl, gem of chaste women,
(cf. Nagaswamy 1983.46 51) f , form 0f £;va (ardha- today grant me knowledge in the way of the sacred law !’4
half of his body. This half-male, halMOTale term ^ ^ ^ those Safi is the daughter of Daksa; that is, ParvatT in a previous
n&risvara) is graphically dePlctedin dimmer 1983 vol.lI, plates birth. When Daksa insulted Siva by refusing to invite him to his

SSEESSSswa:
sprung from half his body, f t^e married human
great sacrifice, Satl immolated herself in the fire (Bhag,P.IV,2.
l-IV.4.34; Siv.P., satlkhanda). Later, when the world was threat¬
ened by the demon T§raka, it was prophesied that only the child of
Siva and ParvatT could destroy him. So, ‘in order to show favour to
the world’, ParvatT set out to win Siva: first by her beauty, and, when
couple: husband and enfe as eoratje® mLaie from the Brhad- that failed, by her religious devotion. Eventually, Skanda was born
This is a popo'y ™*8^ "h primeval Self in the shape of a man and both gods and universe were saved (Siv.P., parvattkhanda; Sk.
P., kaslkhanda; Rim.I; Kumarasambhava).
The importance of the son at this mythological level reinforces
*U rnisehmdnmd (port S.Br.V.21.10. the orthodox view that the wife’s main purpose is to be the bearer of
union is the reuniting of two • ritual on the grounds a son for her husband’s family. As Sakuntala declares, a wife’s
‘wifehood1 lies in the fact that a husband enters her and is reborn

§Wa, continues to identify 4. lokasydnujigrksayd smrtipuranoktya pitm cajnaya; susrusdm paramam

vidhaya suciram bhartuh prasdddrthinljj dehadvaitam avapa yd bhagavatas
. ivam // cartdrdrdgacuddmaneh / dadydd adya sati satijanamanih sd dharmapadyd-
3. mama eardhom sorfrosyu mama «>«#** vinihsrtal . matimlf2ff Sdhp.lv.4-6. The metre is sdrdulavikriditam.
MMi YTIT 1U 0&
 Tryambaka s Introduction 33
Stridharmapaddhati
best and which are for the most part well known throughout sacred
from to.= Safi ™n»n»tw tradition. If virtuous women put them into practice, they will
Whether for goddess ormortal,M d into the attain a good reputation, unequalled religious merit, immediate
created to give birth (Man«to tL world’. In happiness in this world and heaven after death/7
ordained scheme of things . rijcr the sacrificer finds
the Satapathabrahmana examp q couple: without Tryambaka begins his introduction proper by explaining why the
in this the logic behind the onen nraiavate * meaning both rules for purification (saucacara) are examined first. ‘For it is
a wife a man .anno, ba t«bo-n<«nm• ^ said that “if a man does not perform the rituals of purification,
his actions will bear no fruit/*® In order to achieve results in other
spheres, therefore, one must perform these rituals. This is why
the rules for purification are investigated first/9

women unparalleled fam , g

to^inrn'ataSn’lSTn^S
bribed so that they may once
It is not entirely clear which sense of sauca is intended here.
In its wider sense, as defined by Harita, sauca is both external
highest .goal (in the next) mother’s command (janani- (bahya) and internal (antara or dbhyantara). External purification
more be thoroughly together those sacred includes that of family (kula; due to a birth or death in the family),
nidesavacasa), Tryambakayaj thcm one by one as they of objects {artha; such as the vessels and implements in use every
laws relating to women and now proclaims mern day), and of the body (sarfra; in particular the cleansing of the
appear in the lawbooks, Ae/mr^ and so om body after urinating, etc.; see section IIA, pp. 71-4. Internal
After matr, janam is perhaps the common^twora purification includes that of the mind (mdnasa), of the eye (caksusa;
Tha invocation and .£» £L “ P- 3". i.e. not looking at what should not be looked at), of the nose
Tryambaka is here (and in the ithPhe mother of the uni¬ (ghranya), of speech (vacya), and of the tongue (svadya). In this all-
note 8) identifying huown m h mother (rajajananl) embracing sense, therefore, sauca is the first path to dharma, the
verse. A third possibility is that t fi H.H. Wilson, basis of brahman, the abode of prosperity, a soothing balm to the
is meant. This meaning o jar‘ . provided to him by the mind and so on.10
presumably drawp from 6.4UPxi) .Certainty, Dipamba, the But this can hardly be what Tryambaka means. For the quotation
pandits of Calcutto (M ’ - th of whom Tryambaka he gives here reappears in his section on sauca in its narrower
sense of the cleansing of the body after urinating and so on. Certain¬
°f .4S& «£.n— panonage of
ly, failure to follow the requirements laid down was deemed to
SS-“’STS*- 'I ^mSi" 7. strmam dharmdh katicana maya prayasah sarabhutah j samgrhyante
smrtisu bahusas Ultra tatra prasiddhah ff klrtih punya sukrtam atulant saukhyam
dharma (see my introduction, pp. relating apy aihikam drak jpretya svargo bhavati yadanusthdmbhajdm sattnamll4 ff
Sdhp.lv.9-2r.2. The metre is mandakranta.

—-,he 8- tatra [/] saucacdravihittasya samasta nisphalah kriyah j iti mcandt//

Sdhp.2r.2-31 Daksa V.2; Sm.C.II.p.249. For the complete sloka (attrib.
there to Baudh.), see section IIA, p.74, note 46.
9. itaradharmasaphalyasiddhyarthan saucacarasyavasyakatvamxity adav
acaro nirupyate// Sdhp.2r.3--4.
10. saucam noma dharmadipatho brahmayatanam sriyo 'dhivaso manasah
prmadmam devdnam priyam ksetradarkmam buddhiprabodhanam f/ Grha-
stharatnakara, cited PVK II.i_p.65I. Cf. Baudh. Ill, 1.26; Daksa V.3,
 StrTdharmapaddhati Tryambaka ’s introduction 35

Thirdly, once the teacher has performed the initiation ceremony,

he should first instruct his pupil in the rituals of purification, good
conduct, the worship of the sacrificial fire, and the twilight rituals.’»
In the case of women, however,’ Tryambaka continues, ‘marriage
has taken the place of initiation.’ *5 Or, as the quotation from Manu
Pu5s it» T°r women’tlle marriage ritual is held to be the equivalent
of initiation, serving one’s husband that of residing in the teacher’s
however* is clear.
house, and household duties that of the worship of the sacrificial
fire.’16 It thus follows that, ‘before marriage, women too are free
I^al" w«“ £■£££££ 3T£ to do, say and eat what they please; for the rules apply only after
marriage.’ 17We may safely assume here that Haradatta’s restriction
S^rJEKsf rstrp£
Pno mte (or mS? .mil they taw bow mveS«d rt ta »c,«d
of the rule to the very young would apply to women too. For, al¬
though Gautama advises men to marry their daughters off before
puberty, he also rules that an unmarried girl who has had three
thread nit “until the binding on of the munja grass ).
^°LHtatoboota Or lawgivers) place no resmeuons menstrual periods may find her own husband. Thus, in Gautama’s
time at least, a girl might still be unmarried in her early teens (Gaut.
11.9.20' 1). The Bdlambhatti merely adds that the licence given
to the uninitiated boy is applied also to a girl, as long as she remains
unmarried (with the implication that she would be married by the
age of six). Since Tryambaka is concerned only with married women,
he does not himself examine the question of exactly when a girl
olease’13 This quotation from Gautama implies that uninitiated should marry. However, judging by the sternness of his remarks
SSL. a™, nxpecud .o obo, .he rale. of social beta™ or concerning the sanctity of a woman’s rtu or ‘season’ (see section
grammar, or the prohibitions on food and drink app i IV, pp. 287-8), we may assume that he favours pre-pubertal
their elders (cf. Bal. on YSjfl.1.15). According to the Bahmbha^ marriage for girls. Here, he concludes simply that ‘the sacred duties
even if such a child touches a candala or oiucart, he njednmt^ he is about to expound are therefore to be performed by women
the ritual bath with his clothes on that is normally presented. only after they are married.’18
However! Haradatta adds that such licence in /act applies only to
very young children, those under five years of age, and not to the 14. upanlya guruh sisyam siksayec chaucam aditah aiaram agnikaryam ca
uninitiated in general who might (according to some authorities samdhyopasanam eva caii ity ddi vacandtij Sdhp.2r.6 -7 < Manu I 69 Cf
Saiikh.3.1; Yajn.I.I5. '
TSig Gautama himself, e.g. II. 1.6-15) remain so un d he
15. strlnan tu... upamyarwthSnapanno vivSha iti it Sdhp 2r 8 9 Cf Mit
age of fwenty-two. For the BalambhaUT, the crucial age is six. on Yajfl.1.15.
16. vaivahiko vidhih strtndm auparmyanikah smrtah / patiseva gurau vaso
u.«*
fnaunjlbandhonaprabhrty eva myamah,■/ Sdhp.2r.4-5 (i.e. sas . grhartho 'gniparikriyaIfitimanuvacanena,,Sdhp.2r.8-9(Manu)(Manu II 67
(with auparmyanikah from II.68 substituted for samskaro vaidikah ‘the Vedic
sacrament’).
"vL^ya karma myacchanti kimcUi a maunjlbandhamt/i »JP-2r-5rjj J
BaudhT.2 3.6a. Cf. Vas.11.6; Manu U.171-2; Gaut.1.2.5-6, 10-11 (An.), 17. vivahat purvam kamacara vadabhaksamm // vivahanantaram eva niya-
mmmimmm Sdhp. 2r.9-10.
Vis.Sm.XXVIII.40; Daksa 1.3-4. , GautI2.|
13 nrag upanayamt kamacara vadabhaksah // Sdhp. 2r* 18. ato vaksyamdmdharmah vivahaprabhrty eva tabhir amtstheyah //
Sdhp.2r.l0-2v.l.
(SS; AnT pr^upanayanat kamacarah kamavadah kamabhaksak).
 Tryambaka's Introduction 37
£ Smdharmapaddhati
accumulating literature. But whereas it was acceptable for boys
There is a curious to postpone marriage until their twenties or thirties, it was still
is considered for ntual if ^social pu^ ^ ^ and T thought essential for girls to marry in their teens. The efiect was
to a sudra (see Baudh.1.2. . , * ^ t0 be taken as the girl s to divide women into two kinds: the brahmavddint (lit. 'one who
atnbaka explain, the mar™6 • lent t0 a sudra before her mam- discusses brahman’), who was initiated in the lighting of the sacred
initiation, she too is rltua'!^L. boy after his initiation and a fire, the reading of Vedic texts, and begging in her own home;
age. The implication is at the level of the sudra. and the sadyovadhu (lit. 'one who becomes a bride on the same
girl after marriage are no longer h Id t^ duties he is about day, i.e. as her initiation') for whom the ceremony was a mere
Tryambaka then explains * _ the next tw0 quotations formality just before her marriage.22 By the time of Harita (approxi¬
»*■»»* awiy “ cpUdU, to mately 500 b.c.), the majority of girls fell into the latter category.
he cites (one on sauca, th means that women are ritual The lack of Vedic training for girls made nonsense of their use of
(married) woman and arriage; the only difference is that mantras, so it is no surprise that by the time of Manu (i.e. at the
sudras both before and a . . f ’tbcy marry, their husbands’ turn of the era), the initiation of girls was performed without them
they may follow their own whims before they ma y (cf. Manu 11.66, IX. 18). By the time of Yajnavalkya (i.e. the first
afterwards. historical rather than a philosophical or second century of the Christian era), the upanayana of girls
But this is in >lsff . i983(l)-99-100). In the Vedic era, was prohibited altogether (cf. YijfLI.13). At some point during
problem (see Leslie 1980 l5ff'’ ^ disrioline was deemed essential this transition—in order to justify the marriage of uninitiated
fhe period of study and : the *-*-» °f girls to twice-born men and thus to rescue the entire varna system—
for girls as well as boys.t* The reaso t Without it, there arose the compensatory theory that the marriage ritual took
the place of initiation for girls. This in turn lent weight to the idea
«*■«“ =■»*.
all women would be reaucea u„hmins ksatrivas or vaisyas.20 that girls should be married at a very early age. For it was felt that
explains, sudras cannot givebirth t tydents probably came the girl’s 'initiation’ (i.e. marriage) should take place at the same
AlPthough the actud°^fa^offniSuo^mained Yama, age as that appropriate for the boy’s upanayana.
to differ from that of males, the Vedic education and It is often argued that this trend was based on the belief that
for example, while agreeing tha up y ^ advocates that the increasingly long period of study was vital because even the
smallest mistake in ritual or recitation could have disastrous results

•£« to^r-r^ «u —
(e.g. Pdninisiksa 52, cited Altekar 1978:201-2). Although there is
undoubtedly some truth in this, the argument is not wholly con¬
vincing. First, women are not the only ones liable to make mistakes.
Now as always, men make mistakes all the time. In fact, after each
undertaking, a final ritual is performed that is specifically designed
to remove the sin of any mistakes made in the process. There are
^ • ■" *■ also special prayascitta rituals to cope with the problem. Secondly,
according to mfmdmsd philosophy, an injunction or prohibition
Mm**,,' “
is weakened if it is thought necessary to shore it up with experiental

22* brahma vadininam agnmdhanam vedddhyayanam svagrhe ca bhaiksa-

caryeti / sadyovadhunam tupasthite vivdhe kathamcid upamyammdttam
‘USS1- Mm. —7-y £5“ krtva vivahah karyah / purakalpe tu narmam maunjibandhanam isyate // Vlr.
S., p.402 (H§rita).
 Tryambaka’s Introduction 39
Strldharmapaddhati
38
solution is presumably to be found in the discussions concerning
sttrsST SL-K TJSSTS. the various ways in which varna may fluctuate. A child’s varna

r
JSSS ofThe prohibition; no reason need or indeed should be
is defined by the ‘seed’ (bija) from which it sprang; and not from
the ‘field’ (ksetra) in which that seed was planted (Manu X.70-2;
cf. section V.9.c). Thus a sudra womb that receives brahmin ‘seed’
produces a brahmin child. A man’s varna may be changed by his
given. . fl,11 -ircle Instead of the absence own conduct. Thus Vi^vamitra, who was bom a ksatriya, becomes
In time, the of *** thC ° a brahmin through tapas (austerities; cf. Manu X.42, Kull.). A
of upanayana having as lts c° q ^ seen as the reason for their woman’s varna, on the other hand, is defined by that of her husband:
whatever her father’s birth or her own behaviour, she assumes in
ineligibility m the fir p h^ous references to the upanayana the ‘oneness’ of marriage both the qualities and the status of her
hard to explain away the all too 9 f example, the com- husband, merging with him as a river merges with the sea (cf
of J* in earlier.««• On ^ Uren.ll, Manu IX.22-4; X.67).
mentator exP^,n*tht^ h Jd< women may not do so;
‘she wno wears the sacreo in sari draped over Tryambaka’s third introductory point is that ‘the general rules
it must therefore refer to a ** thread On the same grounds, (sdmanyadharmah) prescribed for men are equally applicable to
her left .Itoukkr W »0»*1M) d.»Sl»"' women.’23 By this, Tryambaka does not mean sandtanadharmah,
the code of universal values such as non-injury, purity, truth and
S»„k*r* t'.'J'lTas a'reference to domestic lenntins and expert!*
in Br.Up.Vl.4.1 as a r deciares that no sacred nte good will (cf.Kaut.L3.13; Vam.P.14.1; Ap.U.23.6; etc.). The
(grhatantravisayam). When Ma his first reason js that reference here is to non-specific rules of conduct.
may be performed wt man r that they are ignorant of Tryambaka’s argument runs as follows. ‘Injunctions relating
they are‘weak and impure \ dh, un- Mbh.XIH.40.H-12). specifically to women presuppose the widespread acceptance of
Vedic literature (Manu IX.18, Ba -l-i female state and general rulings (of which these specific ones are the modifications). ’24
Sudra status is ncr, ^^^and Vedic education, He gives two examples. First, ‘the wise declare that the purification
only indirectly with the up persuade women ritual required of a woman and a sudra is half (that prescribed for a
^ttmb^etriden^ap^^ twice-born man).’25 This statement clearly presupposes some
of the religious s^ttdcanw of dte^n ^ ^ „,igioU! But general ruling (such as Manu V. 136) to the effect that (i.e, after
the marriage ritual is their and again the conviction urinating and defecating) one should purify the sexual organ,
as his treatise c®ntf^U“; Jated’) wSen are ritually equivalent to the anus, the left hand, and then both hands, by applying earth and
that even married (i.e. mitia ) first view to inspire water one, three, ten and seven times respectively, Manu V.137
the uninitiated sudra. Tryam . seriously to elevate it to gives the modifying rule for Vedic students, forest hermits and
women to take their domes * ex tjjem from wasting ascetics. Tryambaka’s example gives that for women and sudras.
the level of id*» tTSdUo r™"» Secondly, ‘both a woman and a sudra are purified by touching
their devotional energy on 0 i d womcn that .being

=s« =r=: Sdfa5* wmanyadharmah strinam apt sddharand eva //

a* 24. tatra tatra sdmdnyadharmm siddhavat krtya... ity adind strinam

visesavidhdndt // Sdhp.2v.2-4,
25. strisudrayor ardhamanam saucam proktam manisibkih // Sdhp.2v.2-3
< Sm.C.II.p.248 (Adit.P.); Par.M.l.p.230. Cf. section IIA,p.73, note 44.
ksatriyas and vaisyas-voiced above by Hanta
 Stridharmapaddhati Tryambaka ’s Introduction 41
40
, . , ... mouth’26 This ruling on acamana, sake of scripture or tradition; to make one’s studies easier; and
(water) once on (or in) presupposes some general state- to remove doubt (raksohagamataghvasamdehdh; Pat.1.8), On the
the ritual of sipping waeraga he who desires to be subject of uha, Pat. 1.9 explains that mantras are not stated in the
ment (such as Manu v* Yaifl.I21a gives the modifying Veda in all genders, cases and so on. For the preservation of the
pure should sip water thr ' (Tryambaka’s example) gives true meaning of the Veda, therefore, the study of the rules of uha
rule for twice-born men; Yajfi.l.21b tiryamo
is essential if one is to make the required modifications to the sacri¬
that for women f*™ suCh as “he who, fice. By the seventeenth century, however, Nfigesa’s commentary
interprets lihga to mean not ‘gender’ as it clearly does in the original
rising early, sees.. , in the masculine form without passage but ‘the stem (of a noun)’ which is only a very late sense
technical sense thattey at afe ^ fact equally applicable to of the term. This is evidence of a marked change of opinion between
any additional modifyi g ^ for Xryambaka’s treatise, earlier writers on grammar who accepted the uha of gender and
women.’28 This is an i p . => ritesorduties(itrindm Shnikam. later ones who redefined the term to exclude gender altogether.
The effect of this denial of the uha of gender on the woman’s role
section II, PP* 44-245). ' hould Qr shouid not be seen in in religious ritual is obvious: the majority of injunctions are in
women on subjects such adarsaniyOni ca; section HA, the masculine; the modification is not invoked; women are ex¬
the early morning Cto"^ (mutrapurisotsargah; PP- cluded.
(pp. 54-7), “ToStipp' 78-82).Tryambaka Now let us look at this question in the specific context of a
rifiSnS Pa^ouched in the masculine and assume woman’s right to sacrifice as discussed in the literature of the
purvamimamsa school. The earliest work of the school is the Jai~
that they apply to women to°- . no more than a straight- miniyasutra, written perhaps in the second century b.c. . The earliest
But what appears, in this contex , ^ significant issue commentary on Jaimini available to us is the Sabarabhasya, written
forward grammatical point■““ ^ * women in lndia. First, let us in the fifth or sixth century a.d. Sahara himself is commented on
in the history of the religious «u_ int 0f view. Patafijali’s by three different schools — founded by Kumarilabhatta, (Guru)
look at the question from the gram Sanskrit gram-
Prabh&kara, and Mur&rimi£ra respectively—all of whom probably
MahSbhasya (one of the £» reasons to wrote in the seventh century. The overall aim of the purvamimamsa
mar, dating from c. 40 b.c.) of the Veda; school was to protect the Veda from the onslaught of Buddhism
and other heterodox systems by means of a detailed investigation
Ct —“ ““for ^ of dharma as enjoined in Vedic texts. Jai.VI deals specifically with
.... mfc,. sorstabhir antatah H Sdhp.2v3 the qualifications necessary for a performer of the sacrifice. In
26. iuddhyerm stri ca sudras • ,1A note 49. The quotation is un- doing so, it considers in particular the two classes of people that
t Yajft.I.21b. For the full sloka, ^^fatfugfibhis tuyathasamkhyam
came to be excluded from such performance: sudras and women.
grammaticalwithoutthepiwio • . ^ restored iuddhyerm (for sud-
On the former issue, Jai.VI. 1.25-38 declares that since the
dvijatayah Following aj • ’ msSabhir (for sprstvSbhir; agreeing
agnihotra and other such sacrifices are mentioned in the Veda
with adbhir, Yajft.UOb). Sakrt, °”ce* PP^ antena, at the extre- only with reference to the three higher castes, the sudra is not

s tss "-~—•* -
section HA, pp. 75-7. - 4( the beginning of
* entitled to perform sacrifices at all. Similarly, the Vedic texts regard¬
ing initiation do not include the sudra, and anyone not initiated
into Vedic study is a priori unfit to perform sacrifices. Furthermore,
27. pram utthaya yah pasyet .... n Sdhp.2v.4t g these conclusions are endorsed by Sahara and his commentators.
Go».Sm.lU63,165,«e P. 55,not« 8J. fftWh, api sadharam The case for women is somewhat different. There is no suggestion
a-* that women are to be excluded from initiation or Vedic study:
 Tryambaka s Introduction 43
^2 stridharmapaddhaii
(Sab.VI, 1.13). Secondly, since this injunction is from the Veda
u„,to ,h« <*r«-«• (which for the purvaniimamsaka is sruti; i.e. uncreated and eternally
sacrifices. However, rind muncaon are mvamW ^ valid), it automatically overrules any smrti statement to the contrary
masculine form. One quest,on “a fne^n” ‘human’ etc.) (such as Manu VI11.416 cited above). Thirdly, statements to the
to be taken as a superordmate (meanmg person, njm.
effect that a woman owns no property, being non-injunctive, are
or as a hyponym (meaning ^ mere arthavdda (i.e. exaggerated descriptions); they should there¬
6 20 deals with this very point. The quesrtirm b misec^ ^ fore be interpreted in the more liberal, non-literal sense that a
woman should not behave as if she were independent of her husband.
If they were meant to be taken literally, then they would contradict
the equally valid Vedic text declaring that the wife is mistress of the
household property (Jai.VI.1.16; Sab.). Finally, Jaimini argues
that marriage is a purely religious function and so cannot be con¬
sidered a sale in the ordinary sense of the word. This, he claims,
is shown by the fact that normally the price of an object fluctuates
women are also entitled , .gitT,;nrs opponents. according to the value of that object, whereas the formal gift from
husband to father (i.e, in the drsa form of marriage) remains the
same regardless of the ‘quality’ of the bride (Jai.VI.1.15 19),
In the purvamfmdmsd texts, such arguments win the day. For our
that the performer of saenficemustpossej sported purposes, however, the arguments of the purvapaksin are of greater
ing to them, a woman is una^®t0 *1°' p 27^°note 10)** a interest. For they provide the basis for the swing away from the
by statements (e.g. Manu V 111. . P • hers belongs to her religious freedom of women. In particular, the uha of gender is

^ri“^rST53£Sn2^ increasingly ignored and ritual texts are more often taken to apply
only to men. In all kinds of ritual contexts, the male is invariably
taken as the paradigm. When meditations are given on the body or
husband or father a^ is thus on th ^ Vedic tcxts are quoted when directions are given for ritual ablutions (e.g. in the Jayd-
dravyai/i jumunuytfgrtw1*»' , father to her husband khyasamhita), it is always the male body that is described. In theory,
riescLnfi .he ‘selling’ of a "“Tl.”^”^4 nidi .he a woman can invoke the uha of gender; in practice, it is assumed
that ritual information is really intended for the male.
It is hardly surprising, therefore, that by the eighteenth century,
orthodox religion excludes women from virtually all ritual activities.
What is interesting is that Tryambaka feels free to invoke the uha
of gender when it suits him to do so without any fear of the logical
consequences. Presumably by the time he was writing, the issue
nk, .a.-, *-*.-*? debated with such feeling by Jaimini and Sahara had been forgotten.
aspirafion which, heclldns, » es^ „„ „ follows. The question of whether the uha of gender might be invoked in
(nhalotschavisesat> Jai*V . . )■ rdine to the uha of ritual contexts is now too ludicrous to be considered. In his detailed

«*t ^,^sv?aS£Sri«*-* analysis of the daily duties implied by a woman’s religious role

=£?*« rsrr: ixsr-’ss: {strlnam ahnikam; see, pp. 44-245), and in the brief section on
things to be avoided (varjamyah; see section IV, pp. 274-6),
Tryambaka leaves no room for doubt.
 The Daily Duties of Women 45

II. The Daily Duties of Women life; the payment of the three debts (to the seers by study, to the
gods by sacrifice, to the ancestors by sons); and thus the urgent
(strmam ahnikam; Sdhp. 2v. 5-21r.3) need to produce children (Baudh. 11.6.11.33-4).
The next stage in the development of the asrama theory is shown
in the views of Apastamba and Vasistha. The four orders are now
seen to be equally valid in the sense that one may attain liberation
‘Now the daily duties of women are examined. 1 through any one of them (Ap.II.9.21.1 -2), but they are still mutually
The daily practice of the orthodox Hindu householder (male) is exclusive and permanent. (It is important to distinguish here between
m important topic of dharmaiastra describedxn detail m numerous studentship as a temporary first stage and perpetual studentship
smrtis puranas and digests (e.g. Gaut.1.5, 1.9; Ap.11.11 n- > as a permanent state of celibacy; cf. Olivelle 1984:85.) Nonetheless,
■ Q(l_i77. MSrk P 29-30 34; KQrm.P.Il. 18-19; Sm.C.l.p.88 Apastamba devotes a large number of sutras to proving that the
232 SmA. p. 18-48; etc.). For of all the diramas-Vedie student householder state is superior to any of the celibate alternatives
ibrdwearya), householder (grhastha), fo^t heim.t (v^prorrt^ (Ap.II.9-23.3 ff,).
and renouncer or ascetic (samnyasm, yati, etc.)—that of house¬ The third stage may be found in Manu, Yajfiavalkya and the
holder is repeatedly described as the best. later smrtis. The asramas are now no longer alternative states but
The asrama theory, examined in detail by Olivelle (1974 1978, successive stages, each leading to the next in a steady progression
1984) involves a gradual progression through three main stages of towards liberation (Manu IV. 1, V1.33). But still the householder
devei—t in the first, only the householder state receives stage is best (Manu 111,77 8, VI.89-90). This remarkably persistent
wholehearted recommendation. Tht second encourages the notion eulogy of the householder underlines the fact that all dharmasdstrins
of a choice between four separate and permanent state* C v!^; are, of course, householders themselves.
‘alternative’). The third regards the four asramas as a continuous In order to fulfil his significant part in the scheme of things,
the householder must observe a clearly defined timetable of ritual
serksTof temporary states (—yu,
in one lifetime). In all three versions of the theory, however, tne and quasi-ritual activities, all included under the general heading of
grhasthadharma, the ordained rites and duties of the householder.
householder state is held to be the best. nresented bv
The earliest exposition of the asrama theory p The day is sometimes divided into two (purvahna, ‘before noon1,
Gautama and Baudhayana. (For an analysis of the »rnig^ text and apardhna, ‘afternoon’); or three (prdtahsavana, ‘morning’,
into ‘Proto-’ and ‘Deutero-Baudhayana, se* Olivelle 1984.) Gaum madhyandinasavana, ‘midday’, and trtiyasavana, ‘evening’, cor¬
ma notes the idea of a choice in the form of responding to the three pressings of soma); or five (prdtah or udaya,
ramavikalpam; Gaut.1.3.1 -2), without approval. For, in Gutuui ‘dawn’, samgava, ‘morning’, i.e. when the cows are collected for
view, the householder is quite literally the milking, madhyandina or madhyahna, ‘midday’, apardhna, ‘after¬
three- only he produces children (aprajanatvad itaresam, Gaut. noon*, and sdyam, sdydhna or astagamana, ‘evening’). Most com¬
Sr S on Manu V1.87; Baudh.11.6.11.27^ Moreover, monly, however, the division is into four parts (purvahna, madh-
he order of householder is the one explicitly enjoined (prayak? yahnOy aparahna, sdydhna), further subdivided into eight: that is,
avidhanad; Gaut.I.4.35) in all the \edzs dharmasaM'Uhasas sixteen divisions covering the twenty-four hours of day and night
and puranas (Har. on Gaut.I.4.35). Baudhayana even denies that (e.g. Daksa II.4-5; Kaut.1.19; Katy. quoted by Apar. on Yajfi.IM;
thenfis a choice. The notion of four alternative paths is dl«n,^“ and even Vidyarnava’s twentieth-century presentation of the
a misunderstanding (Baudh.II.6.11.9) or the invention ofatemoa dhnika rules, 1979:1). The normal unit of calculation is thus one
(Baudh.U.6.11.28). Baudhayana stresses the importance of family and a half hours.
With regard to the different varnas, no specific dhnika rules are
1. tatra strmam ahnikam nirupyote it Sdhp.2v,5. laid down for the vaisya or sudra. These men would presumably
4$ Striditarmapaddhati The Daily Duties of Women 47
adjust the ahnika rules prescribed for brahmin householders to those professions permitted to his varna. In the fourth (10.30-12 00
suit themselves. The ahnika rules for a king are given in detail in
fifth*?! 2*00^1°in1 batlJe,andPei*nn the midday samdhya. In the
Kaut.1.19 (cf. also Manu VII. 145-7, 151-4, 216-26; Yajfi.1.327-
intfr u- b? shou d Perform the five great sacrifices
33). In the first part of the day (6.00-7,30 a.m.), the king should (panca mahayajnah)-. to brahman (brahmayajHa, by the study or
attend to matters of defence, income and expenditure; in the second
?etHeda)’t0 the eods (devayaj™’ by ritual offerings
(7.30-9.00 a.m.), he should consider the affairs of the people, in
rjhlfireX *?tUle ancestors (pitryajna, by the ritual of tarpana),
the third (9.00-10.30 a.m.), he should bathe, eat and study the to all beings (bhutayajha, by bali offerings), and to men (mZf-
Veda- in the fourth (10.30-12.00 noon), he should receive revenue
and assign tasks; in the fifth (12.00 1.30 p.m.), he should consult
KMVkVffenu 8.Jh°Spitality
t0 quests). These five observances
fb°vethe householder of the five types of sin committed every day
his ministers and consider the secret information brought by spies; m the home (cf. Manu III.68-71; Vis.Sm.59.19-20 etc.). In the
in the sixth (1.30-3.00 p.m.), he may amuse himself; in the seventh °f dty’ the householder should also take his main
(3.00-4-30 p.m.), he should review his army; in the eighth (4.30- (midday) meal In the sixth and seventh (1.30-4.30 p.m.), he should
6 00 p.m.), he should confer with his commander-in-chief. At the
14 30 \tC?tUre (epICS’ pur5?a and «> °n)- >n the eighth
end of the day, he should perform the evening samdhya (V.9-17). ' . 6 00 P-m-)» he may receive or visit friends and perfoim the
In the first part of the night (6.00 7.30 p.m.), he should consult 2^ ntnals From 6.00 p.m. until 9.00p.nThe should
his secret agents; in the second (7.30- 9.00 p.m.), he should bathe, attcmd to the duties omitted during the day and spend time with
eat and study ; in the third (9.00 10.30 p.m.). he should enter his
n Sr?* Fr°m, o™ P m‘UDtil 4 30 a m >hc “ay take rest (Daksa
bedchamber; in the fourth and fifth (10.30 p.m. 1.30 a.m.), he II; Vidyarnava 1979:1-2). *
should sleep; in the sixth (1.30 3.00 a.m.), he should wake and
tahfe'nr^SV11686 typica!basic divisions ^th the daily time¬
contemplate the sasira (i.e. of politics) and the duties of the coming table prescribed for women by Tryambaka. The first point to
day; in the seventh (3.00 4.30 a.m.), he should meet with his ,S ** Tryambaka divides the night (and presumably the
councillors and send out secret agents; and in the eighth (4.30-6.00 y well) into s» parts instead of the usual eight (Sdhp.2v 8)
a.m.), he should receive blessings from his priests, see his doctor,
?;™ing/r.SpedfiLC l° WOmen’ for the ^notation cited is
chief cook and astrologer, perform the appropriate rituals, and addressed to the householder ‘together with his wife’ (patnyS
go to court (v.18 24). Alternatively, as Kautilya adds (thereby saha). Vor Tryambaka then, the unit of calculation is two hou^
undermining the entire system), the king may divide his days and instead of one and a half. However, since Tryambaka rarely specifies
nights as he needs (v.25). . .. °r IT0dS during which a Particular duty should be
Although Tryambaka probably intended his treatise for the thl na n\ ^lgure 6 contams a rough timetable demonstrating
edification of the women at court (who were presumably of largely ^hrahm i betWeCIla woman’s day as he describes it and that of
ksatriya families), the ahnika rules it prescribes for women have a (brahmin) man as described in smrti literature in general.
little in common with the rulings given above for their king. It is A large proportion of the ahnika rulings cover activities to b6
thus more appropriate to compare Tryambaka’s rulings for women carried out in the test division of night. In addition to most of the
with those prescribed for brahmin householders. duties prescribed for men, a woman must also prepare the day’s
Daksa, for example, also divides the day into eight parts (IIA-b). quota of nee or millet, sweep the house and smear it with cow-dung
For practical purposes, the day’s timetable begins in the last division PCTform the ntual of threshold worship, and attend to the cows!
of the night (i.e. 4.30 6.00 a.m.) when a man should wake, perform When her husband performs the morning fire sacrifice, she assists
the necessary ablutions and the acamana ritual, clean his teeth, T?: df™’ sh® makes an offering to the sun. In the morning,
bathe and observe the twilight rituals (samdhya). In the first while her husband studies the Veda and works at his profession
division of the day (6.00 7.30 a.m.), he should worship his special she attends to her household duties. At midday, when he perfor i
deity and pay homage to his teacher. In the second (7.30-9.00 the five peat sacrifices, she assists him. When he eats, she serves
a.m.), he should study the Veda. In the third (9.00-10.30 a.m.), him, eating what he leaves. After the meal, while he studies the
he should work for the maintenance of his family, following only
 The Daily Duties of Women 49
Slrldharmapaddhati
48
remains of his meal, and a variety of postures for sexual intercourse
Topics discussed in relation » ~ Etpsiraleni <op.cs/or men
(British Library; OR. 11689, OR. 11612; see plates 1 13; of.
Before dawn
Lostly 1980: 14—45; cf. Gaur 1980:23 5). The paintings de¬
waking picting children and the wife's involvement with them (eg
1. waking
2. housework (grinding grain etc.) plates 10, 11) draw our attention to a curious omission in the
ablutions
3. ablutions Slrldharmapaddhati: while Tryambaka assumes that the good
wife will produce sons, he not only shows no further interest in
At dawn them, but makes no allowance for them in her day.
fire sacrifice
1. fire worship
samdhya ritual
Tryambaka also specifies no time when a woman may simply
2. offering water to the sun rest. Indeed, he lists ‘sleeping in the daytime’ among the six things
worship of special deity
that corrupt women and which they should therefore avoid (see
Topics discussed in relation to women Equivalent topics for men
section IV, p. 275, note 6). Since it is assumed that a woman has
Day no education, it is less surprising that she is not advised to study.
homage to teacher
1. paying respect to elders Judging by Tryambaka’s prohibitions on ‘roaming around’ and
Vedic study
2. housework work for maintenance of family spending time in other people's homes (section IV, p. 275, note 6),
bath and samdhya we would not expect her to be allowed to visit friends, certainly
3. midday rituals:
pahca mahayajhdh <i e, Vedic not on her own. Taken at face value, then, a woman should always
devapuja
recitation to brahman, be busy about her work. The traditional pattern of an Indian day,
vaisvadevapujd
sacrifice to the gods;
atithipujd however, suggests that the hot period after the midday meal might
tarpana for the ancestors
bah offerings for all
well be given to rest, ft is at thi$ time that women might be en¬
beings; atithipuja) couraged to listen to readings from the epics or purrnas, or even
midday meal from a work such as the StrJdharmapaddhati (Introduction, pp. 22-
4. meal time duties;
3 and 232-3).
serving at meals,
bait offering, Before embarking on a discussion of each ruling, it may be
study of epics, purana,
clearing away, instructive to consider at the outset what types of rulings these may
visiting friends, etc
housework, etc. be. The crucial question is how each ruling relates to its equivalent
for men. The answer takes the form of four quite distinct categories.
Evening
First, there are those rulings which, according to Tryambaka,
evening samdhya
1, fire worship, etc. are exactly the same for women as for men. These include the rulings
2- going to bed and intercourse
concerning what one may or may not see first thing in the morning
Figure 6. Parallel timetable for women and men {darsanlyany adarsaniydni ca\ section 11 A, pp.54-7), urinating
eoics and pur anas, she clears away the meal, washes, sweeps and and defecating (mutrapurlsotsargah, section 11 A, pp. 69-71), and
deans. In the evening, while he is visiting fnends she ‘^t.lUomg cleaning the teeth (dantadhavanam; section IIA, pp.78-82). This
housework, for the food for the evening meal must be prepared group of rulings clearly requires the operation of the uha of gender
(see section I, pp. 40 3),
afresh. At the evehing sacrifice, she assists him again, H
Shnika duties concern going to bed and sexual intercourse. «*e Secondly, there are those rulings which are the same in principle
of these duties are beautifully illustrated in two palm-leaf manu- for women as for men, but different in detail. For example, the
ZLs in the British Library collection: milking the cows, cooking, rules on purification (saucam) are applicable to men and women
Sg food to her husband, tending her children nursmg an except that for women the colour of the earth used and the number
32f massaging her husband’s feet as he lies m bed, eatmg the of lumps required is different (section IIA, pp. 71-2). The rules
 StrTdharmapaddhati
50
IIA Before Dawn
concerning ripping (*—>
(Sdhp. 2v.5-7v.9)
to <*«*<>,,. When . only b«
beart, thronl or Pe'ale_w performs bis ritirnl balb I shall begin by taking, out of sequence, the rulings relating to the
mouth (section I1A, pp- 75-7). P UA g3) Generally time of waking (prabodhanam\ Sdhp.2v.5-3r.3). As Tryambaka
with mantras, a woman wi anDiicable to women as well as explains, ‘both householder and wife should already be awake
speaking, however, both "^^J^ake emly, but the wife (i,e. have risen) in the final or sixth division of the night (4.00-6.00
men. Similarly, both men an llA p 52). Both must eat a m.).'1 ‘According to the SmrtiratnavalT, it is wrong to be asleep
should wake before her husbandf. , d ^fonty what he leaves (or in bed) after the brahmamuhurta: if a married couple stays
in bed in the brahmamuhurta, their house is like a cremation ground,
- f ^“
(section HC, pp. r;O- S"t»p
221
- *■
^ lts place, shunned by the (spirits of) the ancestors.12
implications are “^^^portaat one, consists of those Although definitions of brahmamuhurta differ, the general ruling
The third category, a VC1^ . dinhisritual obligations is constant in smrti literature. Rising before dawn is prescribed for
rulings in which the wife ass^ h meditation (dewtadhya- everyone from the Vedic student to the householder (e.g. Manu
(pativratabhagmt )• In the early 8 ^ ^ ^ ^ (sectlon IV.92; YajfLI.115; Gaut.XXlII.21). KuMka on Manu IV.92
mm), for example, ttam (agnisusrusa), although the defines brahmamuhurta as an unspecific pre-dawn period (kata-
HA, PP- 52-4). in the firect"L£gfor the ritual to bear fruit matravacanah), so called because of its association with Brfihmi,
wife has little to do, sh e mu of p^g homage and the goddess Bharat!—a false identification as.is evidenced by the
(section 11B, pp. 132 41J- _ ^ prepare the food alternative name ‘the hour of Prajapati1 (prajapatye muhurte;
hospitality to guests W"****^ pdLilf (sectL nc, pp. 210- e.g. Vas.XlI.47)—and because it is the time devoted to Vedic
recitation. Sm.C.II.p.234 quotes a verse attributed to Pitamahah
defining brahmamuhurta as the last division of the night (rdtreh
pascimo yamah; i.e. 4.30-6.00 a.m.). Par.M.I.i. pp. 219-20 quotes
ratS SS KSoTS*.'- memo »m both Manu IV.92 and Yajfi.I.l 15 cited above, as well as equivalent
susrusa) (sectionlIB’pp>‘®7M1„!cuUar t0 women. These are pre- passages from the Kurma- and Visnupuranas, and defines brahma¬
Finally, there are the duties peculmr to w^ ^ grinding grain muhurta as the first of the two muhurtas that make up the
dominantly rahngs wnrcrmng^ ^ h’ouse (p. 59), smearing ardhaprahara or one and a half hour period before dawn (i.e. 4.30-
(section IIA> pp; 58 clearing away after the meal (section 5.15 a.m.) According to Sridharasvamin’s commentary on the
it with cow-dung (pp. )» - ^ parallel timetable, Visnupurana, it is the third muhuria before sunrise (suryodayat
I1C, pp. 229-33), 50 husband is studying purvam trttye muhurte; IILii.5), i.e. two hours before dawn.
these duties are to be pef maintenance. They A cycle of legends referred to in the Brdhmanas explains why one
reUgious literature or working relioiOUs path and her contribution should rise before dawn. According to the Maitrdyatilsamhitd
are thus both part of a woman ® ,^ li ious duties becomes (IV. 1.9), the gods sought a scapegoat on whom they might ‘wipe
»th,fhmily. The I»»IW"llSm Ob mgrriag. fo-
mote apparent in the con ^ u ^ a student serving bis
1. sodhah vibhajya rajariim caramam&e prabodhitah / patnya saha.
Sdhp.2v,8. Cf. note 6.
Si andher^housrfiold 2. brahme muhurte nidrdkarane dosa uktah smrtiratnavalyam // brakme
muhurte sevetam kayanam yatra dampati/ Sma&natulyam tad veSma pitr-

are described.
rzzrjx,—- bhihparivarjitam// iti// Sdhp.2v.9-40 (SmrtiratnavaK) Sm.M.p,209 (Smrti-
ratnavafi).