UPSC

MAINS 2020

Political Science and

International Relations
Paper - 2
Test - 6

India and World

Pankaj Vhatte I Tukaram Jadhav I Mukta Kulkarni

The Unique Academy

UPSC MAINS 2020

Political Science Test Series
Test 6
India and World

Section A
Q. 1. Answer the following questions in about 150 words each : (10 X 5 = 50)
a) Examine the approaches to the study of foreign policy of India in post-cold war period.
Ans :

●● In the initial years after independence, Non-alignment was the most significant approach
to the study of India’s foreign policy. Political realist and complex realist approaches
provide significant insights to the foreign policy during cold war period. In post-cold
war period, understanding of India’s foreign policy remains incomplete without the
insights from interdependence and complex interdependence approaches.
●● Since 1990s, interdependence and complex interdependence approaches are must in
order to understand India’s foreign policy, apart from realism and complex neo-realism.
The economic content of foreign policy is becoming dominant in the context of economic
globalization which is the manifestation of complex interdependence. Realism alone
cannot explain India-China cooperation on platforms such as BRICS. Additionally,
India’s path to regional pre-eminence invariably goes through regional economic
cooperation. Such cooperation, based on interdependence, becomes mandatory to
deal with newer issues of security such as environmental degradation, tarns-border
migration, international terrorism, economic and social inequality (North-South
Divide). Simultaneous presence of conflict and cooperation such as in India-China
relations is the indication of how both realism and complex interdependence are
required to study India’s foreign policy today. Even within the framework of complex
realism, critics warn against India’s national goals and aspirations becoming hostage to
US unilateralism and conditionalities of international institutions in a order shaped by
globalization or complex interdependence.
●● Summing up, it is evident that no single approach can give us the complete picture of

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India’s foreign policy. Each approach may give different insights. Hence, an eclectic
perspective that draws insights from various approaches can give better understanding
of the foreign policy of India.

b) Discuss significant takeaways from the recent Brasilia BRICS Summit from the Indian
perspective.
Ans :

●● From the Indian perspective, the significant takeaways from the Brasilia BRICS Summit
were terrorism becoming one of the priority areas, the decision to open regional office of
New Development Bank (NDB) in India and BRICS emerging as the voice of developing
countries.
●● Much to the satisfaction of India, the commitment of BRICS to counter terrorism
seemed to be getting strengthened at the Brasilia Summit. The BRICS joint working
group on counter-terrorism decided to constitute five sub working groups, one each
focusing on terrorist financing, use of the internet for terrorist purposes, countering
radicalism, the issue of foreign terrorist fighters and capacity building.
●● As the BRICS mooted to open the membership of NDB, towards its journey to become
a global development financial institution, its regional center to be opened in India in
2020 was a significant takeaway for India. Moreover, the BRICS platform, along with
its institutions, has emerged as the voice of the global south. India has been playing a
leading role on behalf of the global south on various issues from the WTO to climate
change. This development may increase the bargaining power of India and the global
south.
●● Indeed, there were significant takeaways from the Brasilia Summit from the Indian
perspective. However, overall advantage comes with the caveat that the gains are not
obvious and may get circumscribed the overwhelming presence of China.

c) What are the implications of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QSD or QUAD) for
India?
Ans :

●● In the evolving geopolitics of Indo-Pacific, characterized by rising Chinese influence

and ambitions, the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD) is significant from the
Indian perspective. There are short-term and long-term implications of the QUAD for
India.
Short-term Implications :
• The summit counted as a success as far as its timing is concerned i.e. the growing Chinese
assertion and considering India’s need to counter-balance China in the region.
• India will better its relationship with America and especially Australia if this security
agreement materializes.

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• In the context of increased Chinese assertion over the Indian Territory, India needs a
strong security complex as a deterring mechanism against China.
Long-term Implications :
• The success of Quad will become a turning point for India’s foreign and security
policy. India has resisted being a part of any security complex so far. A new non-
regional security complex can be constructed owing to the success of Quad.
• As per scholars such as C Raja Mohan and Rajesh Rajgopalan, if the progress of QUAD
goes on like this then it can become something like SEATO.
• USA and India share a vision of ASEAN-led Indo-Pacific which is not in tune with
increasing Chinese Maritime Lebensraum in the region.
• Geopolitically, India is bordered by three neighbours China, Pakistan and Nepal which
are showing hostility towards India. India does not have an all-weather ally. The Quad
which is like something circling China can fill the void of geopolitical advantage for
India.

d) Recently India was elected as non-permanent member of the UNSC for a two-year term.
Discuss the significance of India’s election to the UNSC as a non-permanent member.
Ans :

●● In June 2020, India was elected as the non-permanent member of the UNSC for the term
2021-22 with an overwhelming support. It is significant development given India’s
aspiration to become the permanent member of the UNSC.
●● At the global systemic level, India looks forward to a rules-based, multilateral and just
world order that accommodates the voice of the global south. From this perspective, it
is a significant development as Brazil and Africa too have made it to the UNSC along
with India.
●● It is significant that the membership comes at a time when India has upped its campaign
for a reform of the security council. Alongside India, industrialized countries such as
Japan and Germany are also aspiring for a permanent membership of the UNSC.
India winning the UNSC seat by 187 votes of the total 192 votes was a huge diplomatic
victory in this regard.
●● Thus, India’s election to UNSC, especially with the overwhelming support, indicates
India’s growing profile in the world. It cannot, however, be seen as a step towards getting
permanent membership of the UNSC. Moreover, India may need to take some tough
decisions as a member of the UNSC, building national consensus on which would be
a challenge. Indeed, the two-year tenure would be challenging for India’s diplomatic
skills.

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e) Despite robust relations ever since Sheikh Hasina came to power in Bangladesh, certain
areas of concern have emerged in recent times. Examine.
Ans :

●● The visit of Bangladesh PM Sheikh Hasina in October 2019 reinforced bilateral

relations to an extent that the official statement described it as ‘a bond transcending
strategic relationship’. However, off late certain areas of concerns have emerged,
precisely the non-conclusion of Testa agreement, the Indian legislations CAA and NRC,
and the issue of Rohingya refugees.
●● At the national level of analysis, Bangladesh seems to have addressed Indian concerns
while India doesn’t seem to have reciprocated in equal measure, so the Bangladesh
believes. India continues to be unable to deliver on Teesta. Another concern of
Bangladesh pertains to the CAA and NRC. Bangladesh has cancelled two high-profile
visits ever since these legislations were passed by the Indian parliament. The statements
of PM and foreign secretary of Bangladesh clearly express their concerns over the
possible consequences of these legislations, particularly repatriation of Bangladeshi
illegal migrants.
●● At the regional systemic level, Bangladesh expected India to play a much firmer
commitment to resolving the repatriation issue of the Rohingya refugees residing in
Bangladesh. India reiterated it stance on the safe and sustainable return of Rohingyas.
However, Bangladesh expected India to play a role larger that the mere stance, being a
regional power.
●● Thus, though the relations emerged stronger, certain areas of concern haunt Indo-
Bangladesh relations at the regional systemic level and the national level of analysis.

Q. 2. (a) Does PM Modi’s first ever participation in NAM Summit, held online, indicate course
correction in his foreign policy? Does it throw an opportunity for India to assume
leadership of the NAM in post-Covid world? (20M)
Ans :

●● Indian PM Modi’s first ever participation in the recent virtual NAM summit indicates a
tactical move in his foreign policy. The uncertainty over the contours of post-Covid war
world order and possibility of Sino-American rivalry getting intensified, the NAM may
throw an opportunity for India to assume its leadership.
ooking from the global systemic perspective, the rise of Modi in India coincided with
●● L
the rise of right-wing nationalism across the world. Unlike Trump and Jair Bolsanaro,
however, Modi’s domestic nationalism rarely reflected on his foreign policy in first
term. But in the second term, he has been receiving constant pushback from the
international community due to certain contentious measures such as revocation of 370,
CAA and Delhi Riots. The Covid pandemic provided an opportunity for Modi to separate
himself from the right-wing stance of downplaying the virus, particularly of Trump and

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Bolsanaro. Modi did so by firmly acknowledging the threat and adopting the necessary
measures. His participation in the NAM summit, if looked in this context, indicates
a tactical move. Some scholars considered it as a course correction, reading from his
statement calling NAM the ‘world’s moral voice’. However, Harsh Pant considered this
as misreading and stated that the PM has nothing to loose by using NAM instrumentally.
He argued that to construe this as Modi’s embrace of ‘a now redundant’ philosophy of
global engagement would be a big fallacy.
●● If the uncertainties of post-Covid world and Indian PM’s statements on the NAM platform
are any indicators, there is certainly an opportunity for India to assume the leadership
of NAM. The pandemic has challenged multilateralism, an important ingredient
of India’s vision for a new world order. The platform of NAM can be leveraged to
uphold the multilateralism. PM Modi explicitly talked about the ‘limitations of existing
international system’ and ‘a new template of globalization based on fairness, equality
and humanity’. There is a possibility that India would be keen to lead the middle powers
in the impending post-Covid world order within the ambit of South-South cooperation.
hus, irrespective of whether it indicates a course correction or mere instrumentality,
●● T
there is a possibility of India assuming the leadership of NAM in post-Covid world
order. India’s diplomacy during pandemic has been quick to recognize the changing
global dynamics. However, whether this happens or not is something to watch out for,
given the unpredictability of international relations.

b) The New and Emerging Strategic Technologies (NEST) division in the Ministry of
External Affairs (MEA) can help fill a critical gap in India’s diplomacy and existing
institutional structures. Illustrate. (15M)
Ans :

●● The New and Emerging Strategic Technologies (NEST) division was set up in the
Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) in January 2020. Considering the fact that the
technology policy and foreign policy are converging, with drastic regional and
geopolitical consequences, the NEST can help fill the critical gap connecting the two
policies.
●● The ongoing geopolitical rivalry between the US and China with debate on 5G being
its flashpoint, forms the contextual backdrop of the NEST division. The NEST is likely
to become a foreign policy sentinel for the Indian government to understand emerging
technologies, particularly the 5G and artificial intelligence. The MEA is more than
justified in setting up NEST, as the choice of 5G vendor requires careful analysis of
security risks, strategic concerns, economic factors and foreign policy interests. The
new division is crucial considering the assimilation of emerging technology into the
nation’s defence and civilian research and development infrastructure. The most
crucial assessments are of the control, ownership and beneficiaries of the entities that
want to export or invest in India’s high-tech sector. The NEST fills this critical gap of

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an agency to do the crucial assessment.

●● The NEST is important not only for the MEA but also as a key element in the entire
security policy conveyer belt. Its establishment underscores the importance of emerging
technologies to India’s expanding digital landscape and domestic industry which was
linked to India’s foreign policy objectives, national security and strategic interests.
●● Thus, in the context of the international affairs wherein countries possessing strategic
technologies are said to have the clout, the setting up of NEST can help fill a critical gap
in India’s diplomacy and existing institutional structures.

c) Discuss India’s security concerns in the Central Asia. (15M)
Ans :

●● India and Central Asia share common security concerns namely global terrorism and
religious extremism. 9/11 and the global war on terror underlined the threat to Central
Asia and countries around it. The network of terrorist organizations is spread across
countries in Central Asia and Middle East.
●● The militant separatism in Kashmir is supported by the terrorist organizations based
in Pakistan which in turn receive support from other terror outfits which are based in
Middle East and Central Asia. Taliban Regime in Afghanistan was supposed to be the
safe haven for all such organizations. Central Asia too suffered from such terror outfits.
Civil war in Tajikistan, ethnic Uzbek and Kyrgyz militancy in Ferghana valley are the
examples in this regard.
●● Militancy in Central Asia had close nexus with the Taliban regime and hence Central
Asian countries actively supported the US led war to overthrow Taliban. However,
Taliban is not completely uprooted and war is far from over. There is imminent threat
to both India and Central Asia if Taliban comes back to power in Afghanistan. Already,
territorial footprint of Taliban has increased to more than 40% of Afghan land.
●● In this context, India has a major stake in Central Asia from security perspective. Moreover,
Chhabahar port of Iran developed by India and the INSTC are vital for connectivity to
Middle East and Central Asia for India. Security of these routes becomes tough task
if these regions become unstable. The platform of SCO, which India recently joined,
becomes key to meet her security objectives in Central Asia.

Q. 3.(a) In the context of the US pressure and growing relations between Iran and China,
elaborate the significance of Chabahar port for India. (20M)
Ans :

●● The Chabahar port is significant for India from various perspectives. It has become
diplomatic challenge for India to maintain positive trajectory in relations with Iran given
the context of growing US pressure on India under the CAATSA and growing Iran-China

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relations.
●● Significance of Chabahar Port
I. Connecting Afghanistan and Central Asia
Chabahar enjoys the potential of connecting India through Iran with Afghanistan as
well as with Central Asia. This is invaluable for India both in economic and strategic
terms. It gives India the opportunity to tap into the vast natural gas riches of Central
Asia. Additionally, with a stronger foothold in Iran, New Delhi will be better positioned
to tap into Iran’s own gas reserves. It would enable India to maintain its presence and
advance its interests in Afghanistan and also enhance its political, security, economic
and strategic engagement with Central Asian nations.
II. Energy Security
Central Asia is vulnerable to influence of Islamic fundamentalism by Islamic State of
Iraq and Syria/Daesh. It can also prove to be highly critical to India’s energy security as
the region is well-endowed with huge mineral deposits and natural resources like oil,
gas, uranium, coal etc. Iran has the second largest reserves of gas in the world, next only
to Russia. Transportation by sea from Chabahar for Kandla, Nhava Sheva or Mumbai
port in India would be quick, easy and cost-effective.
III. Bypassing Pakistan & China
Currently, Pakistan refuses access to India by land to Afghanistan. Chabahar gives In-
dia the opportunity to bypass Pakistan. Moreover, India’s access to Chabahar is pre-
dominantly seen as a counter-balance to the port of Gwadar developed by China. In-
dia’s fears stem from the possibility of a build-up of Chinese naval presence in the near
future. Chabahar is often seen as the ideal balancing option in this situation.
●● Thus, Chabahar is important for India from geo-strategic, political and economic as
well as energy security points of view.

b) Latin America has been last frontier of India’s foreign policy for long. Discuss the
impediments which caused delay in developing robust relations between India and
Latin America. (15M)
Ans :

●● Latin America is the last frontier of India’s foreign policy in terms of diplomatic
engagement. Despite tremendous goodwill and there being no complicating factors,
this region remained low priority area for long time in the foreign policy purview of
India.
●● In Post War period, the Latin American Countries (LACs) were embroiled into
alternating periods of military and civil regimes till 1980. During these years, LACs
looked towards western countries to rejuvenate their economy. In fact, Latin America’s
interaction with the world was overwhelmingly influenced by the foreign policy goals
of US. Also, LACs remained on the margin of the wider currents of international
affairs. Another factor which made this engagement marginal was the reservations of

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LACs regarding NAM and other Third World platforms, demonstrated by the fact that
Cuba was the only country to attend Belgrade Summit in 1961. Participation of LACs
in NAM increased in 1970s.
●● The old impediments disappeared in 1990s and India developed relations with Brazil,
Argentina and Mexico by adopting selective bilateralism. Economic relations covered
wide spectrum which included trade, investment, science and technology. Institutional
mechanisms such as Focus LAC programme further boosted economic relations.
However, geographical distance, information gap, dominant Chinese footprint and
the lack of air and shipping links were often cited as factors that come in the way of
greater economic interaction between India and Latin America.
●● The region is significant for India in terms of trade, investment, South-South cooperation,
energy security, food security, climate change and shared domestic issues. India
needs to develop relations with all countries, promote Latin American studies, invest in
shipping industries and conclude PTAs and FTAs at the earliest.

c) Analyze the economic and security implications of the Abraham accord for the region
of West Asia. (15M)
Ans :

●● The Abraham Accord clearly indicates the policy of realpolitik adopted by the three
countries namely Israel, UAE and Bahrain. The Accord, signed in the White House of
USA, has clear economic and politico-security implications for the region of West Asia.
●● Positive Implications put forth by Supporters:
1. Varsha Koduvayur and David Daoud believe that the accord could have a positive
impact on the Israel-Palestine relations and could accelerate progress toward a
two-state solution.
2. The accord may precipitate Israel-GCC (Gulf Cooperation Council) synergy with
positive economic implications for both sides as their economies are complementary.
3. Jeffrey Goldberg argued that the accord will facilitate arms deal between Israel and
Gulf countries through which the latter shall get access to a better class of American
weaponry.
4. The accord lessens the regional isolation of Israel.
5. The accord will benefit civilians, including those of Palestine, and contribute to
regional peace.
6. Elizabeth Gibney believes that the accord shall lead to scientific collaboration
between these countries.
7. The accord may precipitate a larger anti-Iran alliance and pose a strategic challenge
to the Iran which has condemned the accord.

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Negative Implications put forth by Critics :

1. It is argued that the accord leaves the Palestinian question largely unaddressed.
Moreover, it weakens the Arab support for the Palestinian cause. In this context,
Dov Waxman doubts emergence of peace between Israel and Palestine. In fact, the
Palestinians feel betrayed and there is possibility of increase in militancy.
2. The accord may lead to a three-way regional contest in the context of the US retreat
form the region and the increasingly aggressive foreign policies of Turkey and Iran.
3. Mohammad Ayoob believes that it is not a breakthrough and does not indicate any
radical departure from the status quo.

Q. 4. (a) Critically examine India’s decision to opt out of the Regional Comprehensive
Economic Partnership (RCEP). (20M)
Ans :

●● India has decided not to join the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership
(RCEP), at least for now. India has expressed certain concerns regarding some of
the provisions of the proposed partnership. India’s decision to opt out has had its own
supporters and critics.
●● Arguments of Supporters
Supporters of India’s decision to opt out argue that the FTAs of India so far have yielded
trade deficits, for instance, FTAs with the ASEAN, South Korea and Japan. India has
the largest trade deficit in its trade with China. The RCEP may further increase this
deficit as the markets could be flooded by Chinese goods. The cheap and subsidized
milk powder from New Zealand may disrupt Indian dairy sector. In fact, there have
been protests by cooperatives dairies led by R S Sodhi, the MD of Amul. It is argued that
the RCEP may result into job losses and trade deficits in the automobile, textile, steel
industries and agriculture.
●● A
rguments of Critics
Critics argue that this is not an ordinary agreement and India will be deprived of long-
term economic gains. India will lose prospective jobs in IT, health, education and
pharmaceutical sectors. A number of industries would be deprived of cheaper inputs.
Pradeep Mehta considers fears of trade deficit with China misplaced as it would be off-
set by the surplus with other countries. It is also argued that the FTAs with ASEAN and
Japan helped India increase exports and get industrial supplies respectively. Veeramani
and Garima Dhir provided statistical base by estimating the rise in export-ties and
overall jobs in India. Indian industries will loose the competitive advantage which may
develop being part of RCEP. Being an agreement, the RCEP may also provide protection
against the trade wars which have already created turbulence.
umming up, there are arguments for and against India’s decision. Deepak Nayyar
●● S
argued that we first need to get our act together at home by creating an economy that
is competitive. Deepanshu Mohan argued that the decision mustn’t allow India’s trade
policy to turn more inward or protectionist. India seems to have done well considering

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the adverse impact RCEP may have on numerous industries. However, India needs to
reform the economy for such pacts lest India may lose long-term gains.

b) Analyze the strengthening Indo-Philippines relationship in the context of growing

Chinese influence. (15M)
Ans :

●● Both the Look East and Act East policies had a strategic dimension of the growing
Chinese influence in the Indo-Pacific region. The Act East policy saw Philippines as
a key country with which India had quite basic collaboration under the Look East policy
so far.
●● For long, countries like Vietnam and Philippines have voiced the need for India to do
more in the region, given the South China Sea debacle. India remains committed to
work with the partners in order to ensure the freedom of navigation and over flight. India
participated with INC Kolkata and Shakti, along with the US, Japan and Philippines, in
the ‘Group Sail’ exercise through the contested waters of the South China sea.
●● Given the growing Chinese influence and footprints in India’s backyard in South Asia
and the marine backyard Indian Ocean, it is logical for India to showcase its reach and
the depth of its ties in China’s backyard i.e. South-East Asia. In this regard, India’s
strengthening relationship with Philippines becomes significant despite its president
Duterte being a pro-China figure. It must be noted that Philippines too faces Chinese
aggression, exemplified by the continuing skirmishes between Filipino and Chinese
fishermen in the South China Sea. Considering this situation, the ‘Group Sail’ exercise
sent out a significant positive message to countries like Philippines.
●● Given the geographical location of South-East Asia and its centrality in India’s Indo-
Pacific policy, the strengthening economic and strategic relations of Indo-Philippines
relationship is significant for both the nations.

c) Explain India’s stand on the recent controversial handling of the pandemic by the
WHO. (15M)
Ans :

●● The handling of the pandemic by the WHO has been controversial given its deference to
China and increasing Chinese influence over the body. India’s stand on this controversy
is shaped by India’s position as the head of WHO’s Executive Board and the power
politics among the major countries.
●● India has been advocating for the reforms of WHO along with other international
organizations since long. Indian PM articulated this demand in the G-20 virtual summit
in March 2020. Dr. Harsh Vardhan, India’s Minister of Health and Family Welfare,
was elected the Chair of World Health Organization’s Executive Board in May 2020

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which implements decisions and policies of the World Health Assembly (WHA).
India, working in this capacity, is being nudged by some of its strategic allies such as
the US, Japan, Australia and others to speak against China. On one hand, India is trying
to coordinate with these countries to manage the human and economic costs of the
Covid-19 while on the other hand India is weighing its options on the issue of Taiwan
being sidelined by the WHO under the Chinese influence.
●● Rajesh Rajgopalan has argued that India should unequivocally support its strategic
allies on the issue of Taiwan and a global review by ramping up pressure on Beijing.
However, Karthik Nachiappan believes that India cannot entirely evade the power
politics but it should neutralize it to the benefit of billions reeling from the pandemic.
C. Raja Mohan believes that India needs all the pragmatism it can muster to pursue
its interests in a world where all the major global institutions are experiencing
unprecedented turmoil and are heading towards an inevitable restructuring.
●● Thus, India’s stand on the recent WHO controversy has been shaped by India’s statutory
position in the WHO and the power politics, especially India’s traditional reluctance
to take sides.

Section B
Q. 5. Answer the following questions in about 150 words each : (10 X 5 = 50)
a) India’s foreign policy reflects her historical heritage. Elaborate.
Ans :

●● Five aspects of India’s foreign policy reflect her historical heritage viz. preference for
middle way, tolerance, anti-imperialism, idealist and realist traditions.
●● As the Sanskrit saying goes ‘Ati Sarvatra Varjeyet’, India avoids extreme positions in
its foreign policy. Such a position helped India in the Korean, Suez and other crises. As
India’s power-profile improved in recent years, it has become challenging for India
to maintain such an equidistant stand on vital issues, for instance the South China
issue. India consistently reiterated ‘Vasudhaiv Kutumbkam’ as her vision for the world
expressing the character of tolerance. In the history of India, it had trading with
different parts of the world with a favourable balance of trade. But it did not result in
imperialism. India’s foreign policy since independence not only opposed all forms of
imperialism but also actively supported all anti-imperialist struggles, for instance in
Africa.
●● Upanishads, Jain and Buddhist literature give us the basis of the theory of non-
violence which Mahatma Gandhi revolutionized. This idealism gets reflected in India’s
Panchsheel policy. Mahabharata and Kautilya’s Arthasastra, which justify war as last
resort, contain the realist tradition. India’s foreign policy during the 1971 Bangladesh

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War amply reflects the realist policies.

●● Thus, India’s foreign policy reflects historical heritage in terms of various traditions
such as preference for middle path and tolerance shaping India’s foreign policy stand.

b) The role of think tanks in the foreign policy of India is on the rise in recent years.
Examine.
Ans :

●● The concept of think tank is relatively new in India. A number of think tanks came up in
India in recent years and this resulted in their increased role in the foreign policy of India.
As pointed out by J. McGann according to a report (2014) prepared by Pennsylvania
university, India has notionally fourth largest number (268) of think tanks after US, China
and the UK.
●● Suhasini Haider highlighted the rise of think tanks in the foreign policy of India. Although
she sees it as a factor checking the MEA from being India’s primary interlocutor
for the world, think tanks are also providing policy inputs to the establishment. The
studies and research conducted by think tanks such as the Institute of Defense Studies
and Analysis and the Center for Policy Research have bearing on the policy options.
Observer Research Foundation (ORF) and Vivekanand International Foundation are
a few other think tanks in India.
●● Think tanks provide an informal space for an exchange of ideas between states,
devise solutions to common problems. In the case of long-standing conflicts, think
tank-facilitated dialogues can enable conflict management and cooperation. For these
reasons, it is fitting that India’s Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) is increasingly
using think tanks as a medium to highlight India’s aspirations to be a leading power
and advance Indian interests by engaging global leaders, influencers, and policymakers.
Raisina Dialogue is an example in this regard.
●● However, for a country which aspires to be a global power and represents interests of
more than1.3 billion people, the number of think tanks is not good enough. Secondly
the think tanks do not influence foreign policy making in India in any significant way.
Moreover, the quality of research in think tanks related to foreign policy is often below
world standards. The think tanks are also generally disadvantaged by a lack of access
to policy information because of Official Secrets Act, a lack of a systematic timeline for
declassification of diplomatic archives and general reluctance of bureaucracy. According
to Sanjaya Baru, even though there is no dearth of expertise at high and lower levels,
these institutions offers little in the crucial area of middle level intellectual leadership.
Another significant issue is lack of funding; neither the government nor the Indian private
sector has come forward to support the think tanks.
●● All these issues notwithstanding, a few relatively successful stories emerge of the think
tanks, which include platforms for prominent thinkers and as convening hubs for debate
and discussion across spectrum. The MEA has realized the significance of focused

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research and has been opening its gates in different ways so that it gets the policy inputs
from think tanks.

c) Briefly discuss India’s stand on Green House Gasses (GHGs) emissions and role in the
climate change negotiations.
Ans :

●● India’s stand on Green House Gasses (GHGs) emissions and the role in the climate
change negotiations is based on the peculiar issues faced by India and the global south.
●● India’s Stand
India’s stand on the GHGs emissions has been based on “common but differential
responsibility”. India, along with other developing (DCs) and least developed countries
(LDCs), underlines historical responsibility of the developed countries. Hence, India de-
mands less aggressive emission cuts and extended timeframe. India also seeks climate
finance and technology transfer for DCs and LDCs to meet their targets.

●● Role in Climate Change Negotiations

India has played a crucial role in climate negotiations during the Paris agreement by
enabling acceptance of CBDR and through innovative initiative of International So-
lar Alliance. Climate change leadership requires an approach that goes hand in hand
with the needs and interests of the poor and most vulnerable. In this context, India
could step up and set an example of how stronger climate actions could be successfully
aligned with development imperatives, not only on papers but also in practice. In the
context of US’s withdrawal and EU’s dubious climate credentials, India has opportuni-
ties to lead the way which India has been already doing. India has reduced emission
intensity by 21% of the GDP and well set to achieve the goal of 35% by 2030.

d) Did India’s presence as observer state in the G7 Summit in Biarritz indicate recognition
of India’s enhanced role in the post-war international macroeconomic order?
Ans :

●● Samir Saran clearly states that the G7 Biarritz Summit is further evidence that G7
countries can no longer possess the vision or will to sustain the international liberal
order. India’s presence as observer state in the Summit indicates a growing realization of
the need for revamping the post-war order and India’s enhanced role in it.
●● It is believed that the rise of India, China and Brazil over the past few decades has
reduced the relevance of G7. The US president called the G7 a ‘very outdated group’
and proposed to include India, Australia and Russia in the grouping. The US move
panders to India’s long-standing demand for revamping of global institutions to reflect
current geopolitical realities. France, being the host of G7 Biarritz Summit, invited India
as an observer state. The US president, host for the G7 Summit 2020, extended similar
invitation.
●● As Dhruv Jaishankar puts it, the invitation to India has been driven by tactical

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considerations which include growing concerns about China’s assertiveness. In the
current times, it also has the context of the global economic battering at the hands
of Covid-19 and the greater technological competition such as the 5G. Nevertheless,
it does indicate recognition of India’s enhanced role in the post-war international
macroeconomic order.

e) What role do the Parliament and Parliamentary committees play in the foreign policy
making of India?
Ans :

●● The ultimate control over the government policy-making, including foreign policy,
rests with the Parliament. Consultative committee on foreign policy and defence, and
the standing committees can and do examine the issues relating to the working of foreign
policy.
●● On the foreign policy related issues, as listed in the Union List, the Parliament has
exclusive power to enact legislation. For instance, the issues include diplomatic, consular
and trade representation, war and peace, citizenship, naturalization etc. The parliament
has the power to approve treaties. However, the content of the treaties is decided by
the executive. Parliament has control over the money that is spent to run the foreign
policy and national security establishments. Parliament holds executive responsible
on foreign policy matters through discussions and debates. But parliamentary debates,
discussions and its control over the funds appropriated is perfunctory. Yet, parliament
exercises broad influence by determining the general parameters of policy beyond
which an executive cannot proceed.
●● The Parliamentary committees study issues which Parliament considers important
and submit reports to the Parliament. Consultative committees on foreign affairs and
defence assist the MEA. Public Accounts Committee and Public Assurances Committee
examine accounts of agencies implementing foreign policy and the assurances given
on the floor of houses respectively. Estimates committee may examine the working of
embassies abroad.
●● Thus, the Parliament has a distinct but perfunctory role in the foreign policy making of
India.

Q. 6. (a) Critically evaluate the impact of Brexit on India’s interests. (20M)

Ans :

●● The Brexit is going to make multidimensional impact on India’s interests and India’s
relations with the UK. There are both positive and negative impact of the Brexit on
India’s interests.

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●● Positive Impact
1. As UK loses access to the integrated market of EU, it will certainly look forward to
intensify trading relations with the emerging markets around the world. India, with
strong economic fundamentals and a large domestic market, provides an important
avenue for UK. This will boost India’s foreign trade.
2. India is significant source of FDI for UK. However, this FDI is routed through EU.
The Brexit shall open two avenues for Indian FDI now viz. EU and UK. Moreover,
UK may offer more incentives to Indian investment in order to retain them.
3. There is a likely devaluation of pound after the Brexit, which will boost educational,
medical and recreational tourism from India. However, Indian tourists face
challenge of transition period and visa rules.

●● Negative Impact
1. As Indian firms/investment in UK is routed through EU, the Brexit may cause short-
term distress for Indian firms.
2. Indian companies with sizeable presence may have to bear the brunt of the currency
volatility. With Brexit, there will be a considerable spike in the price of imports,
foods and other everyday commodities, which will impact Indian firms.
3. Brexit can affect Indian flagship IT market sector, given that EU accounts for 17
% of the global market and UK accounts for solely 3% out of that 17%. Brexit will
increase overhead cost and setting up of new headquarters perhaps, in both EU and
UK separately.
4. Indian diaspora in Britain will lose the free right to travel across Europe.
5. The Brexit vote has left more than 800 Indian companies facing massive uncertainty
over how the separation from the EU will affect the U.K. economy and their ability to
operate within the European single market, the world’s largest trading bloc.
●● Thus, Brexit has both positive and negative impact on India’s interests. There are certain
negative implications for the Indian firms. However, Harsh Pant argues that India
would be better positioned in the prospective negotiations on FTA with Britain to get
concession as regard the market access.

b) Assess the evolution of India’s relations with the European Union in the post-Cold War
years. (15M)
Ans :

●● Global systemic level factors constrained the cooperation between India and EU initially.
India followed non-alignment policy during cold war while erstwhile EC and its member
states were part of the US block. These constraining factors faded with the end of cold
war. Moreover, India adopted the neoliberal LPG model which opened economic gates
of cooperation with the EU.
●● India-EU relations flourished in post-Cold War period in true sense. The third Cooperation

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Agreement was signed in 1994 which took bilateral relations beyond trade and
economic cooperation. First India-EU Summit (Lisbon, 2000) marked a watershed
in the evolution of this relationship. In Fifth Summit (Hague, 2004) the relationship was
upgraded to ‘strategic partnership’. Sixth Summit (2005) entailed a Joint Action Plan
(JAP) for strengthening dialogue and consultation mechanisms in political, economic
and security domains. In the Thirteenth Summit (Brussels, 2013), India-EU Agenda
2020 was prepared which was a road map for cooperation on a wide range of issues
including nuclear cooperation, investments, internet governance, climate change, 5G
communications etc. In 2016, the Security Dialogue, which included Joint Working
Group on Counter-Terrorism Policy and Dialogue on Cyber Security and Counter
Policy, was merged with Foreign Policy Consultations.
●● In political domain, India and EU share many common political values. However, broadly
three areas of political difference exist viz. Kashmir Issue, Nuclear Issue and the issue
of Human Rights. Since emergence of militancy in Kashmir, EU has expressed concerns
over both the terrorism and the human rights violations by Indian forces. India criticizes
EU for not considering the human rights violated by the terrorists and compulsions of
forces in conflicts. On nuclear question, EU wanted India to sign NPT and CTBT. EU
condemned India’s nuclear tests but stopped short of economic sanctions. However,
several members of EU considered it as India’s sovereign right to conduct tests and
recently have signed civil nuclear deals with India.
●● The primary interaction of India with EU has been economic. EU today is India’s largest
trading partner with 12.5% of India’s total trade. India-EU relations witnessed steady
growth in trade since 1993. EU is one of the major sources of FDI for India and the
cooperation spans across a number of sectors such as industrial machinery, transport,
electronics, education, health, environment, space technology, nuclear physics etc.
India sees opportunities in various sectors such as manufacturing (Make in India),
Urbanization (Smart Cities), MNCs, Ayurveda and Yoga. However, India-EU Broad-
based Trade & Investment Agreement is still in negotiations since 2007. The issues such
as asymmetrical trade and market access to EU (trade barriers) have stood in the way of
this agreement. Even the non-tariff barriers by EU such as standards (health, sanitary
and phyto-sanitary) and regulatory barriers such as technical, quantitative, labour and
environmental are part of the trade disputes between the two.
●● In short, India-EU relations picked up steam in post-Cold War period. However, certain
issues in political and economic domain have restrained the actual realization of the
potential of relationship. In recent times, assertions of China and uncertain policies of
Trump administration have provided opportunities for India and EU to realize full
potential of their relationship.

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c) Discuss various concerns regarding recently signed US-Taliban deal. (15M)

Ans :

●● The USA and Taliban signed an agreement in February 2020 to enable the USA and
NATO to withdraw its troops from Afghanistan in the next 14 months. Various concerns
were expressed by scholars regarding the US-Taliban deal which has immense geopolitical
and security implications for Afghanistan and the region.
1. Analysts point out that the primary objective of the US president was not the
stability of Afghanistan but to build his domestic image as the deal-maker and to
ensure a face-saving exit. The US focused on Taliban severing ties with Al-Qaeda
and Islamic State and not on peace.
2. The deal legitimizes Taliban as the primary actor in deciding the future of
Afghanistan. More importantly Taliban continued violence in Afghanistan while the
deal was being negotiated.
3. There is uncertainty over the expected intra-Afghan dialogue. The Taliban had
targeted the members of the Afghan High Peace Council in the past, the body
established for intra-Afghan dialogue. There is every possibility that the Taliban may
scuttle this dialogue.
4. It is argued that the deal came at a wrong time as Kabul remains deeply divided.
The 2019 elections divided the formal political actors led by Ghani and Abdulla in
opposite camps with both declaring victory.
5. The Afghan government has been completely sidelined during the US-Taliban talks,
undermining its legitimacy. President Ghani has already expressed concerns overs
many elements of the deal.
6. The biggest concern has been that the deal includes no verification measures as
regards compliance on the part of Taliban or agreed penalties for noncompliance
while committing the US on withdrawal of its troops.
●● Hence, concerns are expressed over the uncertainty as regards the outcome of the deal
and possibility of chaos in Afghanistan after the US exit. Dr. Suba Chandran argues
that, the Afghan security forces will fight back the Taliban who will want to capture
the cities one after another, as it did in the 1990s. All this will probably lead to what the
majority of the Afghans want to avoid — a return to chaos.

Q. 7. (a) Does simmering boundary indicate a ‘new normal’ in Sino-India relationship?

Examine in detail. (20M)
Ans :

●● Jeff Smith argued that the recent Sino-Indian crisis in Ladakh bears resemblance to
prior standoffs on one hand and on the other hand it differs in some important and
concerning ways leading to a new, more volatile chapter. Despite peaceful resolution
of the standoff, the trends at Line of Actual Control (LAC) indicate growing volatility

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becoming a new normal.
●● C
hinese LAC violations in all sectors are growing in frequency in recent years. Over
660 violations by the PLA were recorded in the year 2019, a rise by 50% over the previous
year. Moreover, the simultaneous eruption of standoffs across several non-contiguous
sectors of the LAC is an unusual occurrence. Some of the sectors where standoffs erupted
were not traditionally viewed as contentious or volatile and there was no disagreement
on the location of LAC. The recent LAC violations involved an uncommon level of
hostility.
●● The current crisis seems to produce two trends. First is the sharpening of Chinese foreign
policy under President Xi Jinping. Second is an acceleration of Indian infrastructure
development near the LAC in an attempt to close the substantial infra-deficit with China.
The Modi government reinvigorated efforts at road building along the LAC. Work on
the network of 62 strategic roads has accelerated in recent years. In the negotiations
over standoff, China asked India to halt infra-building as a precondition to status quo
ante. It is argued that in a wolf warrior diplomacy, China will apply military pressure
and make India accept fait accompli in case India refuses to heed China’s call to halt
infra-building.
ome scholars also attribute the aggressive Chinese demeanor to China’s domestic
●● S
economic duress and international scrutiny over Covid-19 pandemic. It is also argued
that a number of factors have precipitated the ‘new normal’ at the LAC such as India’s
restrictions on Chinese investments, India’s accelerating partnership with the US and
Indian government’s decision to revoke Article 370.
hus, given the competition between these two Asian powers and emerging power
●● T
equations in general and in Indo-Pacific in particular, the simmering boundary seems to
be a new normal in Indo-China relations.

b) Under the Act East Policy, the strategic aspect assumed greater salience. What are the
shared strategic interests of India and the Eastern countries? (15M)
Ans :

●● The Look East policy was initially intended as an economic strategy to boost India’s trade
and investment relations with the South East Asian region. Over the years, it assumed
strategic dimension with the rise and growing assertion of China. With the adoption of
the Act East policy, the strategic dimension has assumed greater salience.
●● Under the Act East policy, India forged strategic partnerships with Indonesia,
Vietnam, Malaysia, Japan, South Korea and Australia. India established close links
with the member countries of BIMSTEC group of countries and the IOR. The Security
and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR) policy of India in the IOR region clearly
indicates the strategic dimension.
●● India and the Eastern counties share many strategic interests. They are concerned
about uncertainties arising out of the decline of US influence and the rapid rise of

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China. In this context, these countries are looking forward to evolving new regional
order which would be open, rules-based and free from hegemony of any one country.
These countries are looking forward to freedom of navigation and over flight for all.
Maritime security is an important aspect of India’s Act East policy. India’s Act East
policy converges at systemic level with Japan’s Free and Open Indo-Pacific, and South
Korea’s New Southern Policy. All three major economic powers recognize the centrality
of the ASEAN region and their strategic and economic interests converge in the Indo-
Pacific.
●● Thus, India and Eastern countries share many strategic interests in the context of
increasing hegemonic ambitions of China in the Indo-Pacific region. The Malabar
Exercise and QUAD which include India, Japan and Australia further underlines this.
Hence, strategic aspect has assumed greater salience under the Act East policy of India.

c) Briefly explain the WTO appellate tribunal crisis. What are its implications for India?
(15M)
Ans :

●● The WTO appellate tribunal crisis was precipitated by the US by blocking appointments
to the appellate body due to its various concerns. The US has raised issues regarding long
delays and the appropriate standards of appellate review. It has criticized the body for
straying from its original mandate by issuing decisions that add or diminish the rights
and obligations of member states and hence doing judicial overreach. Few members
have tried unsuccessfully to appease the US by proposing a middle ground. However, the
U.S. did not agree to them and the body became dysfunctional on 11th December 2019.
●● Implications for India
1. Ongoing trade disputes may be left pending indefinitely. India has three pending
appeals before the WTO.
2. As an immediate effect, India is getting treated differently and with more
discrimination than before.
3. There was a lot of valuable legal information that came out of cases filed by India
which is helpful for other developing nations. As the panel has become defunct, the
least developed countries will be left stranded about their legitimate demands.
4. The overall weakening of the WTO framework will have the effect of the undoing
of decades of efforts to avoid protectionism. The WTO and Bretton Woods reforms
aimed at countering the protectionism in developing countries. Now, such a
condition may arise that the developing countries including India, have to counter the
protectionist policies of the West.
5. India has won important cases at the WTO which have, in international trade law,
helped lay down of important jurisprudential principles. India also stands to lose
from the system becoming dysfunctional.

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6. Another hypothesis is that a bunch of bilateral deals may come up in the near time
which will replace the entire mechanism of WTO as the WTO framework is not
supporting the agenda of countries such as the US, China and EU.

Q. 8. (a) India envisions a rules based multilateral global order. Discuss in detail the challenges
to India’s vision of multilateral world order. (20M)
Ans :

●● India envisions a rules-based multilateral global order without hegemony of any single
country. In recent years, the multilateral global order has been facing challenges. The
possibility of deglobalization, rising protectionism and plurilateralism, policies of
major states and the recent Covid crisis have challenged the rules-based multilateral
global order.
●● Harold James argued that the process of deglobalization, since the global recession
of 2008-09, is underway and is characterized by the modern economic nationalism
which is termed as disembedded unilateralism. There is prospect of more intense
conflicts over trade and financial regulation and also of an increasing backlash against
migration. This has challenged the neoliberal global order. The policies of major
powers such as America First policy of Trump, aggressive policies of rising China
and the revanchism of Russia threaten the existing multilateral global order. As the US
withheld reappointments to the WTO Appellate Tribunal, it has become defunct. The
threat of dramatic technological change driven by 5G and Artificial Intelligence, with
an essentially unregulated cyber-space, is another key factor undermining rules-based
global order. The rise of plurilateralism has particularly challenged the multilateral
global order. For instance, the Osaka Declaration of G20 underlined how plurilateralism
and technological changes have undermined the WTO.
●● The contemporary global order is rapidly adjusting to the “new normal” defined by
Covid-19. Arguing that China’s economic rise has put the rules-based global order
under tremendous pressure, an Inter-Parliamentary Alliance of senior lawmakers
from eight democracies was formed to deal with the challenges posed by the rise of
China. The WHO was criticized heavily for its deference to China while handling the
coronavirus. India, along with many other countries, has been talking about reforming
the multilateral order for the past two decades, however major powers seem to pay not
much heed to it. A serious fragmentation in the global institutional matrix is being
witnessed today.
here no denying of the fact that India’s vision of the rules-based multilateral global
●● T
order is challenged by numerous factors. Harsh Pant argues that the global order
is rapidly transitioning into a new phase where contestation between the democratic
world and China is going to be a major faultline. Though difficult to clearly articulate,
India will have to come to terms with this new democratic dynamic, he argues.

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b) Discuss the impacts of US-China trade war on India. (15M)
Ans :

●● The US-China trade war impacted the multilateral trading system. India and other
countries too were affected by it. There are short-term and long-term impacts on the
trade war on India.
●● The US-China trade war impacted the stock markets in short run. The benchmark
Sensex at the Bombay Stock Exchange fell in line with global markets that have been
spooked by the escalating trade war between the US and China. There were fears that
China could soon start flooding excess steel into India’s market after the US raised tariffs
on Chinese products due to the escalating trade war. As a result, the steel industry had
asked the Centre to put in safeguard duties of as much as 25 per cent to protect it from
growing imports.
●● In the longer run, while a slowdown in the US economy does not augur well for emerging
markets, the trade war could have a silver lining for some countries. India is among a
handful of economies that stand to benefit from the trade tensions between the world’s
top two economies, the United Nations has said in a report. Indian industries such as gems
and jewelry, textiles and other manufacturing industries may result in gains.
●● Thus, India may benefit from the trade war in long run but India faces competition
from other countries. In order to compete against other countries that wish to attract
significant investments away from China, India must prioritize the improvement of
operational conditions and stabilize policy regimes.

c) Critically evaluate India’s nuclear doctrine of ‘no first use’ in the current hostile
regional context. (15M)
Ans :

●● India’s adherence to a no-first-use nuclear doctrine is long-standing and has made good
military and diplomatic sense. However, India’s steadfast rhetorical adherence to its no-
first-use doctrine, argues Harsh Pant, has been facing challenges on multiple fronts.
●● It is argued that India has been already granted recognition of its right to nuclear program
through the Indo-US Civil Nuclear Deal and hence, India has less incentives for caution.
It is believed that India has acquired the capability in terms of nuclear arsenal, delivery
systems and ISR (Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance) systems.
●● India faces hostile regional environment and faces two nuclear armed adversaries i.e.
China and Pakistan. Harsh Pant points to India and China military scuffling in the
Western Himalayas where the Chinese army has sliced off significant chunks of Indian
territory. Given the disparity in conventional military power between India and China,
the first-use doctrine would communicate both power and resolve on India’s part.
Harsh Pant argues that this would be opportune time for India to align its stated policy
with its apparent intentions.

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●● India has opted for conventional deterrence vis-à-vis China by upgrading infrastructure
along the LAC. However, this has put enormous strain on armed forces as well as
on the underperforming economy. The conventional deterrence is proving costly
diplomatically too as measures such as inviting Australia to join QUAD is entailing
expensive commitments on the part of India.
●● Thus, India faces a hostile regional environment that compels to revisit the long-
standing no-first-use doctrine. However, relinquishing this policy would exaggerate
India’s nuclear dilemmas. For instance, any preemptive nuclear strike on Pakistan
would consume India’s arsenal and leave India utterly vulnerable to a Chinese strike.
Hence, it is argued that the existing nuclear arsenal is not suited to first-use doctrine.

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