Maasir I Alamgiri E&D

Download as pdf or txt
Download as pdf or txt
You are on page 1of 17

181

LXXIII.

MA-A'SIR-I 'A'LAMGX'RI'
OF

MUHAMMAD SAKf MUSTA'IDD KHA'N".

THIS is a history of the reign of 'A'lamgfr (Aurangzeb). The


first ten years is an abridgment of the work last noticed, the
""A'lamgir-ndma; the continuation till the death of Aurangzeb in
A.D. 1707 is an original composition. It was written by Muhammad
Saki Musta'idd Khan, munshi to 'Inayatu-lla Khan, wazir of
Bahadur Shah. He had been a constant follower of the Court
for forty years, and an eye-witness of many of the transactions
he records. He undertook the work by desire of his patron, and
finished it in A.D. 1710, only three years after the death of
Aurangzeb. [Khafi Khan, in his Muntakhabu-l Lubdb, informs
us that " after the expiration of ten years (of Aurangzeb's reign)
authors were forbidden from writing the events of that just and
righteous Emperor's reign; nevertheless some competent persons
(did so), and particularly Musta'idd Khan, who secretly wrote
an abridged account of the campaign in the Dakhin, simply
detailing the conquests of the countries and forts, without alluding
at all to the misfortunes of the campaign."*]
The Ma-dsir-i 'Ahmgiri contains two Books and a short
Appendix.
Book 1.—An abridgment of Mirza Muhammad Kazim's
history of the first ten years of the Emperor's reign and the
events preceding his accession.
Book II.—The events of the last forty years of the Emperor's
reign, with an account of his death.
1
[Col. Lees, Journ. K.A.S., N.S. vol. iii. p. 473.]

Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. The Librarian-Seeley Historical Library, on 24 Nov 2019 at 11:23:28, subject to
the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms.
https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781139507202.015
182 SAKr MUSTA'IDD KHAN.

Appendix.—Several anecdotes of the Emperor, which could


not be included in the history; and a minute account of the
Royal family.
The history is written in the form of annals, each year being
distinctly marked off.
Stewart, in his " Descriptive Catalogue," observes of the writer
of this work, that " although his style be too concise, I have never
met in any other author with the relation of an event of this
reign which is not recorded in this history."
It is differently spoken of by the author of the " Critical
Essay," who shows a discrimination rarely to be met with in
Indian critics. The omissions he complains of will not appear of
much importance to a European reader.
"Muhammad Sakf Musta'idd Khan, who composed the
chronicle named Ma-dsir-i 'A'lamgiri, has not by any means
rendered his work complete; for he has omitted to record several
matters of considerable importance. Thus, he has not mentioned
the dignities and offices of honour accorded to Royal princes, and
their successive appointments to different situations, such as
might best qualify them for managing the affairs of government.
Some he has noticed, but he has omitted others. Neither has he
informed us in what year the illustrious Shah 'Alam Bahadur
Shah (now gone to the abode of felicity) and Muhammad 'Azani
Shah were invested with the high rank of Chihal-hazarl (40,000);
and of many other circumstances relating to these two princes,
some are mentioned, and many have been altogether unnoticed.
In the same manner also he has treated of other Royal princes.
" Respecting likewise the chief nobles and their removals from
different offices or appointments and dignities, some are men-
tioned, but several are omitted; thus he has neglected to notice
the dates and various circumstances of the appointment of Baft-
hazarl (7000) of Grhazi'u-d din Khan Bahadur Firoz Jang, and
the 8hash-hazari (6000) of Zulfikar Khan Bahadur Nusrat
Jang, two distinguished generals.
" On the other hand, he relates with minute precision some very

Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. The Librarian-Seeley Historical Library, on 24 Nov 2019 at 11:23:28, subject to
the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms.
https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781139507202.015
MA-ASIR-I 'ALAMGrRr. 183

trifling occurrences little worthy of being recorded in history,


and by no means interesting, such as particulars concerning
chapels or places of prayer, the merits of different preachers and
similar topics, which had been subjects of discussion among his
intimate companions. On this account his work is not held in
high estimation among those learned men who know how to
appreciate historical compositions."
[This verdict of a native critic is worthy of record, although it
cannot be accepted. Muhammad Saki has a style of his own
which is not difficult, and yet has some pretensions to elegance.
The early part of the work is little better than a Court Circular
or London Gazette, being occupied almost exclusively with the
private matters of the royal family, and the promotions, appoint-
ments, and removals of the officers of government. Farther on
he enters more fully into matters of historical record, and gives
details of Aurangzeb's campaign in the Dakhin, and his many
sieges of forts.]
The work was edited and translated into English by Henry
Vansittart in 1785, and published in a quarto volume. [The
complete text has been printed in the Bibliotheca Indica, and fills
541 pages. A translation of the last 40 years, Muhammad
Sakfs own portion of the work, was made for Sir H. Elliot by
"Lieut. Perkins, 71st N.I.," and from that translation the
following Extracts have been taken.]
EXTRACTS.

Earthquake.
[Text, p. 73.] On the 1st Zi-1 hijja, 1078 A.H. (3rd May,
1668), the intelligence arrived from Thatta that the town of
Samaji had been destroyed by an earthquake; thirty thousand
houses were thrown down.

Prohibition of Hindu Teaching and Worship.


[Text, p. 81.] On the 17th Zi-1 ka'da, 1079 (18th April,
1669), it reached the ear of His Majesty, the protector of the

Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. The Librarian-Seeley Historical Library, on 24 Nov 2019 at 11:23:28, subject to
the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms.
https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781139507202.015
184 SAKr MUSTA'IDD KHAN.

faith, that in the provinces of Thatta, Multan, and Benares, but


especially in the latter, foolish Brdhmans were in the habit of
expounding frivolous books in their schools, and that students
and learners, Musulmans as well as Hindus, went there, even
from long distances, led by a desire to become acquainted with
the wicked sciences they taught. The " Director of the Faith "
consequently issued orders to all the governors of provinces to
destroy with a willing hand the schools and temples of the
infidels; and they were strictly enjoined to put an entire stop to
the teaching and practising of idolatrous forms of worship. On
the 15th Rabi'u-1 akhir it was reported to his religious Majesty,
leader of the Unitarians, that, in obedience to order, the Govern-
ment officers had destroyed the temple of Bishnath at Benares.
[Text, p. 95.] In the month of Ramaz&n, 1080 A.H. (December,
1669), in the thirteenth year of the reign, this justice-loving
monarch, the constant enemy of tyrants, commanded the destruc-
tion of the Hindu temple of Mathura or Mattra, known by
the name of Dehra Ke*su Rai, and soon that stronghold of
falsehood was levelled with the ground. On the same spot
was laid, at great expense, the foundation of a vast mosque.
The den of iniquity thus destroyed owed its erection to Nar
Singh Deo Buudela, an ignorant and depraved man. Jahangir,
before he ascended the throne, wa3 at one time, for various
reasons, much displeased with Shaikh Abu-1 Fazl, and the
above-mentioned Hindu, in order to compass the Shaikh's
death, affected great devotion to the Prince. As a reward for
his services, he obtained from the Prince become King per-
mission to construct the Mattra temple. Thirty-three lacs were
expended on this work. Glory be to God, who has given us the
faith of Islam, that, in this reign of the destroyer of false gods,
an undertaking so difficult of accomplishmentl has been brought
to a successful termination ! This vigorous support given to the
true faith was a severe blow to the arrogance of the Rajas, and,
like idols, they turned their faces awe-struck to the wall. The
1
Alluding to the destruction of the Hindfi temple.

Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. The Librarian-Seeley Historical Library, on 24 Nov 2019 at 11:23:28, subject to
the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms.
https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781139507202.015
MA-ASIR-I 'ALAMGritr. 185

richly-jewelled idols taken from the pagan temples were trans-


ferred to ^igra, and there placed beneath the steps leading
to the Nawab Begam Sahib's mosque, in order that they might
ever be pressed under foot by the true believers. Mattra
changed its name into Islamabad, and was thus called in all
official documents, as well as by the people.
[Text, p. 100.] In Shawwal information reached the King
that Shah-zada Muhammad Mu'azzam, under the influence of his
passions, and misled by pernicious associates and flatterers, had,
notwithstanding his excellent understanding, become imbued
with a spirit of insubordination. Prompted by his natural
benevolence, His Majesty wrote several letters replete with
advice to the Prince, but this alone did not satisfy him—the
Nawab Bai, the Prince's mother, was sent for to go to her son,
and lead him back into the right path if any symptom of
rebellion should appear in him. Iftikhar Khan Khan-zaman, a
wise and discreet man, was directed to repair to the Prince,
charged with much beneficial advice. He soon reached his
destination, and delivered himself of the King's messages.
Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam was a fountain of candour; there
was moreover no truth in the report; so his only answer was to
bow his head in submission. He wrote to his father letters
expressive of humility and shame. Unwilling to ever transgress
the obedience due to his King and to his God, he insured him-
self happiness in both worlds. The King, slow to anger and
prompt to forgive, lavished presents and kind words on his son.

FIFTEENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN.

Outbreak of the Satndmis—also called JMondihs.1

[Text, p. 114.] It is cause for wonder that a gang of bloody,


miserable rebels, goldsmiths, carpenters, sweepers, tanners, and
other ignoble beings, braggarts and fools of all descriptions,
1
[Khafi Kh&n shortens the first vowel and calls them Mundihs—see post.]

Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. The Librarian-Seeley Historical Library, on 24 Nov 2019 at 11:23:28, subject to
the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms.
https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781139507202.015
186 SKKT MUSTA'IDD

should hecome so puffed up with vain-glory as to cast themselves


headlong into the pit of self-destruction. This is how it came
to pass. A malignant set of people, inhabitants of Mewat,
collected suddenly as white ants spring from the ground, or
locusts descend from the skies. It is affirmed that these people
considered themselves immortal; seventy lives was the reward
promised to every one of them who fell in action. A body of
about 5000 had collected in the neighbourhood of Ndrnaul, and
were in open rebellion. Cities and districts were plundered.
Tahir Khan Faujdar, considering himself not strong enough to
oppose them, repaired to the presence. The King resolved to
exterminate the insurgents. Accordingly, on the 26th of Zi-1
ka'da, an order was issued that Ea'd-andaz Khan should proceed
with his artillery, Hamid Khan with the guards and 500 of the
horsemen belonging to Saiyid Murtaza Khan, his father, and
Yahya Khan Rumi, Najib Khan, Rural Khan, Kamalu-d din,
son of Diler Khan, Purdil, son of Firoz Khan Mewatf, and
Isfandyar, bakhshi to Prince Muhammad Akbar, with their own
troops, to effect the destruction of the unbelievers. The royal
forces inarched to the encounter; the insurgents showed a bold
front, and, although totally unprovided with the implements of
war, made good use of what arms they had. They fought with
all the valour of former rebels whose deeds are recorded in
history, and the people of Hind have called this battle Utaha-
bhdrat, on account of the great slaughter of elephants on that
trying day. The heroes of Islam charged with impetuosity, and
crimsoned their sabres with the blood of these desperate men.
The struggle was terrible. Conspicuous above all were Ra'd-andaz
Khan, Hamid Khan, and Yahya Khan. Many of the Moslims
were slain or wounded. At length the enemy broke and fled, but
were pursued with great slaughter. Few indeed escaped with
their lives; a complete victory crowned the efforts of the royal
commanders—and those regions were cleansed of the presence of
the foul unbelievers. The triumphant ghdzis, permitted to kiss
the threshold, were rendered proud by the praises of their King.

Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. The Librarian-Seeley Historical Library, on 24 Nov 2019 at 11:23:28, subject to
the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms.
https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781139507202.015
MA-ASIR-I 'ALAMGHtr. 187

The title of Shuja'at Khan was conferred on Ea'd-andaz, with the


rank of 3000 and 2000 horse.
[Text, p. 170.] On the 19th Kabfu-1 akhir, 1089 A.H., a
report from Shafi'a Khan, diwdn of Bengal, made known that
the Amiru-l umard had appropriated one kror and thirty-two
lacs of rupees above his yearly salary. A claim against the
amir was accordingly ordered to he entered.

TWENTY-SECOND YEAR OF THE EEIGN, 1090 A.H. (1679 A.D.).

[Text, p. 175.] On the 24th Eabi'u-1 akhir, Khan-Jahan


Bahadur arrived from Jodhpur, bringing with him several cart-
loads of idols, taken from the Hindu temples that had been
razed. His Majesty gave him great praise. Most of these idols
were adorned with precious stones, or made of gold, silver,
brass, copper or stone; it was ordered that some of them
should be cast away in the out-offices, and the remainder placed
beneath the steps of the grand mosque, there to be trampled
under foot. There they lay a long time, until, at last, not a
vestige of them was left.
[Text, p. 176.] Eaja Jaswant Singh had died at Kabul
without male issue ; but, after his decease, several faithful adher-
ents—Song, Eagunath Das Bhati, Eanjhur, Durga Das, and
some others—sent information to the King of two of the wives
of the late Raja being with child. These ladies, after their
arrival at Lahore, gave each of them birth to a son. This news
was communicated to the King, with a request that the children
should be permitted to succeed to their father's rank and posses-
sions. His Majesty replied that the children should be sent to
him to be brought up at his Court, and that rank and wealth
should be given to them.
[Text, p. 186.] On the 12th Zi-1 hijja, 1090 A.H. (6th
January, 1680), Prince Muhammad '^zam and Khan-Jahan
Bahadur obtained permission to visit T/dipur. Euhu-llah

Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. The Librarian-Seeley Historical Library, on 24 Nov 2019 at 11:23:28, subject to
the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms.
https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781139507202.015
188 SAKr MUSTA'IDD KHAN.

Khan and Yakkatdz Khan also proceeded thither to eflfect the


destruction of the temples of the idolators. These edifices,
situated in the vicinity of the Edna's palace, were among the
wonders of the age, and had been erected by the infidels to the
ruin of their souls and the loss of their wealth. It was here that
some twenty Machdtor Rajputs had resolved to die for their
faith. One of them slew many of his assailants before receiving
his death-blow. Another followed, and another, until all had
fallen, many of the faithful also being despatched before the last
of these fanatics had gone to hell. The temple was now clear,
and the pioneers destroyed the images.
[Text, p. 188.] On the 2nd of Muharram, 1001 A.H. (24th
January, 1680), the King visited the tank of U'disdgar, con-
structed by the Rand. His Majesty ordered all three of the
Hindu temples to be levelled with the ground. News was this
day received that Hasan 'AH Khan had emerged from the pass
and attacked the Rana on the 29th of Zi-1 hijja. The enemy
had fled, leaving behind them their tents and baggage. The
enormous quantity of grain captured in this affair had created
abundance amongst the troops.
On the 7th Muharram Hasan 'AH Khan made his appearance
with twenty camels taken from the Rdnd, and stated that the
temple situated near the palace, and one hundred and twenty-two
more in the neighbouring districts, had been destroyed. This
chieftain was, for his distinguished services, invested with the
title of Bahddur.
His Majesty proceeded to Ohitor on the 1st of Safar. Temples
to the number of sixty-three were here demolished.
Abu Turdb, who had been commissioned to effect the destruction
of the idol-temples of Amber, reported in person on the 24th
Rajab, that threescore and six of these edifices had been
levelled with the ground.

Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. The Librarian-Seeley Historical Library, on 24 Nov 2019 at 11:23:28, subject to
the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms.
https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781139507202.015
MA-A'SIR-I 'ALAMGritr. 189

TWENTY-FOURTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1091-2 A.H.


(1680-81 A.D.).
[Text, p. 207.] The Rana had now been driven forth from his
country and his home. The victorious ghdzis had struck many a
blow, and the heroes of Islam had trampled under their chargers1
hoofs the land which this reptile of the jungles and his prede-
cessors had possessed for a thousand years. He had been forced
to fly to the very limit of his territories. Unable to resist any
longer, he saw no safety for himself but in seeking pardon. Ac-
cordingly he threw himself on the mercy of Prince Muhammad
'Azam, and implored his intercession with the King, offering the
parganas of Mandil, Pur, and Badhanor in lieu of the jizya.
By this submission he was enabled to retain possession of his
country and his wealth. The Prince, touched with compassion for
the Rana's forlorn state, used his influence with His Majesty, and
this merciful monarch, anxious to please his son, lent a favourable
ear to these propositions. An interview took place at the Raj
Sambar tank on the 17th of Jumada-1 akhir, between the Prince
and the Rand, to whom Diler Khan and Hasan 'AH Khan had
been deputed. The Rana made an offering of 500 ashrqfis and
eighteen horses with caparisons of gold and silver, and did homage
to the Prince, who desired him to sit on his left. He received
in return a khil'at, a sabre, dagger, charger and elephant. His
title of Rana was acknowledged, and the rank of commander
of 5000 conferred on him.

TWENTY-SEVENTH TEAR OF THE REIGN, 1094-5 A.H.


(1683-4 A.D.).

Caves of Ellora.
[Text, p. 238.] Muhammad Shah Malik Juna, son of
Tughlik, selected the fort of Deogir as a central point whereat
to establish the seat of government, and gave it the name of
Daulatabad. He removed the inhabitants of Dehli thither with

Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. The Librarian-Seeley Historical Library, on 24 Nov 2019 at 11:23:28, subject to
the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms.
https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781139507202.015
190 SA'KT MUSTA'IDD KHAN.

their wives and children, and many great and good men removed
thither and were buried there. Ellora is only a short distance
from this place. At some very remote period a race of men, as
if by magic, excavated caves (nakkdb) high up among the defiles
of the mountains. These rooms (khdna) extended over a breadth
of one kos. Carvings of various designs and of correct execution
adorned all the walls and ceilings; but the outside of the moun-
tain is perfectly level, and there is no sign of any dwelling
(khdna). From the long period of time these pagans remained
masters of this territory, it is reasonable to conclude, although
historians differ, that to them is to be attributed the construc-
tion of these places.

THIRTIETH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1097-8 A.H. (1686-7 A.D.).

Imprisonment of Prince Muhammad Mu'azzam.


[Text, p. 293.] Muhammad Mu'azzam, although a prince of
great intelligence and penetration, was led by pernicious coun-
sellors into opposition to his father's wishes, and this conduct
became the source of much suffering to himself and displeasure to
the ruler of the State. For a long time His Majesty, loth that
such conduct should become known, closed his eyes to the
Prince's proceedings. During the siege of Bijapur some persons
were caught carrying secret messages to Sikandar ('A'dil Shah);
these men were put to death. Some officers also, suspected of
evil intentions, Mumin Khan, commandant of artillery, 'Aziz
Afghan, Multifat Khan, second bakhshl, and the cunning JBin-
draban, were expelled from the army on the 18th of Shawwal.
The Prince's destiny grew dark, and wisdom and foresight quite
forsook him. During the investment of Haidarabad he allowed
himself to be deluded by some promise of Abu-1 Hasan, and at
last sundry written communications, which passed between the
trenches and the fort of Golkonda, fell into the hands of Firoz
Jang. Other proofs were also available of the Prince's treachery.
The Khan, that very night, laid these documents before the

Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. The Librarian-Seeley Historical Library, on 24 Nov 2019 at 11:23:28, subject to
the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms.
https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781139507202.015
MA-ASIR-I 'A'LAMGritr. 191

King, who was now well convinced of the Prince's wilfulness,


whatever doubts he might have entertained before. Hayat
Khan, ddrogha of the Prince's diwan-khana, was sent for and
ordered to direct his master to send his troops to oppose Sliaikh
Nizam Haidarabadi, who was about to mako a night attack on
the camp. Ihtimam Khan, it was said, would guard the Prince's
tents during the absence of his own people. This order was
obeyed.
The next morning, according to order, the Prince, Mu'izzu-d
din, and Muhammad 'Azim,1 attended the darbdr. His Majesty,
after taking his seat, told them that Asad Khan and Bahramand
Khan had something to communicate to them in the chapel. No
sooner had the Princes entered this place than their arms were
taken from them. As soon as a tent could be pitched, they were
removed into it. His Majesty withdrew to the seraglio by the
private entrance, and there, wringing his hands, and with
many symptoms of grief, he exclaimed that the labour of forty
years had fallen to the ground !
Guards were placed round the tent, under the orders of
Ihtimam Khan. Mutasaddis seized all the Prince's property,
which, however, was but as a drop of water in the ocean.
Ihtimam was invested with the title of Sardar Khan, and raised
from the command of 1000 to that of 1500.

THIRTY-FIFTH YEAR OF THE EEIGN, 1102-3 A.H. (1691-2 A.D.).

Release of Muhammad Mu'azzam from Confinement.


[Text, p. 341.] Neither the Prince nor his sons had been, when
first confined, permitted even to unbind the hair of their heads.
This treatment lasted six months. Khidmat Khan, Nazir, em-
boldened by his long service under this King and under his father,
remonstrated most vehemently against this severity (no other
dared to speak in the Prince's favour), and His Majesty relented.
As time wore on, the King's wrath grew less, his paternal feel-
1
[More commonly called Muhammad '

Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. The Librarian-Seeley Historical Library, on 24 Nov 2019 at 11:23:28, subject to
the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms.
https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781139507202.015
192 SAKr MUSTA'IDD KHAN.

ings resumed their sway, and he daily sent his blessing by


Sardar Khan to this second Joseph, imprisoned like Jonas,
desiring him to be satisfied with this much until the Father of
all Mercies moved his heart to put an end to his sufferings.
Strange to relate, Sardar Khan one day told the King that His
Majesty could order the Prince's release when he thought fit so
to do. " True," replied the King, " but Providence has made me
ruler of the habitable world. The oppressed appeals to me
against his oppressor, and expects redress. This son of mine
has endured some hardships at my hands, in expiation of certain
worldly offences, but the hour has not yet come for me to release
him; his only hope is in God. Let him therefore be hopeful,
so that he may not lose all hope in me, nor appeal against me to
God, for should he do so, what refuge would be left to me ? "
Fate had decreed that Muhammad Mu'azzam should adorn
the throne; wherefore the King, that personification of all
virtues, resolved to draw the Prince from the state in which he
had been kept, and let his light shine on the people. That his
mind might not bow down under the weight of grief, the rigours
of confinement were gradually made less. On one occasion,
when the King inarched from Badri, all the tents were ordered
to be left standing for the Prince's recreation. He was permitted
to wander from one to the other, enjoying the luxuries each
different place afforded, and refreshing body and mind. The
Prince observed to the officers who had charge of him that he
longed to behold His Majesty, and that the sight of such places
could not satisfy that wish. At length, when the news of the
Prince's mother having died in the capital was received, His
Majesty caused a tent of communication to be pitched between
the diwdn-i Mas and the Prince's tent, where the monarch
repaired in person with the virtuous Princess Zinatu-n Nisa
J3egam, and offered the usual consolations.
Some time after this, on the 4th of Zi-1 ka'da, Mu'azzam
had the honour of paying his respects to the King, who desired
him to perform his mid-day prayers in his presence. When His

Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. The Librarian-Seeley Historical Library, on 24 Nov 2019 at 11:23:28, subject to
the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms.
https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781139507202.015
MA-ASIR-I 'ALAMGrRr. 193

Majesty went to the mosque on Fridays, the Prince was to pray


in the private chapel. Permission was also granted him to visit
occasionally the baths in the fort; at other times he might
wander among the parterres and tanks of the Shahdbad gardens.
Thus by degrees was broken the barrier between father and son.
Khwaja Daulat received orders to fetch the Prince's family from
the capital.1

FIFTY-FIKST YEAR OF THE REIGN.

Death of Aurangzeb.
[Text, p. 519.] After the conclusion of the holy wars which
rescued the countries of the Dakhin from the dominion of the
pagans, the army encamped at Ahmadnagar on the 16th of
Shawwal, in the 50th year of the reign. A year after this, at
the end of Shawwal, in the 51st year of the reign, the King fell
ill, and consternation spread among people of all ranks; but, by
the blessing of Providence, His Majesty recovered his health
in a short time, and once more resumed the administration of
affairs. About this time the noble Shah fA'lam) was appointed
governor of the province of Malwa, and Prince Earn Bakhsh
governor of that of Bijapur. Only four or five days had elapsed
after the departure of their royal highnesses, when the King was
seized with a burning fever, which continued unabated for three
days. Still His Majesty did not relax in his devotions, every
ordinance of religion was strictly kept. On the evening of
Thursday, His Majesty perused a petition from Hamidu-d din
Khan, who stated that he had devoted the sum of 4000 rupees,
the price of an elephant, as a propitiatory sacrifice, and begged to
be permitted to make over this amount to the Kazi Mulla
Haidar for distribution. The King granted the request, and,
though weak and suffering, wrote with his own hand on the
1
[From subsequent passages it appears that the Prince was reinstated in his seat
on the Emperor's right hand in the thirty-ninth year, and was presented to the
government of Kabul in the forty-second year.]
VOL. VII. 13

Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. The Librarian-Seeley Historical Library, on 24 Nov 2019 at 11:23:28, subject to
the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms.
https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781139507202.015
194 SAKr MUSTA'IDD KHAN.

petition that it was his earnest wish that this sacrifice should
lead to a speedy dissolution of his mortal frame.
On the morning of Friday, 28th of Zi-1 ka'da (1118 A.H.
21st February, 1707 A.D.), His Majesty performed the con-
secrated prayers, and, at their conclusion, returned to the
sleeping apartments, where he remained absorbed in contem-
plation of the Deity. Faintness came on, and the soul of the
aged monarch hovered on the verge of eternity. Still, in
this dread hour, the force of habit prevailed, and the fingers of
the dying Bang continued mechanically to tell the beads of the
rosary they held. A quarter of the day later the King breathed
his last, and thus was fulfilled his wish to die on a Friday.
Great was the grief among all classes of people for the King's
death. The shafts of adversity had demolished the edifice of
their hopes, and the night of sorrow darkened the joyful noon-
day. Holy men prepared to perform the funeral rites, and kept
the corpse in the sleeping apartment pending the arrival of
Prince Muhammad A'zam, who was away a distance of five-and-
twenty kos from the camp. The Prince arrived the following
day, and it is impossible to describe the grief that was depicted
on his countenance; never had anything like it been beheld.
On Monday he assisted in carrying the corpse through the hall
of justice, whence the procession went on without him. May
none ever experience the anguish he felt! People sympathized
with the Prince's sorrow, and shed torrents of tears. Such and
so deeply-felt were the lamentations for a monarch whose genius
only equalled his piety, whose equal the world did not contain,
but whose luminous countenance was now hidden from his loving
people!
According to the will of the deceased King, his mortal remains
were deposited in the tomb constructed during his lifetime near
the shrine of the holy Shaikh Zainu-d din (on whom God have
mercy!). " Earth was consigned to earth, but the pure soul sur-
vived." This place of sepulture, known by the name of Khuldabad,
is distant eight kos from Khujista-bunyad (Aurangabad), and

Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. The Librarian-Seeley Historical Library, on 24 Nov 2019 at 11:23:28, subject to
the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms.
https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781139507202.015
MA-ASIE-I 'ALAMGlRr. 195

three kos from Daulat&bad. A red stone three yards in length,


two in width, and only a few inches in depth, is placed above
the tomb. In this stone was hollowed out, in the shape of an
amulet, a cavity for the reception of earth and seeds; and odori-
ferous herbs there diffuse their fragrance around.

Account of the late King's Family.


[Text, p. 533.] God had given unto 'Alamgir five sons and
five daughters, born of different mothers, and all learned in
spiritual and worldly matters. Mention has already been made
of them ; it now remains to give a short notice of each.
The first son was Muhammad Sultan, born of the Nawab Bai,
on the 4th of Ramazan, in the year 1049 A.H. (14th November,
1639 A.D.). His manners were agreeable, he knew the Kuran
by heart, and was well acquainted with the Arabic, Turkish and
Persian languages. His valour was great. This Prince died in
the 21st year of the reign.
The second son, Muhammad Mu'azzam Shah 'A'lam Bahadur,
was born of the same Nawab Bai, in the end of Rajab, 1053 A.H.
(September, 1643 A.D.). While still a boy he acquired a perfect
knowledge of the Kuran, and of the science of reading. When
so engaged, his voice is pleasing and melodious. So great is his
knowledge of law and of the traditionary sayings of the Prophet,
that he is held by all the learned men of the day to be un-
equalled in this accomplishment. He is deeply read in Arabic,
and the fluency and elegance of his diction are the wonder of
the very Kuran-readers of Arabia. He knows many sorts of
writing, is careful of his time, and a protector of the poor.
Prince Muhammad A'zam, the third son, was born of Dilras
Band Begam, daughter of Shah Nawaz Khan Safawi, on the 12th
of Sha ban, in the year 1063 (28th June, 1653). He was distin-
guished for his wisdom and excellence. He excelled in many
ways, and his innate virtues and sagacity rendered him the in-
dispensable companion of the late King. His death occurred

Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. The Librarian-Seeley Historical Library, on 24 Nov 2019 at 11:23:28, subject to
the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms.
https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781139507202.015
196 SAW MUSTA'IDD KHAN.

on the 18th of Rabi'u-1 awwal, only three months and twenty


days after that of his royal parent. It was marked by deeds
of valour.
The next son, Prince Akbar, was born of Begam,1 on the 12th
of Zi-1 hijja, in the year 1067 (12th September, 1656 A.D.). He
fled from his father, and passed his life in Persia. He died in the
48th year of the reign, but there are two reasons for supposing
that his end was a happy one. In the first place, the King
remarked that Prince Akbar had always performed his Friday
prayers most devoutly; and secondly, his mortal remains lie in
the area of the tomb of Imam Riza (on whom be blessings and
praise!).
Muhammad Kam Bakhsh, the fifth and last son, was born on
the 10th of Ramazan, in the year 1077 (25th February, 1667).
His mother was Bai I/dipuri. His father instructed him in the
word of God, and his knowledge of all known works surpassed
that of his brothers. The Turkish language and several modes
of writing were familiar to him. He was brave and generous.
The death of this Prince took place two years after that of his
father.

Account of the Daughters.


Zebu-n Nisa Begam was the eldest of the daughters. She was
born of Begam l on the 10th of Shawwal, in the year 1048 (5th
February, 1639). Owing to the King's teaching, she became
thoroughly proficient in knowledge of the Kuran, and received as
a reward the sum of 30,000 ashrafis. Her learning extended to
Arabic, Persian, to the various modes of writing, and to prose
and poetry. Many learned men, poets and writers were em-
ployed by her, and numerous compilations and original works
are dedicated to her. One of these, a translation of the Tafsir-i
Kabir, called Zebu-t Tqfdsir, was the work of Mulla Saffu-d din
Ardbeli, attached to the service of this Princess. Her death
occurred in the year 1113 (1701 A.D.).
1
The name is not given.

Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. The Librarian-Seeley Historical Library, on 24 Nov 2019 at 11:23:28, subject to
the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms.
https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781139507202.015
MA-ASIB-I 'ALAMGrRr. 197

The second daughter was Zinatu-n Nisa Begam. She was


born on the 1st Sha'ban, in the year 1053 (9th October, 1643
A.D.). This Princess is remarkable for her great piety and
extreme liberality.
Badru-n Nisa Begam, the third in order, was born of the
Nawab Bai on the 29th Shawwdl, in the year 1057 (17th
November, 1647 A.D.). She knew the Kur&n by heart, was
pious and virtuous. Her demise took place on the 27th Zi-1
ka'da in the 13th year of the reign.
The fourth daughter, Zubdatu-n Nisa Begam, was born on the
26th Ramaz&n, in the year 1061 (1st September, 1651 A.D.).
Her mother was Begam. This Princess was ever engaged in
worship, prayer, and pious works. She was wedded to Sipihr
Shukoh, son of Dara, Shukoh. She went to Paradise in the
same month as her father, to whom her death was not made
known.
Mihru-n Nisa Begam, the fifth daughter, was born of
Aurangabadi Mahal on the 3rd of Safar, in the year 1072
(13th September, 1661). She became the spouse of Tzad
Bakhsh, son of Murad Bakhsh, and lived until the year 1116.

Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. The Librarian-Seeley Historical Library, on 24 Nov 2019 at 11:23:28, subject to
the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms.
https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781139507202.015

You might also like