Professional Documents
Culture Documents
29818602
29818602
by
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
March 1998
Thesis Abstract
THE IGBO
by
The lgbo are perpetual celebrants of life. Their need to celebrate life means that the
Igbo will ceaselessly try to make the best of life, because they believe that although
life may be full of uncertainties, such uncertainties are only temporary. So, the Igbo
will celebrate whatever fortune brings in the knowledge that tomorrow will definitely
be different. It is this insight into the transitory nature of things that makes the lgbo
celebrate life, aware that time has the ability to obliterate uncelebrated memories.
In the researcher's opinion, this work has succeeded in establishing the fact that the
do they have to prove that they belong to either the dramatic or theatrical genres -
rituals are just what they are - performance. Rituals reflect life in action, and this
study has demonstrated that these rituals can be better understood by breaking them
down into various categories and clusters (families). From such sub-division will,
hopefully, emerge specific attributes which can enable us to determine the cluster
each ritual belongs to. Furthermore, the analyses of rituals, ritual agents and
performance styles bring out the real flavour of Igbo performance. These make it
evident that lgbo performance is vibrant, symbolic and full of life, and that
conversely, Igbo life is equally vibrant, symbolic and full of theatre and rituals that
need to be constantly performed. It is hoped that Igbo theatre practitioners and users
(playwrights, directors, producers and actors) would fmd the ritual categorisation and
possible.
This study developed and used the concept of Triangle of Life (ToL) to facilitates the
emergence of the real nature of Igbo theatre because it enabled the classification of
Igbo rituals into clusters of either passive, controlled active or active. These
adjectives as used here, refer to the extent of the performer's involvement in the ritual
action. However, while for the performer(s) a ritual can either be passive, controlled
participant.
The ToL is an equilateral triangle (three equal sides marked as A-B, B-C and C-A
axes), and from plotting the rituals along the axes of the triangle, it becomes evident
that lgbo theatre is in two main phases- the theatre of the living, and that of the dead
- this means that while at any time any of the phases is dominant, it still has
undertones of the other. For example, the rituals on the A-B and B-C axes belong
to the theatre of the living, and these are performed in readiness for life after death
in the ancestral realm. However, the C-A axis is made up of rituals in which the
dead are made to rest and empowered to re-incarnate and re-appear at point A. This
axis is equally important to the living because in empowering their dead, the living
ventilate painful emotions through mourning and in so doing, they are healed not only
of the departure of the deceased, but also of the most of life's pent up pains. This
is a demonstration that the theatre of the living and the dead are both two sides of the
same coin - none is more important than the other. In lgbo theatre, therefore, we
come in direct contact with the core of lgbo dualism in which the human being
operates as a spirit, and vice versa. A full appreciation of this form of theatre will
depend primarily on how willing one is to remain open to the way the Igbo see,
interpret and live their lives. In view of this, I shall throughout this work,
(a) to use the study of Igbo ritual performance to add to the picture of Igbo life
·.
(hence, Igbo theatre) which archaeology, oral tradition a11d observation from
(b) to use Igbo rituals as a practical framework for understanding aspects of lgbo
performance
(c) by the end of thls work to be able to have contributed a model that can be
applied to the study of most ritual performances, and in doing so, to provide
Chapter 1 traces the origin of the Igbo, their entire belief system and encounter with,
and progression through Christianity and colonialism. It is important that this chapter
be read as dispassionately as possible, for it is only in this manner that the full effect
Chapter 3 and 4 contain the main thrust of the work because they apply the
A lot of lgbo words have been unavoidably used in order that the full flavour and
essence of the work is savoured. Most of these words have been explained.
LIST OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
AUTHOR'S DECLARATION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iv
CHAPTER 1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
CHAPTER 2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
CHAPTER 3 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58
CONCLUSION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 226
..
LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES
Figure 3.1: The contiguous world of lgbo existence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63
This work started with the realisation that the lgbo perform life through rituals.
These rituals exist to enable them to socialise and inculcate in their children relevant
lgbo values. The structure of the performance that develops reveals a unique form
of lgbo theatre and highlights how through rituals, they make life as understandable
and as memorable as possible for their people.
I am greatly indebted to the panel of lgbo scholars who are actively involved in the
re-instatement of lgbo values, for their help in helping me to focus and direct my
fieldwork. These include Mr Goddy Agbasi (Director of Sports, Anambra State Sport
Council), Rev. Fr (Dr) Raymond Arazu (State Ministry of Sports, Youth & Culture),
Professor John 'Nwadibia' Umeh (Head of Finance Department, University of
Nigeria, Enugu Campus) and Mazi Nathan Nkala (Senior Lecturer and author). Their
various contributions, moderated by Mr Agbasi, added a lot of richness and flavour
to this work. I am grateful to the discussion panel at the National Commission for
Museums and Monuments; headed by Chief J.C Obi (Assistant Chief Ethnographer)
and which include Mr Michael Ak:ukwe (Librarian), Emmanuel Chukwunwike Arab
(Principal Technical Officer, Conservation and Documentation) :Mrs Comfort
Nwankwo (Cleaner) for their very useful contributions to the debate on lgbo rituals.
My gratitude also goes to Mazi Chime Emeoha' and Mrs Patti Emeoha for their
contribution towards rituals in Imilike town. I am immensely grateful to Munachimso
Ejiofor, my nephew, who was my companion and camera operator throughout the
fieldwork, to my beloved aunt, Nne Udenkwo, for her mastery in re-telling our
family genealogy, and to my uncles; James Oyegbo Okafor and Peter Udeagbala for
revealing ancestral places and things that gave me an insight into Igbo symbolism -
these may have otherwise been lost, if not documented.
I could neither have started nor finished this work without the emotional, spiritual and
physical sacrifices willingly made by my ever-dependable children, Nnaemeka,
Uchenna, Nnamdi, Nwando and lkem. Their uncontested support and belief in my
ability to always be, and succeed as their role model is the bastion that buoyed me
through the roughest times during this study. To my sisters who are also my closest
friends Adaora, Maud, Kay, Doy, Nne Omenyi, Uju and Tessy- for all the years we
loved, laughed and cried together. I am also grateful to Amaka (Nne nwam) for her
sense of humour and encouragement, especially when I felt that I could give no more
and to Helen and Victor (Mbe-Charmer) for their prayers and help in proof-reading
this work. I have not forgotten "Roses" (Mrs Adims) who willingly took in and
cared for my children for a whole week (in spite of her own five), to enable me to
start the initial work on this thesis.
My gratitude goes to my brothers, Nnamezue, Tony and Oyichim for their love and
sponsorship, to Omelum- my dedicated friend, adviser and brain-storming companion
who shared my passion for this work; and to Dr lames Eneje for his scholarly
contributions, patience and understanding.
Finally, I dedicate this work to my mother, Iyom Helen Afulenu Okafor, who on
many occasions took care of my home, especially during my field trip. Mother, your
implicit belief in me, support and encouragement continue to make that much needed
difference. Your excellent nurturing and discipline instilled a great and enduring
sense of value, and brought out the best in me - the Igbo woman. De-erne nu of (I
thank you all)
ii
-.
AUTHOR'S DECLARATION
At no time during the registration for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy has the
author been registered for any other university award.
This study was self-financed except for an Israeli goverrunent grant which paid for
my accommodation during my one week stay in Tei-Aviv while attending the
IFTRIFITR Conference in 1996.
Two relevant conferences were attended at which work presented; external institutions
were visited for consultation purposes and several papers prepared for publication.
Signed -~..)£)':=1.'~~
iii
CHAPTER 1
no matter how uneventful life may turn out, it is celebrated with elaborate rituals in
thanksgiving and to keep the lgbo in favour with Chukwu. This statement sums up
the lgbo view of life which begins at the time of conception. From the time a
woman conceives (and all through the entire gestation period) until about six months
post-delivery, she is regarded as sacred be:::ause she is carrying and nurruring a new
life. Her happiness and well-being are the primary responsibility of her entire family
and communiry who take great care to ensure that her physical and spiritual health
are sustained. She is shielded from all fearful and ugiy sights, for example, she is
discouraged from viewing corpses or grotesque masquerades because the lgbo believe
that foeruses are impressionable, and as such have the ability while in the formation
stages to copy the attributes of things and people that the mother sees. As such, both
expectant mother and unborn baby are actively protected from hann from some
diabolical forces. The expectant mother's diet is carefully chosen and she is closely
monitored bv her two mothers (her own and her mother-in-law), to ensure that she
does not eat anything that may later on have an adverse effect on the baby. For
instance, pregnant women are advised against eating snails as they are believed to
produce excessive salivation that will make the baby drool. Furthermore. she must
be spoken to in the kindliest of manners so that she may not become upset. In fact,
she is exempt from any chores that she does not wish to engage in. Age commands
great respect among the Igbo and while :1 woman is pregnant, she is accorded the
same respect and love only reserved for the elderly. Hence a pregnant woman is
fondly referred to as agadi nwanyi (old woman)- a summation of the amount of love,
1
care and respect her state confers on her.
The gestation period is also a time for active consultation with various deities, oracles
and ancestral spirits to enlist their protection for the expectant mother. All these
activities are geared towards ensuring the safe delivery of the infant, and are deeply
rooted in the Igbo belief that the precious gift of life from Chukwu can be tampered
with or impacted upon by evil people and spirits. As such, it needs to be protected
from those evil forces that may prove inimical to human progress as planned by God.
Therefore, through divination, the Igbo get to know who or what wields these forces
and proceed to neutralise, placate and/or fortify the expectant mother against them.
Funhermore, they believe that the binh of a child is Chukwu · s prerogative - and that
it is not dependent on what material attributes couples may possess. For example,
brave couples may be, they cannot intluence Chulnvu into giving them children, nor
can they int1uence his decision about the sex of their children. So the Igbo would use
names given at binh as a testimonial to affirm (a) the pre-eminence of children. for
instance, Ginikanwa (what gift is greater than a child?), /feyinwa (nothing compares
to a child), Maduka (a person is more important that riches) and (b) to acknowledge
God as the giver of life, and names like Chimvendu (God owns all life), Chinenyenwa
{God gives a child), Chinyelum (God has given [this child] to me) demonstrate this
fact. Moreover, the Igbo are patrilineal and as such, male children ensure continuity
and coupies who seek a particular sex may or may not have their wishes fulfilled.
In either case. they would still use names to express either gratitude or submission
to the will of Chukwu. Such names as Chukwuebuka (God is great) will normally be
given to express gratitude at the birth of a male child while others like
Amaogechuhvu (who knows God's timing) or Kosisochuk:wu (the way it pleases God)
2
Having said that, every child is a unique blessing and is treated as such. This is why
the lgbo would say that, "ofu nne n' amu, mana ofu chi ada eke" (children are born
of the same mother but created by different gods [destinies]). So among the lgbo,
each child's life is a unique opportunity for celebrating Chukwu's benevolence, and
in honour of the individual's material existence from birth to death. The term
"material existence" is used because the lgbo believe that at any given time the soul
exists on two planes - muo na mmadu (the spiritual and the human). The material
plane covers an individual's life on earth, and even while on this plane, the lgbo
realise the extensive interplay between the material and the spiritual. hence the
detailed attention paid to maintaining the delicate balance between the more visible
material aspect of their being and the less visible, but subliminal spirit plane.
The Igbo, therefore, go through life knowing that life is not an end in itself, but a
passage to the higher ancestral realm. This must not be seen as a pessimistic view,
but a philosophical and optimistic one born out of the belief that at death, the spirit
the material plane) made use of the attributes Chukwu endowed them with at birth
(see Chapter 3). Hence, when at death the spirit essence becomes liberated. it
However, this journey is not a smooth passage because the Igbo believe that along the
path there are forces inimical to the progress of the depaned (or his/her family) that
will fight to detract the spirit from ascension. Thus, Igbo separation and ascension
achieve two objectives. First. to sever all forms of eanhly attachment that may hold
the spirit eanh-bound. And second. to constantly remind the depaned of their
expected ascension and, to symbolically fonify them against harmful forces (see
Chapters 3 & 4 ). For example, the Igbo bury their dead ensuring that the corpse
3
·,
faces owalowuwa anyanwu or the rising sun (the East) so as to ensure that the spirit
sees and remembers to rise with the rising sun - if not, the departed may be made to
'oversleep' by its enemies, and thus will forget to embark on that important journey
to the ancestral land. The consequence of missing the prompt from the rising sun to
embark on this ultimate journey is that the spirit will not be able to reincarnate. To
The concept of reincarnation within the Igbo world view deals with the possibility
or/and ability of the spirits of men and women who had led fulfllling lives while here
on earth, to rerum after death to be born again. These souls rerum with a mission
and they have the freedom to either re-incarnate in their original families or in
different families and places. It is the responsibilir:y of the family to whom the child
is born to rind out what the child's mission is through lgba agu - a special kind of
divination rirual performed by the afa priest, during which the afa (oracle) infonns
the family of the identity and mission of the re-incarnated soul are (see also Chapters
3 & 4). This insight gained from afa forms the blueprint for the new individual's
earthly existence.
Hence for the lgbo. the material and the spirit planes are two sides of one existence
that unite to form one great performance on which there is an interplay of both the
seen and unseen forces surrounding and impacting on human performances. These
performances involve different people and stages but with a common theme - the
celebration of the great gift of life. The importance of celebrating life for the lgbo
individuals, their family and friends use their various talents - songs, music, dance,
mimes. arrs and craft (painting, sculprure, woodwork) ere in thanksgiving to Chukwu.
This is what lgbo riruals are about, and through these performances people answer
4
their various needs to belong to a group, affirm themselves as part of a bigger
universe, distinguish themselves using the gifts that Chukwu bestowed on them at
birth; and finally use these gifts as vehicles to enable them to ascend to the ancestral
realm when their work here on earth is concluded. This is the central idea
Having established the background to the different levels of existence, the remaining
economic and political framework for the study of Igbo ritual performances. This
holistic approach has been chosen to enable an understanding and appreciation of the
Igbo. their way of life and the logic that underpins their interactions and relationships
with the universe. It is a method of inquiry that offers a bener insight into lgbo
Igbo people are one of the rain forest agrarian peoples who inhabit the South Eastern
pan of Nigeria, which is an area within the rain forest belt. The homeland of the
Igbo is between the Niger and Cross Rivers, while some also live west of the River
Niger. They, like a lot of the ethnic groups in Nigeria. have no naturally defined
boundaries. To the northern fringes, they merge with the Igala. Idoma and Tiv; to
the west. with the Ishan and Urhobo; to the south east, the Arochukwu Igbo merge
with their Ibibio neighbours; and tinally to the south with the Ijaw and Ogoni (see
appendix A). Traditionally, the lgbo were a non-migratory people who nevertheless
had some degree of internal geographical mobility born out of their need to create an
ecological and demographical balance. For instance, people could move away from
5
·.
the centre into more remote farm lands if their immediate surrounding became
overpopulated to the point that the availability of adequate arable land for their
increasing family size became a problem. At other times, movement could result
from the agricultural practice of crop rotation - where extensive pieces of farmland
may be left to lie fallow to enable the rejuvenation of natural resources that may have
been depleted due to years of farming. Where this happened, people would also re-
From the earliest times, their main cash crop in lgboland was the yam seedling
cultivated by the men. Women grew (and still grow) cocoyarn and vegetables, and
they enjoyed (and still enjoy) a great deal of economic independence because apart
from farming, they were (and still are) involved in petty trading.
The statement that the lgbo are non-migratory m no way suggests that their
geographical boundaries were tixed. In actual fact, the Igbo were flexible with their
geographical boundaries. as well as the ease and hospitality with which they adopted
new cultural boundaries. As a result of this flexibility. people in the Igbo society
have over time merged, intermarried and exchanged aspects of their culture with
those of their non-Igbo neighbours. Sometimes, due to this cultural mix, the Igbo
would import and worship the deities of their non-Igbo neighbours, that is, those gods
that were not traditionally theirs. Furthermore, it is still common in most border
towns like Ogwurugwu and !gala (to the north) and Agbor (to the west), to find
people with linguistic traits that are neither Igbo nor their neighbour's - a ret1ection
The history of the Igbo can be divided into three major phases - the pre-colonial,
colonial and post- colonial periods. Beyond written history, the beginning of the
6
·.
lgbo, like that of a lot of other West African peoples, is shrouded in uncertainty, and
as such, no one is sure how long they have been in their present homeland. Isichei
(1973) is of the opinion that linguistic evidence suggests that the Igbo and their
Available evidence suggest that the lbo (sic) and their forbears have lived very much in their
present homes from the dawn of human history. The fact that they and their neighbours speak
very different but related languages points to this conclusion (19)
Before this time, Armstrong (1962) had attempted using Igbo linguistic structure to
trace the origin of the people. He argued that the lgbo language has some primary
root words with the rest of the Lower Niger language group collectively known as the
ethnographer and anthropologist, cautions against the use of such linguistic parameters
to defme the borders of the lgbo and the time of their origin in South-East Nigeria.
straightforward, easy and convincing while indeed it is the most complex and unconvincing
evidence to handle, especially by the untrained (9).
His caution is based on two reasons. First, is that the Kwa linguistic group covers
an estimated three hundred and twenty kilometres extending from the Guinea Coast
into Liberia, then to Cross River State of Nigeria. Onwuejeogwu argues that the
vastness of the area covered has, so far made it impossible for linguists to carry out
"linguists are still debating what criteria are useful for identifying the Lower-Niger
acknowledging, that there really are still some similarities in some Igbo and Urhobo
7
words. For example, obalalobara (blood), ogologo (in"law); ndooldoo (I am
approximately fifty miles from Agbor, the last lgbo border town to the west of the
River Niger. The researcher is, therefore, sympathetic towards Armstrong's view,
and hopes that before long linguists will have carried out more inclusive studies that
will qualify the use of linguistic traits in deciding the origin of ethnic groups such as
the lgbo.
It is important to note that there are dialectical variations to the lgbo language from
one geographical location to the other. Hence, a word like ana (earth) is variously
called ani, ala or ali, depending on which part of lgboland it is used in. Almost all
Igbo words follow this dialectical pattern and most lgbo words in this work will
usually reflect such variations. Some exceptions to this dialectic variation are three
out of the four market days (Eke, Oye (Orie), Afo, Nkwo) which are called the same
all over lgboland, the yam (ii) and the kolanut oji. These words that defy
geographical boundaries share common symbolism and use in lgbo social and
religious rituals and differ only slightly in the level of importance associated with
them in different places. Their symbolism and use suggest a common origin and a
closer relationship among the lgbo. Apart from their language, much of what is
known about the Igbo come from three main sources, namely:
8
·.
Until the early pan of the 20th Century, the lgbo society was a non-literate one in
which oral tradition was the principal fonn of telling and re-telling their historical
past. The little that was known about people in traditional Igbo society, before the
accidental discovery of some archaeological sites, was from their myths of origin
(1987), Chukwu or Chi Ukwu (the big Chi) the Creator sent Eri (his messenger) down
from the sky. On arrival, Eri sailed down the Anambra River, where he met "an
describes the tenn autochthony as "a claim of origin from the spot of present
habitation by maximal lineage generally named Umudiani (children of the earth" (7)
Eri, became the first king of Aguleri and maintained a cordial relationship with
Chukwu, and offered sacrifices each time Chukwu demanded him to do so (at some
point he sacrificed his first son and daughter) In return for his obedience, Chukwu
gave him the cash crops (yam and cocoyam), numerous wives and many more
children besides the ones he had already offered in different sacrifices. One of his
children Nri became the founder of Nri- which is still the spiritual centre of the lgbo.
He also established the Ozo title (see chapter 4) and the four Igbo traditional market
days. In effect, he established the lgbo calender. Below is an extract from the myth:
9
Simply stated, an analysis of this myth of creation offers a better understanding of the
importance of numerology and symbolism among lgbo people. For example during
different rituals, the number of kolanuts presented depend on the deity being
venerated, and what is acceptable to it. Furthermore, this myth establishes the origin
and the primary place of the yam seedling which is used during all types of ritual
suffices to note that this myth establishes the origin of an important aspect of lgbo life
human resources.
Evidence from oral tradition is the second factor to be considered in establishing lgbo
origins The researcher acknowledges that in this age of empiricism, the validity of
admitting oral tradition in works such as this may be questioned. However, this
attitude will not be unique to this work because Finnegan (1976) notes:
The concept of an oral literature is an unfamiliar one to most people brought up in cultures
which, like those of contemporary Europe, lay mess on the idea of literacy and wrinen
tradition. In the popular view it seems to convey on the one hand the idea of mystery, on the
other that of crude and anistically undeveloped formulation (x).
Having said that, the researcher wishes to argue that oral tradition can be admitted
in evidence because it is an art form extensively used by non-literate societies to hand
down their history, by word of mouth, from one generation to another. In pre-
westem lgbo society, oral tradition was an authentic mode of learning through which
continuity was ensured. Children were encouraged from an early stage (through
participation in repeated forms of libation and rituals), to learn the importance of the
correct rendition of their ancestry, and they spent years of apprenticeship under
renowned bards. Furthermore, oral tradition is a research methodology that is
accepted in the fields of history, sociology and anthropology as an authentic source
of information.
lO
·.
Turner (1977) seems to support the validity of oral tradition when in his description
of Celtic bardir,: utterances when he notes that:
such a device ... is all the more necessary in cultures without writing, where the whole
cultural deposit has to be transmitted either through speech or by repeated observation of
standardized behavioural patterns and artifacts. And I am beginning to wonder whether it is
not the structuring of functionless elements in myths and ritual patterns which preserves such
elements through centuries until they find a socio-economic milieu in which they may become
functional again (241).
through it people re-told the myth of their existence and actualised their history.
Eliade (1956) notes that the process of re-telling their origin made people feel more
... for religious man of primitive society, myths constitute his sacred history, he must not
forget them, by actualising the myths, he approaches his gods and participates in sanctity
(106).
Archaeology
Onwuejeogwu (1987) identified four main excavation sites namely Ugwuele, Ajikpo,
Nsukka and lgbo-Ukwu (5), and he is of the opinion that objects excavated from these
sites suggest that lgbo people have been in their present home for more than 4000
years - from the Stone Ages (dating from about 20,000 BC to 5000 BC -evidence
from the Ugwuele stone artifacts), through the Neolithic Age (5000 BC - 200 BC -
evidence from the Nsukka and Ajikpo pottery artifacts) to the Metal Age (400 BC -
AD 1500: lgbo-Ukwu metal artifacts). Most of the artifacts excavated were made
from bronze and copper which suggest that people in traditional Igbo society were
mostly bronze and copper smiths - apparently, their bronze and copper art work
11
·.
Excavations from Nsukka (to the north) and Afikpo (to the south east) indicate that
Neolithic men lived .there as early as 3000 BC, making stone axes and pottery -
suggesting that they were mainly hunters. So far, only a few of these archaeological
sites have been excavated, but their results have been very helpful in, enabling a better
us that results from radio-active tests on some excavated materials dated back to the
Nok civilization, suggesting that knowledge ofbronze and copper smithing probably
archaeological and historical facts suggest that lgbo people grew gradually from
hunting and gathering to horticulture, agriculture, and fmally, to market and exchange
economy.
However, written history of the lgbo shows they have fought numerous wars, been
invaded and invaded others, assimilated and acculturised other cultures. Therefore,
the lgbo evolution would be incomplete without mentioning the arrival of .the
foreigners from western Europe against whom Igbo people rebelled and organised
wars, the foreigners finally subdued and amalgamated them into one conglomerate,
Nigeria. Citing Ogali A Ogali, Isichei (1977) notes that British troops sometimes
... the colonial conquest of lgboland was accomplished at great cost, borh in human
lives and in property. The many deaths, the looted fanns and livestock, the houses
razed, the trees cur down. are adequately documented even in· British records, and
are remembered with poignant emphasis in the traditions of the lgbo community
concerned. The people of Ameka in Item still annually observe the day, in 1916, of
conflict with the British - 'the blackest time of Item when one of the four principal
villages was turned into a desert (137)
The legacy of the lgbo before and after they became part of Nigeria has been one
long struggle against different forms of oppression, beginning with slavery which
Onwuejeogwu (1987) refers to as "the trans-atlantic slave trade [that] shattered them
12
[the Igbo) to shreds" (69)). This was soon followed by colonialism and Christianity,
Biafra.
Having attempted to establish how far back the Igbo have lived in the area now
known as lgboland, this research will cover those lgbo people who remained in their
ancestral homeland, and neither migrated nor got carried away into slavery. Slavery
depleted the population of lgboland because the slave markets in South Eastern
Nigeria were mainly supplied from the lgbo hinterland. This meant that a lot of the
lgbo were captured, sold into slavery, and fmally taken to the New World.
Therefore, in discussing the lgbo, it is with respect that we remember those to whom
the lbos (sic) of the diaspora, the thousands of men and women who went as involuntary
emigrants to the new world in the era of the slave trade ( 11)
Isichei also notes that descendants of some of these ex-slaves from Igboland can be
found in Sierra Leone and parts of the Caribbean, while Cookey (1972) informs that
they are also in different parts of Nigeria. Both Isichei and Cookey agree that some
have retained a strong sense of their lgbo identity and still bear lgbo names. Cookey
cites Archdeacon D.C Crowther's 1880 encounter with a 14 year old former slave at
13
The researcher is of the opinion that these ex-slaves' ability to maintain such a strong
sense of their original identity was probably because they had undergone specific
rituals while still in Igboland. This is b~cause at the time in question; ethnic
identification through rituals would have been the only legacy a lot of slaves left their
motherland with. There is no doubt that collective and individual identity can be
preserved through rituals even in the face of the inhumanity which slaves were
subjected to. This goes to demonstrate the efficacy and resilience of ritualised
performances, a fact which 'Fumer (1977) notes in his discussion about the processes
This is the third source of information regarding traditional Igbo society. Basden
(1966) notes that:
The 180 NATION ranks as one of the largest in the whole of Africa .... Their readiness 10
travel and tenacity of purpose, especially when seeking employmem, have carried many of
!hem far beyond their nmive enviroomem. When abroad, !hey maintain close comae!,
cememed and sustained by a Slrong tribal bond of union (xi)
This was the scene in colonial Igboland which Basden met on his arrival, and where
he remained as a District Officer for the next thiny five years. Pre-colonial Igbo
society was based on a set of commonly accepted beliefs and values, deeply rooted
past, present, and future" (Onwuejeogwu:64). These three levels co-exist together
14
Furthermore, the myth of lgbo origin throws some light on how the Igbo universe
was organised. From this account, Chukwu (the great Chi or Chukwu Okike) sent his
messengers which were other lesser chi (gods and deities). The lgbo use these deities
point in this myth, Chukwu seemed to have decided to distance himself from direct
contact with human beings by the introduction of the alusi - Eke, Oye, Afo and Nkwo.
Their entrance into the original relationship between Chukwu and Eri marks the
beginning of a new level of interaction between the Igbo and their God - with the
deities as intercessors.
In the myth, four strangers appeared (apparently they were deities sent by Chukwu
to test E:.e Nri 's wisdom), and they would not disclose their names. Eze Nri patiently
watched these deities, then he hatched a plan to put rats in their baskets (possibly in
the hope that creating some fear in them would make them speak more to each other,
while he in turn hoped to gain some information about these strangers). He then
waited patiently for his nameless visitors' reaction, and on seeing the rats, they
started calling out to each other (by their respective names) to announce that they had
found rats in their baskets. Having outwitted these deities, Eze Nri was extolled, and
as a mark of respect for his wisdom, the deities set up the four traditional market
days that make an Igbo week. This explains the mystic significance of the number
four, and its multiples in Igbo numerology - as representative of the four market days
established and named after the alusi. One can only wonder what would have
happened had Eze Nri not been cunning enough to find out the names of the deities.
Would these deities have been as willing and as generous as they were when their
secret was eventually found out? This also demonstrates another Igbo belief that
Chukwu will endow his blessings only when an individual is able to demonstrate that
he or she really needs that blessing, and he or she is equally able to deal with the
15
ensuing responsibility. Sometimes. also, Chukwu would send these blessings as. a test
of an individual's integrity.
From this myth, Chukwu gave Nri mystical powers as .a reward for the latter's
obedience. This is still the prevalent view in present day lgbo society - the lgbo
believe that because all life belongs to Chukwu, .that he alone has the prerogative to
decide where and when to send an .individual on the sacred journey of life (just like
he did with En). While on this journey, the Igbo also believe that they would ensure
Chukwu 's blessings (like Eri and his children did) through total obedience to his will,
and by offering regular sacrifices. This explains the place of daily libations,
invocation and thanksgiving to Chukwu who in turn gives health, wealth and wisdom
to the Igbo.
The attitude of Eze Nri is typical of how, sometimes, the lgbo relate to the forces
around them. Where possible, the lgbo would manipulate them into working in their
favour. Nothing is ever taken for granted as the lgbo seek to know and understand
the forces that interplay in their daily existence. This forms the core of lgbo
theosophy - that individuals can transcend and achieve limitless heights when in
complete obedience to the will of Chukwu, and in harmony with all the other seen·and
unseen forces of the universe. This implication of this belief in the way the Igbo
interpret events in their lives is varied. As earlier mentioned, the pre-colonial lgbo
were agrarian and as such, they were in daily material contact with the elements, and
depended on them for their farm yields. For them, the correct interpretation of these
natural elements was as important as knowing and understanding which forces was
at play at any given time. To do this, the lgbo depended extensively on divination -
16
·.
As a result of the many forces (some benign while others are malevolent) at play in
the lgbo world, superstition was rife and any new phenomena that did not fit into the
people's time-tested belief pattern were regarded as unnatural and viewed with
mistrust. In many ways, their world view was like that of the Tabwa of Congo
Tabwa consider that unfortunate events of minor importance such as fleeting illness may be
"the path" (or nowadays, "the writing") of God, can be treated in a matter-of-fact manner ....
States of being are caused ... the first step toward understanding what, as Westerners would
say is "happening" is to determine what agent is causing the distressing phenomenon (123)
For people in pre-colonial lgboland also, things were either done for or against them.
For example, the birth of twins was a phenomenon not understood by the lgbo and
as such was "done" against them- a sign that the gods were angry. To have a set of
twins was a curse - an abomination. As such, these innocent children were either
instantly put to death or abandoned to die in the "evil" forest. The same fate befell
anyone who suffered any unexplained affliction, and most contagious diseases like
leprosy, small pox, tuberculosis, any disease that caused the body to waste or distend
were in this unexplained category. Sufferers were usually cast away to die alone in
the evil forest without any transitional rites. Casting away the afflicted was a way
of fumigating the living and their environment against the vengeance of the deities
that may be defiled should the diseased individual be left to die within the homestead.
Top on the list of deities revered and protected in this way (by many traditional
societies, to which the lgbo was no exception), was the ecological cult of divine
was a mark of respect to Mother Earth not to bury corpses that died of unspecified
causes within her bowel. Any form of defilement was seriously guarded against, as
it was important to keep the Earth sacred and unsoiled as the sustainer of all life and
farm yields. Eliade (1956) notes regarding this relationship between most traditional
17
the eanh ·lOo is transparent, it presents itself as a ;universal mother and nurse, The cosmic
rhythms manifest order. harmony, permanence and fecundity (123)
With this kind of world view, it is understandable why families were willing to let
their loved ones die ignominious and lonely deaths instead of offending divine Earth,
and consequently the whole community should the "cosmic rhythms" be upset.
It was into this corporate traditional framework that the early European visitors
entered, either ignorant of/or unwilling to understand the people's relationship with
their universe, their way of life and their relationship with their gods. Instead, the
To these foreigners, salvation meant a total undermining and dismantling of all bonds
that held the people and their world together before the Europeans arrived.
Consequently, total anarchy ensued, and Basden (1966) had this to say regarding the
The downright truth is that the European finds it difficult to fathom the native miild; he is
generally ignorant of the native's mode of thinking, and he is seldom possessed of the
essential spirilllal. element. which will equip him to unravel the intricacies of ancient native
law and· custom. We can write of what we actually see and hear, but cannot always follow
the ramifications of the native mind (xiv)
What Basden describes as the "native mind" can be better understood through pre-
colonial Igbo religion and belief in duality - the law of equal and opposite which
manifests in dualities such as heaven and earth, day and night, rain and ftre, good and
evil, man and woman etc, the concept that nothing exists in isolation. The summation
of duality is in the lgbo saying that "ife kwulu, ife akwudebeya" (literarily meaning
that when a thing stands, something else stands next to it). It is this dualistic essence
that Okagbue (1993) describes when he writes that traditional lgbo religion is:
18
founded on an essential cosmic dualism -that of matter and spirit, of the visible and invisible,
and ofform and formlessness ( 10)
Pre-colonial lgbo society was a very religious one in which Chukwu-Okike came,alive
in, and spoke through natural elements and the people responded to this awesome
power with reverence. 11he essence of Chukwu-Okike was to be seen inthe elements,
and these natural elements contained surprises, terror, marvels and miracles.
Abstract forces became personified and were given live roles in an active world.
Thus, the Igbo would describe the forces of wind, thunder or sun as the "spirits" of
wind, thunder or sun respectively. For them, when the spirit of nature came alive,
it was neither inen nor opaque, but active and transparent. If the gods were angry,
it was apparent and, so also when they were happy. People could tell when they
were in harmony with these unseen forces, because they resonated with life, felt a
sense of oneness with their surrounding and thus gained insight into their own
(1956) puts it, the individual "fmds in himself the same sanctity that he recognised
in the Cosmos" (67). Therefore the sanctification of, and communication with the
gods were central to the Igbo quest for life's meaning and through these, they were
Tied up with their understanding of the universe was the revered place given to the
divine or Mother Earth, as the primary source of fenility and sustenance. She was
treated with utmost respect and caution, and all abominable acts were expiated. For
example, the spilling of human blood (even accidentally) meant that the guilty
individual and his/her immediate family were sent into a year's (and in some places,
seven years') forced exile. This gesture to appease Mother Eanh for the defilement
was a collective indication that the community did not condone such action. In
19
Achebe's (1969) fictionalised representation oflgbo life during colonialism, this form
of exile finally destroyed Okonkwo - the hero of Umuofia and protagonist of the
novel.
Other forms of cleansing rites (ikpu alu, meaning the .cleansing of abomination) were
Umuoji, Nkpor, Ogidi, Obosi and in all other towns belonging to the late ldemili
Local Government Area, eke ldemili (the royal python) is still revered as the child of
ldemili - the river goddess. This specie of python has evolved into a harmless
creature because of the protected status it enjoys, and as such, both indigenes and
visitors know that they are not to be harmed. If, however, anyone accidentally kills
this python, she or he must ensure that it receives a befitting burial as is stipulated
by the custom of the land. The burial rite involves a number of cleansing rituals
which are performed for three reasons. First, to appease the Earth on whom the
python bad been killed; second, ro appease the goddess ldemili whose "child" was
killed and third; to protect the family of the offender against the anger of other deities
who may be in sympathy with ldemili over the death of her child. Therefore the
exiling of, or the imposition of cleansing rituals on the offender ensured that the
entire community was safeguarded against the wrath of Mother Earth which usually
manifested in poor crop harvests, floods and/or drought and sometimes epidemics,
diseases and deaths. Any of these natural phenomena on any agrarian society,
However, this whole corporate sacred scenario was breached by the arrival of the
missionaries and colonialists who began a sustained and systematic attack aimed at
destroying anything they could not rationalise. The Chukwu of the lgbo and the cult
of Mother Earth came under a sustained and relentless attack, because they were at
20
the:cpre of the Igbo traditional religion which the missionaries wanted to wipe out as
they saw it embodying the exact opposite of their Christian precepts. In fact, the
European missionaries found the lgbo gods quite threatening as they conflicted with
their teaching of a monotheistic Christian God. T<he damage to lgbo life was
(1987):
Traditional Igbo religion was subjected to coumlessrhumiliations. The Chukwu;of the lgbo
was abandoned for the God of the Anglican and the Roman Catholics; The Chukwu of Igbo
religion described as creator of all things was rejected. Some even went as far to• argue that
the concept of Chukwu was a missionary innovation. The alusi and their moral injunctions
were bum!. down-graded and abandoned, and lastly the ancestors were destroyed and'buried
(70)
With the lgbo Chukwu desecrated, the missionaries probably thought that their work
was half done. Little did they know that the total conversion of lgboland was not to
be an easy task - much to their shock, anger and disillusionment. This was because
the lgbo were so engrossed in their own forms of religious worship which involved
all other aspects of their lives - the social, political and economic- with the result that
the Europeans would have to destroy the Igbo to separate them from their religion.
Isichei (1973) notes the frustration of one of the early missionaries to Obosi, a town
south of the Niger thus: "we had some progress, yet progress is painfully slow and
While it was true that some unimaginable practices existed that needed to be changed
among the lgbo (for instance the killing of twins), available evidence show that the
missionaries arrived with neither awareness nor willingness to gain any insight or
respect into the people's way of life. Instead, they set about giving them a "new
established and time-tested systems which had worked for and sustained the lgbo in
21
·.
their inclement forest environment. Writers such as Basden .and Isichei note that a
described them as mostly disgruntled men who saw Africa as a way forward into the
With such misinformed administrators at the helm, the lgbo resistance to this alien
culture was to prove disastrous. With the total destruction of what the people stood
for, a combination of economic. political and spiritual crises was created. The
become aware of the extent of decimation that went on in lgboland in particular and
Christianity made some positive impact on traditional Igbo life. First was the
language of their colonial masters, thereby, limiting the kind of destruction that
happened prior to the adoption of a lingua franca shared by the Europeans and the
Igbo. The acquisition of this type of education will later afford the lgbo the
all over the world. Second, a modem form of medicine was introduced, and with this
came improved medicare. Consequently, a lot of people who would have died from
unexplained and then incurable illnesses such as kitikpa (small pox), ekpenta (leprosy)
and otolo (cholera) were given longer leases of life. Third, the killing of twins which
22
was a phenomenon not understood by the lgbo was stopped. A combination of the
Christian religion and modem medicine helped in.curbing superstition and opened up
alternative ways for interpreting the lgbo universe. Fourth, travel and conimercial
opportunities became more varied as remote places became more accessible with the
introduction of motor vehicles and steam engine trains. With increased economic
Having considered some of the benefits that came with the colonisation of the lgbo,
there is evidence to show that before the coming ofthe Europeans, the lgbo had their
own type of civilization, education, currency and even handwriting (Nsibidi). The
researcher's opinion is that given time, and with the level of trade.and commerce the
lgbo were involved in, they would have been possibly been exposed to different but
more benign foreign cultures which could have influenced them in the same (if not
a better) way than the Europeans did; but without essentially destroying the hinges
of the lgbo belief system. For instance, lsichei (1977) notes contact with the
Nsibidi took the form of formalised pictograms, like Chinese. Had not the experience of
colonial rule deflected .the lgbo and their neighbours from their own panerns of development,
it seems likely that, as in other societies, a knowledge of literacy would have become ever
more diffused in society as a whole and .that, like Chinese, the script would have acquired
more·character, becoming a richer and more flexible vehicle of literary expression. Its form
meam that, like Chinese, it could be used by speakers of different dialects or even languages
(37-8)
The impact of the negative effect of Christianity and the extent of the damage done
was on such a large scale because on arrival to some parts of lgboland, the Europeans
met with some resistance. They set about using tactics ranging from manipulation to
sheer brute force to crush such resistance. Further resistance was silenced using their
military might. Examples include the Ekumeku uprising in western lgboland from
23
1898-1910, Udi and Ikwo up~isings in 1914 and 1918 respectively, and the Aba
Women's riot of 1929. Nsichei:l21). Coupled with the effect of these revolts was
the impact of Christianity on the agricultural life of the Igbo. Before the Europeans
arrived, polygamy was a pragmatic way of life, and success and wealth were
measured in terms of the number of farm hands an individual could boast of within
one's own family network. Men, therefore, married not just for the love of marriage,
but as a means of economic and social survival. Given the people's experience with
slavery and warfare, polygamy helped ensure continuity, and also became a means
standing within their community. It must be remembered that even to this day, the
lgbo measure wealth more in terms of the human than the material resources at an
individual's disposal. Hence, they give names like Madukaku, Nwakego (meaning a
person or a child is worth more than riches) and lgwebuike (there is power in
numbers).
products and routes, agriculture suffered. Participation in these trade networks set
up and controlled by the Europeans became a bait exclusive to those who were ready
to play by the missionaries' rule. Trading with the European who had the economic
power became an exclusive club to their Christian converts. Most of these traders
became the elite group and their masters' voices and were known for their over
zealousness in attacking traditional lgbo life. Adults were allowed access to trading
and their children access to western education only when they renounced the
traditional way of life, especially polygamy. Before long, farming which was the
people's mainstay was destroyed as more and more people became converted to
forced to send long-standing wives back to their in-laws, and in traditional lgboland,
24
wives were only sent back to their parents when they were guilty of such gross
misconduct as adultery or when these wives died. Onwuejeogwu (1987) sums up the
Similarly, Igbo economy was destroyed. The agricultural techniques and know-how !hat took
the ancestors of lgbo people thousands of years to develop were abandoned for working in !he
White man's rubber and cocoa plantations in the West, in railways, marine and government
offices. Berween 1920 and 1960 thousands of lgbo, left Igbo land believing that they could
not make a living in lgbo land.... In a multi-ethnic oriented society like Nigeria, a rapid
dispersal in10 the territory of others, was bound to generate conflict (70)
The conflict Onwuejeogwu was suggesting came to a head when in 1966 alone, with
the onset of the Nigerian-Biafran civil war, when uncounted number of the lgbo were
killed in Northern Nigeria in some very gruesome manner, [in what today would be
termed ethnic cleansing]. In the civil war that followed between 1967-70, millions
of lgbo Ios their lives in their struggle for an independent homeland called Biafra.
terms. The trend was not unique to the lgbo as Robert (1988) notes the same about
the Tabwa:
To a significant extent, an older ethic of egalitarianism and community interest was replaced
by the capitalist focus upon the individual. Success in the colonial political economy was
based upon individual initiative, talent, and achievement. In many contexts, group solidarity
and corporate identity became less imponant than personal status, accumulation of wealth, and
its attendant auainment of personal power ( 123)
Socially, the colonial masters also became involved in fuelling fratricidal wars already
escalated by broken marriage contracts in which innocent wives and husbands were
rejected for no reason other than that wives or husbands had become Christians and
as such, were entitled to only one spouse. Most of the intricate networks of social
25
·.
and soured contracted relationships to instigate one ,group against the other. They
traditional) ammunition, stand aside and watch the vanquishing of the unco-operative
farmlands away from homesteads were left derelict as people were too scared to
venture too far away from their villages for fear that they would either be kidnapped
slowed to a halt and starvation set in. People were forced to either join the Christians
or migrate elsewhere to make a living. The former option proved more favourable
as it meant more security while protected by the might of the foreigners. This sense
of destruction and dereliction was summed up in the plight of men from Arochukwu,
who were not only great farmers, but also traders and warriors. lsichei (1973) notes
that:
The men of Arochuku (sic), similarly, with their oracle destroyed and· their trade routes falling
into desuetude, faced the same unpalatable-alternative - to emigrate in search of work, or to
stay home, to face increasing economic stagnation (36)
Coupled with this wanton destruction of an entire nation were the effects of western
education, which were to prove quite extensive over time. Most of the intellectual
elite progressively detached themselves from the patterns of traditional culture, and
what emerged was a society split into sections. Members of this nouveau elite were
unwise decision to those who had resisted joining the missionaries earlier on. Most
of these individuals educated by and in the West would return to flagrantly condemn
traditional ways. They were to become, in many years to come, their masters' voice
for the final and unabated denigration of lgbo culture. This was especially so because
26
on their return to lgboland, they joined the civil service, held positions of authority
1
and had the power to recruit others (who were by now more interested in white collar
jobs). Basden (1966) notes regarding the impact of the newly educated lgbo:
Chiefs of the old type are being rapidly replaced by their educated sons; educated, !hat is, in
the sense !ha! their fathers never were nor could be. The younger generation is learning to
read and write and 10 adopt European ideas and fashions in every detail of life, clothes,
houses and pastimes .... A! the moment, !he·balance of life has been, and is being, seriously
disrurbed. The younger generation has·shed old manners and customs freely, and somewhat
hastily. They are ardently grasping at all things new and foreign (xii)
The effect of this unprecedented shift oflife style were that foreign ideas was also felt
politically. Traditionally, the Igbo believed that a person's worth was measured only
by the sweat of their brows. Inherited wealth and position commanded little or no
respect. This meant that anyone who depended solely on inherited wealth or position
was scorned and derided. For instance, a man's worth was judged by the number of
wives he married himself (not those inherited from his father or brother[s]), and
consequently, by the number of children from such unions that he could cater for.
Age also had a lot of respect and elders from different clans were elected to represent
their people and to make important decisions. lsichei (1973) describes traditional
lgbo society as "a small democratic society" with a network of intricate political
systems in which age commanded a lot of respect. It was a system known for its
socially and politically upwardly mobile. Hence the lgbo proverb that "nwata kwo
aka o solu okenye lie nni" (when a child washes his hands clean of dirt, he will be
allowed to eat with the elders from the same source). Furthermore, moral astuteness
was valued more than any other achievement in traditional lgbo society. This is
noticeable in the lgbo saying that; "ezi afa k 'ego" (a good name is worth more than
riches). lsichei (1973) confirms the importance of age and good name when she
writes that:
27
lbo communities were in practice ruled by titled men of mature age. These titles were
purchased, notinherited -though the recipient ola:title had to satisfy other. conditions as well,
1
Politically, the lgbo were organised as interrelated states grouped into clans, united
neighbours. These forms of contracts ended with ·the entrance of the Europeans.
Community works such as road building, clearing the path to streams and rivers and
general maintenance works were carried out by the young men organised into age
grades. The age grade system which is still in existence in most of Igboland
functions by organising people born within any three consecutive years into one age
grade to form a formidable governing and human workforce. These age grades are
usually named according to historical events and for a people whose four-market
week calender had not the means of counting the years, these age grades served as
historical reminders of events. For instance, ogbo influenza (the influenza age grade)
and ogbo Okono (O'Connor age grade) refer to the age grades that were born in the
years when there was an influenza epidemic and those born in the year when the
District Officer O'Connor came to Umuoji, respectively. Oka:for (1973) writes about
our study not only shows the age grade as community-integrative mechanism, but also a
dominant politico-judicial system of the Umuoji community .... While the family and extended
family formed the political units at the lower levels, it is the age grade that dominates the
wider and top-level Umuoji political system ... (iii)
However, the Europeans also found this system of government by elders impossible
to adapt because negotiations were prolonged, as each elder bargained to ensure that
his clan got a good deal. The Europeans finally undermined this system of
government by the introduction of paramount chiefs. These were mostly men who
were hand-picked because they were sympathetic to the cause of Europeans, and the
chiefs were given enough financial muscle to enable them, on the one hand to
28
·.
galvanise people into action when needed, and to undermine the authority of the
elders, on 'the other. Above all, they were made judge and jury in community cases
which they were legally ill-equipped to preside over. As a result, established legal
and social orders became dislocated'. The lgbo 'legal system was such that after
judgement by elders, any individual who felt that he/she had been unfairly judged
could appeal to higher authorities for adjudication. In .extreme cases, people would
Among the Igbo law, /wu, is based,on rules which are enacted by the elders and sanctioned
by the ances10rs ndichie. An infraction of a law does not constirute the breaking of a· taboo.
Those who break the law are punished or fined. lgbo concept of law is rooted in Igbo
jurisprudence which is·a-body of complete argument of ethical principles. Tbe.principles (sic)
that a person is not totally guilty in a case gives room for dialogue, discussion and appeals
through a hierarchy of lineages before appealing to the town obodo or eze ...
(0nwuejeogwu:63)
Thus the final arbiters were the various deities to whose shrines an accused could run
for succour and protection. Whenever this happened, the individual was
automatically protected by the deities, and no matter what the outcome of the case
being judged may be, no one dared to harass any person(s) protected by a god. In
traditional Igbo society, these individuals would never again return to live among
their kindred or clan although they would be in the same town. They were, however,
allowed to live at the shrine, but they were not allowed to intermarry with those
whom they fled from, and who were free citizens. Such individuals who fled to the
gods for refuge belonged to a special caste that the lgbo call the osu (children of the
gods). The Europeans also found it difficult to understand that an individual could
run to the gods, and consequently be free of punishment. They dismantled what in
their judgement was a flawed legal system which allowed this type of recourse.
However, as time went on, people found it more impossible to resist the Europeans,
what with their combination of military might and sometimes manipulation, new ideas
and irresistible technology. This was to be the final death of an inherited order. A
29
new order had been fully established which profaned deities, destroyed traditional
in vain for their deities to fight back. ·Prior to this time, the lgbo knew their gods to
always act swiftly to ·inflict pain and.even death on anyone Who dared desecrate them.
Thus began a history of loss of self-esteem among the lgbo, especially with the
onslaught from Christianity following almost immediately after years of slave trade
their entire culture in the face of constant .put-downs by a more fmancially viable,
manipulatively superior and powerful culture. Material and spiritual life became
differentiated and thus, meaningless. This for the lgbo whose existence was
dualistic, was catastrophic. This feeling of inadequacy has persisted into the present
day Igbo parlance to the extent that the adjective igbotic is derogatively used to
qualify any person, place or thing that are deemed outmoded or unsophisticated in
western terms. Eliade ( 1956) nares that when such things as these happen, people are
bound to feel that God has failed them and that nothing sustains any meaning when
the periodical sanctification of Cosmic time then proves useless without meaning. The gods
are no longer accessible through cosmic rhythms. The religious meaning of the repetition~ of
paradigmatic gesrures is forgouen (I 06)
Repetition emptied of religious and ritual content lead to what Eliade describes as a
"pessimistic vision of existence" (107). To a large extent, this was and has remained
the legacy bequeathed to the Igbo by colonialism and Christianity - the destruction of
values and the replacement of traditional institutions with nothing comparable. The
forced conversion to Christianity - a religion the Igbo understood little or nothing of,
became a problem as it did not fit into their overall scheme of things. Faced with this
dilemma and, out of the need to relate to a supreme being they understood and felt
30
new order had been fully established which· ,profaned deities, destroyed traditional
religious symbols without any immediate consequences, as people stood by and waited
in vain for their deities to fight back. Prior to this time, the Igbo knew their gods to
always act swiftly to inflict. pain and•even death on anyone who dared desecrate them.
'Jlhus began a history of loss of self-esteem among the lgbo, especially with the
onslaught from Christianity following almost immediately after years of slave trade
their entire culture in the face of constant put-downs by a more financially viable,
manipulatively superior and powerful culture. Material and spiritual life became
differentiated and thus, meaningless. 'Jihis for the Igbo whose existence was
dualistic, was catastrophic. This feeling of inadequacy has persisted into the present
day Igbo parlance to the extent that the adjective igbotic is derogatively used to
qualify any person, place or thing that are deemed outmoded or unsophisticated in
western terms. Eliade (1956) notes that when such things as these happen, people are
bound to feel that God has failed them and that nothing sustains any meaning when
the periodical sanctification of Cosmic time then proves useless without meaning. The gods
are no longer accessible through cosmic rhythms. The religious meaning of the repetition of
paradigmatic gestures is forgotten ( 106)
Repetition emptied of religious and ritual content lead to what Eliade describes as a
"pessimistic vision of existence" (107). To a large extent, this was and has remained
the legacy bequeathed to the lgbo by colonialism and Christianity - the destruction of
values and the replacement of traditional institutions with nothing comparable. The
forced conversion to Christianity - a religion the lgbo understood little or nothing of,
became a problem as it did not fit into their overall scheme of things. Faced with this
dilemma and, out of the need to relate to a supreme being they understood and felt
30
part of, and in their quest for a higher meaning to their own existence yet forbidden
by the fear of the whiteman's wrath, there emerged (and still exists} a form of lgbo
Meanwhile; a majority of those already converted to Christianity but who had found
it inadequate in explaining their universe, returned ,to their abandoned deities and
ways of life. They re-claimed 'those wives they 'had' rejected, consulted their oracles
and attempted re-building their independence. llhe 'difference this time was that they
had realised the futility of a direct confrontation with this invading power. So while
they remained traditionalists, they sent their children,tojoin the missionaries in order
that they may obtain western education. For the people in traditional Igbo society,
obtaining western style education was the only way of understanding and containing
the type of power the whiteman used to destroy them. In their own wisdom, they
had come to accept that an open confrontation would lead to a further destruction of
their gods, their people and their land. In a nutshell, they had come to the realisation
that if not treated with caution, the whiteman had enough vengeance and purpose to
The decision in most families that the ageing members remained traditionalist was a
reflection of the fact that faced people within traditional Igbo society. In most cases,
this decision was taken to ensure that whichever side that fmally won in the contest
between tradition and Christianity, the lgbo would not lose out. This brand of
eclectism clearly exemplified the insecurity that marked lgboland at the time.
Because of their experience, the lgbo were, and would remain for a long time to
31
In a conference paper, "Rituals: A Theatre of Therapy and Affirmation, ( 1995), the
researcher argued that this alienation from a proven way .of life (and beyond that, a
In all this confusion, one aspect of lgbo life which persevered and remained
untouched was their belief in, and the need to affirm and celebrate life. The Igbo are
active celebrants who view life as one long performance during which they seize
every opportunity to give thanks to God for the gift oflife. They have evolved their
of the rains marking the start of the farming season, and the coming of the dry season
to mark the beginning of the harvesting season. During these performances, different
communities stage and invite neighbouring towns to attend as their guests, as for
more regional ones like Ene Mma in Nkpor, Nwafor in Ogidi and Uzo-lyi in Umuoji.
To the Igbo, the successful negotiation of any personal challenges calls for
celebration, and these include births, attainment of puberty, initiations, marriages and
deaths. History has proved that nothing can stop the lgbo from celebrating life.
This celebration of life is holistic, and the Igbo will employ all the elements of theatre
dance - at their disposal to affirm and celebrate their oneness with the universe.
From conception to death, life is celebrated with very elaborate rituals through which
people disengage from the hustle and bustle of their daily existence to reflect on those
aspects of life that do not usually get looked into. Hence, in the quiet of ritual,
32
people are afforded a glimpse into the real nature of the Chukwu of their ancestors
whose greatness they partake of. In the ritual process, the lgbo re-awaken the God
essence they possess, and by partaking· in this unseen holiness, they gain back their
self-esteem. For the lgbo whose confidence and' self-esteem have been negatively
impacted upon by slavery and Christianity, rituals are therefore, their way of
affirming themselves and their oneness with creation. Without rituals and the
elaborate performance that they involve, life would become devoid of meaning.
However, the reason for Igbo performance and the form it takes can easily be lost on
the outsiders being embedded as it is in rituals. It seems that. the bruising experience
the lgbo had with slavery, colonisation and Christianity brought about a heightened
aspects of their culture (performance inclusive) are coded in rituals. For example,
during the ima muo ritual, male children are not only taught, but they come in direct
contact with aspects of lgbo manhood symbolised by the courage, strength, kindliness
and decorum they encounter and display during their contest with the initiating
spirits/masks. This also marks the beginning of a life-long learning process in the art
dance, songs, music and the different performance styles and decora of masking. For
a long time Igbo people have used ritualised performance not only as a means of
socialisation and education, but as a coded storage of valued aspects of their culture
Unfortunately. in present day Igbo society, most rituals are quickly losing their pride
of place and this is reflected in societal values in which age no longer commands any
respect, honoured positions and titles are bought and paid for with riches acquired
through questionable means and young men and women shy away from formal
education because they regard it as a waste of their time. The negative influence of
33
·,
the 'cult' of individualism introduced' .by the Europeans is at its ,peak, and in direct
conflict with communal though capitalist fabric of Igbo life. The result is that self-
worth is now determined by material possession, and this has overtaken the need for
good reputation and· hard work. Education- both traditional and western - is derided
as a waste of valuable time that should be spent making money. As a result, a vast
majority of the younger generation are unschooled in any form of ethical conduct.
Sadly, the destruction of what remains of pre-Cbristian Igbo life is being completed,
especially by the new wave of Pentecostal churches under the new leadership of
indigenes, who engage in a wanton destruction of those aspects of lgbo life that
her fieldwork believe that the Igbo society is evolving, but that the rapid and
unpredictable pace of evolution is in itself destructive. As such, they fear that unless
the lgbo act fast by single-mindedly exhuming, re-examining, owning and recording
aspects and patterns of their lives, that there will be little that is authentically Igbo,
that the generations yet unborn can identify with and lay claims to,
From this researcher's experience, there is no doubt that unless the Igbo people stop
to re-discover and re-evaluate their roots in relation to where they have been, where
they are at present, and where they want to be in the future and in what role, it will
My forecast is that lgbo-speaking people are mobilizing their forces and energy in lgbo land
towards a scientific revolution characterized by inventions and innovation in different fields
of human endeavour that will enable Nigeria plunge imo a new era of industrialization. This
will help Nigeria free herself from the economic yoke placed on her by the Western and
Eastern blocs. Bm this can only be achieved when the'lgbo cities might have discovered their
roots and how these roms are related to the roots of their ethnic groups in Nigeria.
Understanding their roots will enable them regain contidence in·themselves, develop the spirit
of self-reliance, inventiveness and creativity lost by the imervention of slave trade and
colonialism (71)
34
The answer to the present challenge facing the lgbo is to be found within rituals.
lgbo rituals have proved resilient, and it is hoped that this study will not only unearth
and strengthen them, but that it will lead to a greater understanding of the mechanics
35
CHAPFER2
lgbo rituals are unique both in their nature and their perfonnance context. The study
of rituals has been very revealing, because it enabled the subtle distinction between
rituals from other types of perfonnance, such~as social action. By nature, lgbo rituals
are unlike social action because rituals are predominantly spiritually oriented. Every
ritual has stipulated and agreed objectives that can be monitored against set
perfonnance criteria, whereas social action are those activities which individuals
perfonn within an unstructured space and time in order to personalise and thus own
the lessons learnt during rituals. So social actions involve the unconscious transfer
and application of rituals lessons into the non-ritual milieu of daily existence. For
example, while initiations into the masquerade cult (ima muo) and into womanhood
(iso ebe) both involve special preparations and the separation of intended participants
from the community, social action such as knowing how to cater for the family herd
(igbo nni ewu) and involvement in moonlight play (egwu onwa) happen without
participants are re-integrated into their various communities while social action fonn
Furthennore, the study of lgbo riruals provide the framework for illustrating some
relevant ritual theories with an aim to bridge the gap between theory and practice.
36_
•. :..:..i...;:,_:; ... --: . . --__ ::_:f.:.. ~-
..
Defmition
Since 1908, when van Gennep's Rite of Passage was first published, theatre
contributed immensely to the study of ritual. It is important at this point to note the
have succeeded in freeing rituals from the drama-theatre debate between some lgbo
scholars [Echeruo (1973), Obiechina (1978), Amankulor (1981), Enekwe (1981)]. and
many others were invovled in that debate during the 1970s and 80s in response to
some euro-centric claims made by especially Horton (1963) and Finnegan (1970).
This debate questioned the authenticity of lgbo rituals as either drama and/or theatre
using the Greek theatre as the main model. Essentially, there were two parallel
debates going on at the same time. The first one was between this group of lgbo
scholars and the euro-centrics, while the other was between the rest of lgbo scholars
on the one side and Echeruo and Uka on the other. Basically, Echeruo insisted that
although the euro-centrics were wrong in assuming that African theatre was "quasi",
he argued that what the African needed to do was what the Greeks did with their own
However, the researcher is of the opinion that lgbo rituals are a unique form of
performance and that they should be judged based on whether they fulfil performance
understanding of lgbo rituals, the researcher feels that getting involved in their debate
will only limit the scope of this work which views lgbo rituals as belonging to the
37
more encompassing performance category. Above all if rituals are culture-specific
the researcher wonders what use there was in using the Greek-Dionysian festivals as
a yardstick for judging the authenticity of lgbo rituals as either drama or theatre.
Above all, the debate in question was valid some twenty to thirty years ago and does
not have much relevance today. However, these scholars seem to be in agreement
about one thing: that rituals are culture specific performances devised around the
Life crises are those biological and/or occupational progression that occur throughout
an individual's life and they include for example, "births, puberty, marriage,
death" (van Gennep,1908:3). At close examination, the crises mentioned above all
follow a basic action and reaction panem. This means that new changes would
affect and disturb the normal or existing equilibrium, thereby necessitating the
negotiation of a new order. These negotiations use what van Gennep describes as
"special acts" which are ritualised performances through which individuals and
communities acknowledge, assess, negotiate and contain those crises brought about
Funhermore, the resolution of these crises have a natural sequence that can be planed
against the basic biological development of an individual, and as a result distinct but
interrelated ritual clusters are observable. Among the Igbo, for instance, the period
consultations with the various oracles and traditional medicine practitioners) which
are performed to ensure that the expectant mother and foetus are protected from all
evil persons and/or spirits. All rituals in this period of life are performed with a
common aim in mind - the well-being of the expectant mother and the unborn baby.
38
·~
So, although the pregnant woman may not think that she is in need of protection, her
protection on her behalf. This need for protection stems from the lgbo belief that
diabolical forces can be unleashed on people's lives by either/or humans and spirits;
and also because of the belief that during pregnancy, the woman is both vulnerable
and susceptible to hann due to her delicate condition. Any interference with the well-
being of an expectant mother could, the lgbo believe, result in foetal malformation,
stillbirths and in extreme cases, the death of the expectant mother herself. However,
the birth of the child marks the end of what can be appropriately tenned maternity
rituals, which then ushers in the birth and infancy rituals which are geared towards
the severance of natal ties and re-connection with Mother Earth. These rituals
include ini nhe (separation in the form of the disposal of the placenta), ibe ugwu
(circumcision) and iba afa (naming ceremony marking the conferment of personal
identity on the child and its incorporation into the family and society at large).
makes one wonder whether the possession of a tripartite structure qualifies any
performance as ritual, or if there are other characteristics to be on the look out for.
From the research performed, it can confidently be asserted that for any performance
qua non for the people within any particular cultural milieu in which that performance
exists. In addition, all rituals must be performed within a given time frame with all
performance is usually felt, if not immediately but later in life as Ositola (1988)
notes:
39
some,people may have obstacle (sic) in their lives .. ,noboily has given them a1proper initiation
intotlife .... By losing this imponant heritage.,. they willbe.a burden to'himself, to the parents
and the household, and to the society at·large because he will misbehave .. (32)
From the foregoing, rituals can be defined as those symbolic performances which
have great socio-religious essence and consequence which follow an already agreed
order, in a set time and place for/by a qualified individual or group of individuals .
During rituals, the participant(s) embark on a symbolic journey in the knowledge that
by the end, these reversible and sometimes irreversible actions would enable them
find personalised answers to whatever challenges they face. In the ritual framework,
subliminal and powerful attributes through which they are enabled to gain insight into,
and partake in the true nature of their unseen otherness. Riruals are essential
performances which are believed to have dire consequences when suspended, or not
denied for individuals and communities may be that they may remain in a state of
meaningful strips of action that link up to form an extended bridge on which the
participants can safely cross the deep waters of life, without necessarily stepping or
For example, all girls born within a family in Igboland are called the
umuadalumuokpu. Young women are expected to be married, and Igbo mothers and
families invest a lot of time ensuring that their daughters are well brought up
(domesticated. morally astute, polite, etc) because if not, there will be nobody to
marry them when they are ripe for marriage. It is a shameful siruation when a full
grown woman does not attract suitors. On the contrary, the married daughters of the
family are accorded great respect in their father's compound, and when the need
40
.. ..:...·. ~~ --'----
·,
arises; these daughters return to arbitrate in cases that may arise in their birth
families. They wield such social and political powers that they .alone have the
collective arbiters, who are held in indescribable awe by the wives of the family.
So, when at a certain age a woman remains unmarried and continues to live in her
father's compound, the wives in the family would naturally feel threatened and view
her with mistrust and suspicion because she is seen as the "ears" of the married
umuada. This is because she may be passing information which otherwise the
umuada would not have known about living as they are in their own marital homes.
So, the easiest means of discord in any family is to have a grown unmarried daughter
living within the family. The fact is that in Igboland, marriages save grown women
from the ridicule that they may otherwise be subjected to ifthey remained unmarried.
The marriage rirual in Igboland, therefore, bestows respect and saves women from
coming in direct conflict with the harshness of remaining in their fathers' compounds.
In most societies, rituals play the threefold role of being an agent of cohesion, a
means of education and perpetuation of society life and values. Haralambos (1992)
survive only if there exists amongst its members a sufficient degree of homogeneity; education
perpetuates and reinforces this homogeneity by fixing in the child from the beginning the
essential similarities which collective life demands. Without these '.:ssential similarities',
cooperation, social solidarity and therefore social life itself would be impossible. This
involves a commitment to society. a sense of belonging and a feeling that the social unit is
more imponant than the individual (230)
41
·•
Among the lgbo, this homogeneity is ensured in the way they use rituals to identify,
own and instruct their children from an early stage. For instance, the first ritual
performed at the birth of any child is called iti mkpu nwalichi oga (shouts of joy),
and its purpose is to inform the whole community of the birth, and to informally
prepare them for the numerous spontaneous celebrations that accompany the birth of
any child. So, through this single act, the community comes together to celebrate
their common bonds. In lgboland, these types of gathering are common at births,
homogeneous spontaneity is only possible if from the beginning, the society fixes in
its children the "essential similarities which collective life demands". The vital task
performed by the different rituals like the naming ceremony, initiations into the
masquerade cult, traditional marriages and burial ceremonies is that they enable
"welding a mass of individuals into a united whole, in other words, the creation of
'social solidarity'. This involves a commitment to the society .... " (230)
This is a point Robert (1988) seems to agree with when he writes regarding the
Through divination and related rituals, people remember, revise, rearrange and reconstitute
elements of history to understand and cope with present difficulties, so that a better future can
be negotiated (123)
Ritual is like life itself in the sense that people do not start to understand and cope
with difficulties unless they are enabled (as in counselling) to look at the causes rather
than effects. This is the role that ritual plays - it removes the smoke screen and gets
people involved in the serious business of delving deeply into their lives. Thus, in
going through the ritual process, individuals are enabled to process and re-arrange
their various life experiences into easily accessible compartments and stages they can
42
individual actors attempt to understand, cope with and take action to redress crises of health
and social welfare. People reflect upon the way life is and how it works in moments of
performance. They do so in heightened contexts of crises, when failure to take action, or
rather failure to take proper action may lead to intense suffering, death or destruction (123).
What rituals do for us is that they offer us a structured space and time in which to
deeply dwell on issues which may be perplexing to us, but which in our everyday life
we do not have the time and space to contemplate. For the lgbo who believe that the
human being is a material as well as a spiritual entity, their rituals are designed to
satisfy a deep sense of longing to understand their place within the cosmic order.
The sheer nature of this dualistic existence of the human being in one united spiritual
and material dimension engenders a lot of crises from conception right through to
death. Therefore, it seems that most lgbo rituals exist to enable individuals to answer
those needs born out of their spiritual and material make up as they strive to relate
and live in harmony with the seen and unseen forces of the universe. So it can be
nature of being just humans, rituals provide a steadying keel that enables people to
focus and decide on their next course of action. Grainger (1974) notes that: "myths
and rituals are the ways in which society reassures itself: they bolster society up.
They are voices out of the past, part of a cultural heritage. This is why they exist".
(2)
For example, when an Igbo man performs the iwa oji ututu (morning prayer and
breaking of the kolanut), he does this, flrst, to thank Chukwu for his blessings all
through the night. It must be remembered that night time (even in present day lgbo
villages) is synonymous with impregnable darkness, unseen and capricious evil forces
and harmful creatures. For the lgbo, night time represents suppression of the sense
of sight. With the only form of illumination coming from the stars and the moon
43
-.
(when it is full), night time is one of the fearful personal experiences whose mastering
starts with the initiation into the masquerade cult, and probably lasts the duration of
an individual's life. So when the lgbo breaks the flrst kolanut after more than ten
hours of eerie darkness, he celebrates the rising sun (a visible attribute of Chukwu),
he re-affirms himself as being important because Chukwu found him and his family
important enough to be kept from harm during those long hours of total darkness.
A new day, therefore, is a new experience which be starts with a new performance -
during which be recites his ancestry and retells his family history. Where a man's
father is deceased, be (the living) re-iterates the lessons of life taught him by his
father, and thus re-assures himself and those present that they are never alone. At
the same time, he transfers what he had been taught to his own children and listeners.
It is important at this stage to differentiate between ritual and social action. Social
action is the sum total of human action. Haralambos (1992) in discussing the
human action does not happen in the void because humans possess consciousness,
thoughts, feelings, meanings, intentions and awareness of being. And that all these
human attributes determine, to a great extent, how people accord meaning and
perception to external stimuli. He, therefore, concluded that since action and reaction
stem from these unseen human attributes, it follows that for human action (and
reaction) to be correctly interpreted and understood, one must first of all, look for
and correctly interpret the subjective and hidden logic that drives such action (and
reaction). In order words, the ability to interpret social action depends on one's
44
·~
differ from social action in that rituals have set and agreed rhythmic ordering, timing
and the belief on the part ,of the participants that outcomes or expected results are
known from the onset. These results are empirical in the sense that the same results
will be achieved each time, provided that the prescribed rhythm, order, timing of
words and action are adhered to. In discussing divination rituals, Werbner stresses
the importance of adhering to already agreed format during ritual as it enables people
to give "interpretations of their symbols, icons and' indices ... they do not merely
So during most rituals, the pre-liminal stage is a time for intensive induction during
which participants are empowered to reflect on issues by learning set guiding
principles. When ritual participants are re-incorporated into the society after their
performances, they are able to use the period between rituals to test out and
personalise those lessons learnt during rituals. Social action periods are those
relatively quiet periods between one ritual and another. They are like active holiday
periods during which individuals who had been involved in ritual become re-absorbed
as members of their community, and where in their everyday life, they are able to
The term "language" in this context refers to the verbal rendition of ritual. If it is
accepted that ritual affords people the space and time to reflect on the true meaning
of their existence, it then will follow that its language will be such that can describe
this heightened experience in which people become aware of their true nature as both
human and spirit. Nkala (1983) notes that:
ritual ceremonies are often occasions for instant rendition of folk poetry. The song, dance
and recitations that feature at rituals constitute a veritable corpus of imaginative
literature.(p.ll)
45
-·-···
..
'Fhe language of rituals is as culture specific and as varied as rituals themselves, and
varies from one performance to another, and depending on what purposes the rituals
they are employed in serve. The language may range from simple prayers and
supplications to the very complex and coded recitations and chants found in some cult
initiation. An example of the prayerful is that which the lgbo use in the consecration
of the morning kolanut. Through this ritual, the lgbo thank Chukwu-Okike for their
lives, and invite their ancestors to partake in their affairs and to protect them. By
doing so, they affirm themselves as part of a bigger universe. The more complex
forms of ritual language are those evident in secret initiation rites of which examples
include those used in iriitiations into the masquerade cult and the Egbenuoba or
hunters' guild. In these cases, the words used are participant-oriented and are
ability to understand the language of the masquerade cult (language of the spirit
communication in this category may have a graduated structure which explains why
people who belong to the same guild or cult may have a differentiated understanding
The language employed in separation rites is usually in the form of dirges, and they
are solemn reminders of the transitory nature of human life and the inevitability of
Asim gi jicha anya mmili ebezina I say wipe off your tears and cry no more
Ficha anya mmili ebizina Wipe oif your tears and cry no more
lgwe nine je ko n 'uzu All iron must go to the smith
Mmadu nine nako be Chukwu Just like every person must return to God
Nwannem jicha anya mmili ebezina My beloved, wipe off your tears and cry no more,
46
Okpara ( 1995) in an interview, agrees that the use of language may differ from one
ritual to another when she, described the language,of ritual in lgboland as "a classified
mode of expression which has great potentials for excluding uninitiated individuals
or groups at different times and ,places". According to her, the complex nature of
rituals makes it difficult for anyone who had not undergone a particular ritual to
understand and make sense of the more complex ritual events. According to her, this
may be because different forms of coded communication befitting the initiands' new
status may have been learnt while the group was in seclusion, away from the rest of
the society. This is true during initiation rites such as initiations into
man/womanhood, the masquerade cult and ozo title. Furthermore, Okpara notes that
the verbal component of ritual can be as local and as reflective of images, symbols,
expressions and connotations unique to their locality. Okpara argues that these may
differ depending on whether the society is patrilineal (or matrilineal), riverine (like
Aguleri and Oguta) or upland (like the majority of landlocked lgbo towns). She
continues by saying that, most times, the language of rituals in male-oriented societies
The researcher's experience during her fieldwork lends support to the fact that
generally, language in patrilineal societies can really be patronising and sexist. For
example, when she inquired as to why women do not consecrate the kolanut at
gatherings, an informant responded that it is because, "na ana ali nwanyi enu"
(women are subordinates who are mounted during sexual intercourse). Beyond this
apologist explanation, the fact is, that women are not allowed to consecrate or break
the kolanut for two reasons. First, the Igbo are patrilineal and as such, it is an age
old practice that men alone can offer libations and prayers to the ancestors. Second,
the Igbo society portrays the female as a paradox - an embodiment of the sacred and
the unclean. Women are sacred in their role as mothers, carriers and nurturers of
----~·-~·---.--- ~,
. t~::_-::~-:'_.
life, and by the same token unclean because they have menstrual periods. The Igbo
believe that during their monthly period women possess awesome powers which when
shed as impurities can diminishes the spiritual powers of those who have contact with
them. Therefore, they were confmed and forbidden from carrying out any activities
which may expose the public to them. These activities include attendance at the
market place, village streams, sex and preparation of meals. Hence the Igbo name
for monthly period is iso ezi (avoidance of public areas). In fact, in pre-Christian
Igbo society, menstruating women were confmed to rooms at the back of the house,
and were re-incorporated at the end of the period, having undergone cleansing herbal
baths.
Over the years, some women have developed sarcasm when describing their period
of isolation during menstruation. They would say anom n' ezi (I am in the public
place). It seems that this response began as mockery to the overt emphasis given to
their unclean state, and possibly, a psychological reassurance that they are not as
l..Infortunately, this ambivalent attitude of the Igbo to their women has not changed
much. Many times during the fieldwork, the researcher was reminded of her status
in the society, primarily because some men found it difficult to share information
regarding Igbo rituals with a woman. Their amusement and sometimes indignation
at her quest into Igbo rituals (especially for academic purposes) could not be masked.
As exposed to western type of education as some of the men are, they still felt that
she had loss sight of her appointed role place as a woman - in the home. The
researcher always made known her objections to being treated this way, and she
sometimes got apologies for her hurt feelings, but not the needed information. Of
course, being so vocal did not help issues, but she nevertheless made her point.
48
Having said that, it is interesting to note that lgbo women had from time devised their
own ways of making a mockery of practices that they found demeaning, but felt
helpless to change. However, the Igbo woman is still in the process of carving out
a respectable niche for herself - in trying to combine her powerful traditional role as
mother with the more modem role of a professional. It will take time before her
male counterparts begin to recognise and accord her this well-deserved respect, but
So in trying to determine and understand the language of ritual (using the lgbo as an
example), it is very important to consider two points; frrst, that rituals exist to
negotiate both biological and occupational crises. This means that people who belong
to the same occupational group, may have different biological crises to resolve. It
is, therefore, no wonder that at any point in time, rituals are being performed by
different people to resolve different life challenges. Second, the language of lgbo
rituals addresses the lgbo belief in dualism -that the human being is a material as well
negotiating this duality, and to enable people's expression of their yearning for the
meaning of life. Fromm (1956) describes ritual and the language it employs as:
a statement about man's identity as a structured spirit. In tbe rite man stands forth in all his
limited and conditional freedom, as tbe embodied soul, separate and defined, given
individuality, by his own body, living in relation to others who are at once like and unlike
himself whom he knows as his fellows but meets as strangers (xi)
experience in a way which may seem nonsensical to the ritual outsider. The
implication being that before the outsider can understand the goings-on in most
rituals, he/she needs to be open to the cultural milieu of the rituals. Grainger
49
-~
articulates this point further when he writes, "that the culttire itself was shaped and
moulded by its religious beliefs; and this is why those beliefs cannot be reduced to
It can, therefore, be argued that since culture is the sum total of a people's way of
life, that ritual being culture-specific means that it has to be understood through the
very much on the understanding of the language of the performance. This is because
a subtle juxtaposition and fusion of the secular and sacred on a personal as well as
the communal levels, which may be harder to detect unless one understands the
This intrinsic ability of rituals to juxtapose and fuse elements of different densities is
individual ceases to be a human being, and becomes an ancestral spirit. But at what
point the human becomes overtaken by the spirit is a matter of the momentary fusion
of the sacred and secular. However, there are a lot of existing materials on all
aspects of lgbo masking tradition by Ukaegbu (1996) and Okagbue (1993, 1997) that
have delved into the co-habitation of different cosmic zones in lgbo theatre and ritual.
However, from the on-going, the spoken component of ritual can be better understood
once a flexible attitude is adopted to the.defmition of ritual itself. This is because the
ritual experience is a very personal one and allowance needs to be made in defming
Therefore, this study advocates that there should be allowed, as many authentic
definitions of what constitutes a ritual as there are ritual participants. Only through
these personalised insights will scholars be able to extract the real attributes of rituals
50
• .~ • ----;-~:~::";:~~~a:'.·~-
. ·- ,·-:-., ____._ -~···.· .:___ ·- .. __T·:~; -..:..:·
and the language it employs. Until this is done, the term - ritual;_ will continue to
even to say it in one word, ritual, is asking for trouble. Ritual has been so variously defmed-
as concept, praxis, process, ideology, yearning, experience, function - that it means very linle
because it means too much (328)
Ritual essence
experience of the greatest subliminality onto either the pages of text books and/or
stage. Some works of scholars and researchers such as Schechner and Turner,
sometimes, belong to this group, and it seems that the challenge posed in
The researcher fmds this comment coming from Schechner quite interesting especially
in the light of the fact that Schechner himself underwent an initiation into Hinduism
just to enable him to gain access to the Temple (and possibly rituals). It can be
argued that Schechner may not have been the first person to join a group simply for
altrustic reasons but the question this raises is: what validates a ritual performance?
participating in the initiation and the certificate given post-initiation make a Hindu out
of Schechner? In the researcher opinion, a ritual becomes authentic only when the
action and performance sequence are observed while guarded by the belief. This is
51
ritUal can.easily be transformed into theatre and vice versa - in a number of ways. A ritual
becomes entenainmem once it. is outside its original context or when the•belief that sustains
it has lost its potency. (155)
So, in spite of the controversy that may surround the definition of rituals, any
attempts made to transport and transpose rituals from one cultural milieu to another
will inevitably result in the reason for and meaning of the ritual being lost. 'fhe real
essence of any ritual has to be interpreted within the context of the culture in which
it operates. All forms of transposition will only result in the kind of confusion and
semantic waste of time that a lot of people (including this researcher) get into when
The process and structure of any ritual are determined by the purpose that ritual is
clearly between process and structure. Structure refers to the shape or outline of any
ritual performance, while process is the arrangement of action in time and space.
The ritual process uses symbols and quality transference. For example, iwa anya is
dropping some of the blood from the animal into the eyes of the dead, that the
The ritual process enables detachment from other participants and this allows
individual participants the leeway to interpret the symbols and icons used in such a
manner that they are enabled to find personal answers to the challenges they face.
This is probably why Grainger (1974) describes ritual as that which "reconciles man
and his world". It is through detachment that individuals are allowed the space to
52
.·-~ ...
create lasting personalised images based on their different but individualised
perspectives. In this state, ritual participants are not afraid to explore the secret
places of their individual worlds. They do so in the knowledge that built into the
ritual framework, is a high level of support network which offers them safety in the
knowledge that they may come face to face with :the· fears within themselves, but that
they are nonetheless protected from harm. This is true of the initiation of young girls
into womanhood. What happens during most of this ritual, like in most initiation
rituals, is a closely guarded secret, but the general outline is that these young girls
are taught all about sex and sexual decorum, pregnancy, child birth, delivery etc.
Hence, the ritual process makes it possible for people at the pre-liminal stages to hold
a homologous and collective image of what their experience may be. This collective
understanding gets transfonned during the liminal stages when individuals are allowed
the space to come to tenns with the ritual truth. By the time the initiands are re-
incorporated into their society in the post-liminal stages, what originally was their
collective image in the pre-liminal stages would now have become coloured by
individual perceptions about themselves and things. In this manner, people who have
gone through the same initiation will emerge affected in different ways by a common
during which process individuals attain a level of solitude in which they see and know
things as they really are. Further on, Grainger writes that through the ritual process:
!he structure of the rite allows imeraction of persons who are both imerdependent and
independem, and neither isolated nor confused (Grainger:xi)
However, we must be careful in laying too much emphasis on the process, because
overt concern with process has the capability of undennining the meaning. Rituals
are not accidental happenings - their order, time and place are according to an
53
·~
any particular ritual. Werbner (1989) highlights this point when he writes that:
the processual form of ritual is not as imponant. as the ·key idea and its combination of terms
- the terms being coordinates for sequencing of phase. (14)
The researcher wonders if this warning will not be more relevant to those studying
rituals from an anthropological point of view. For the purpose of this work which
depth processual analysis because the correct interpretation of symbols, icons and
indices are contained within the process. This is because in the process we see the
relationship between various performers, how they use dialogue, their use of space,
costumes, arts, music and dance. Furthermore, if the this suggestion is correct, does
it make van Gennep's (separation, transition and incorporation) and Turner's (pre
liminal, liminal and post-liminal) phases obsolete in the study of rituals? Not
necessarily. What Werbner seems to be warning against is the urge to evaluate the
ritual process in isolation, to a point where the part becomes greater than the slim of
other aspects of the ritual. When this happens, meaning as well as the subtle
... people are metaphysically and sociologically remade into "new beings with new" social
roles. Newborn infants are made into human persons. children are made into adults, men and
women are made into husbands and wives, deceased people are made into revered ancestors,
princes are made imo ltings (Benjamin.l976:91)
This suggests that the ritual process can bring about irreversible changes, and one
only gets a balanced sense of this transformation when attention is paid to the ritual
in its entirety. This is best exemplified in how initiands use and position their bodies
in relation to other bodies within any given ritual space (actor placement), how rituals
54
·~
are ordered; and clustered (determining stages of experience), what ritual language is
rendered (former ritual exposure determines language intensity) and finally, how and
what symbols are used (the higher rituals use more complex symbols).
the "Ritual Tree" identified three categories of rituals namely: "social", "religious"
and "aesthetic" (229). This classification is helpful because it serves as a useful tool
that enables the creation of ritual boundaries, thereby helping in its understanding.
However, it must be pointed out that such a rigid classificatory mode does not exist
for the Igbo, as every ritual, to a certain extent, encompasses aspects of all three
categories. For instance, in the ozo title the social, religious and aesthetic are all
aspects of that one ritual. The social is evident in the announcement of the intention
to take the title, the religious during the period of isolation in the akwu ozo (ozo
nest), while the aesthetic is evident in the various dances that accompany the re-
However, it is during the religious aspect of rituals that the human instinct for
removed from their world, and there is a human need to bring him nearer by offering
him their world. So, although the Igbo realise that they are offering aspects of God's
own creation back to him, they are satisfied that they are able to offer something -
no matter how little, and albeit offering God's world back to him. In sharing what
they have with him, they overcome their feeling of inadequacy and thus share in
55
Furthermore, he notes that:
the purpose of religious ritual, then, is to proclaim the authenticity of human reality - the
finite world of men and women. Thus, ritual externalised those ideas and theories about the
meaning of reality which are given doctrinal form in the dogmas of creation and preservation
of men and their responsibility (25).
How then do human beings in their seeming ineptitude transcend their physical and
researcher is of the opinion that built into all rites of passage are those qualities that
enable the creation of a bond between the context, content and form of the ritual.
The consequence of this bonding is the liberation of people's sublime nature. Once
liberated, it affords them a transcendental insight into their real nature and place in
the universe. According to Benjamin (1989), this bonding is created during the rites
of passage:
between man and divinity ... between temporal process and archetypal patterns in order to give
meaning to human events (93)
Achieving this bonding can be quite arduous as it demands that "the physical
exteriorization of the emotions must be canalized, and this becomes a wave of explicit
signs (Barba, 1974:34) However, he like Schechner (1995) warns against placing
processes over and above all other aspects of the ritual. The implications of allowing
debates about one part to overshadow the sum total of all parts, has already been
discussed. The power of ritual as a whole is felt and seen more when we are able,
as Grainger (1974) suggests, to see how man (or woman) is able through ritual to
weave his/her speech, gestures and rhythm within a structured ceremonial, using
his/her body as a vehicle to achieve a form of worship. Through this process, he/she
intelligence which defies logic, but one in which they can face their own human-ness.
56
·,
the response which is forced from man by his awareness of divine transcendence [and which]
does not allow man to avoid the issue of its own ineptitude (32)
In summing up, it is easy to understand why what happens during rituals can never
be fully understood by the ritual outsider. This is because ritual is culture and
context specific, exclusive, sublime and above all, a personal experience. Ritual has
the power to lift both the performer and participant and afford them the courage to
talk and think of things that would normally be beyond his/her daily expression.
Without ritual, human existence may likely be a mass of chaotic and unanswered
experience, instead in ritual, human beings get an insight into their divine nature. It
is the only process that has the ability to transport men and women to a time and
space of unimaginable essence, where in guarded silence, they are able to glimpse
and further their exulted othemess. Ritual creates and solves its own challenges - it
is at one and the same time, the turbulent sea, the compass, the steadying keel and
the lighthouse. Through ritual, men and women become one with the Divine, and
57
CHAP'FER 3
Einführung
So far. a differentiation has been attempted between structure and process in ritual.
Structure refers to the general outline or the overall form which is static in nature.
Structure does not offer much information on the content because it does not attempt
to explain the "symbols. icons and indices" that are employed within the ritual. It
also does not offer any insight into the potential or latent capabilities and scope of
the ritual in question. In a sense, the structure looks at ritual in its synchronic state.
Since rituals are culture specific, it is important in discussing the structure of lgbo
rituals to briet1y revisit aspects of culture from which these ritu.Us spring. lgbo
culture operates on two interconnected levels - the human and the spiritual. The lgbo
diligently seek to maintain links with their ancestors. chi (personal gods) and other
creator). So, through rituals such as daily libation (iwa oji ututu), seasonal festivals
(such as lfijioku!Ahajioku) and initiations (such as iba afa and ima muo). the Igbo
seek insight into their spiritual nature and invite their ancestors and all other forces
around them to panake in their activities. These forces are the different deities that
are created by Chukwu and they include Jgwe (heaven), Anyanwu (Sun) and Ala/Ana
58
with the ancestors and personal gods, are messengers ofthe supreme God, who is the
central intelligence that permeates and orders. all aspects of lgbo existence.
For the lgbo, therefore, the real nature of Chukwu is incomprehensible and can only
be glimpsed through the attributes of his complex creation. Nkala ( 1980) wr:ites
... the supreme God concept is at the core of the lgbo world view. This concept is discernible
from:-
(c) proverbs and prayers, e.g. morning prayer with kolanuts, and
From the foregoing, it can be inferred that the Igbo perceive Chukwu as an active
force whose voice is thunder, his smile is lightning and the rains are his tears of joy.
Onwejeogwu (1987:62) informs us that the essence of the Chukwu of the lgbo can be
felt in the way it orders, permeates and empowers all the forces of creation and these
include, agbala (fertility), ife (sunlight), amamife (knowledge) and chi (destiny).
Chukwu also created - alusi (deities), including lfejioku - the deity responsible for
yam yields and agwu, the deity of afa (divination). He also created obodo (towns)
to be the abode of mmadu (humans), anumanu (animals) and decreed that at death,
humans become mmuo (spirit) and shall return to live in ani mmuo (the land of the
spirits). There are also two categories of spirits - good and bad, and the type people
become at death depends on their spiritual. social, economic and political status while
alive: and upon their ability to abstain from nso ana (abomination). For instance,
marriage and procreation also play an important part in this progression. Therefore,
great achievers who die leaving wives and children become revered ancestors, while
59
women who depart leaving husbands and children become revered daughters. Both
On the contrary, those people who lived unproductive or bad lives are believed to
have lost the vital life force used for reincarnation and either become ajo
muolakaliogholi (evil spirits) or ekwensu (devils). They inhabit the evil forest (ajo
ofia), and would sometimes visit their anger for their inability to reincarnate on the
living by afflicting them with ill luck, diseases, confusion and poor farm yields.
Some are benign and can be placated, while the malevolent ones must be exorcised
with specific rituals. The ogbanje are a mischievous group ofspirits who possess the
Furthermore, the Igbo believe that while alive, men and women have the ability to
make conscious choices about the type of posthumous spirits they will become. This
is founded on the Igbo belief that at birth, God endows each individual child with
some personal a£tributes that enable the type of fruitful existence that is conducive to
reincarnation. Some of these anributes are: ikenga (the strength of a man's right
hand and unfailing enterprise. uho (negotiation, persuasive argument), iru (imposing
personality), ukwu na ije (the force that directs adventure especially in foreign
memory, common sense). nso-na-egwu (respect and fear of God). How well these
develop depends first, on the parents and society and second, on how much an
So the Igbo are aware that there must be some good reasons for all these God-given
attributes at their disposal, one is that as human beings they have an important role
to play (as the custodians of the past and present from which the future takes form)
60
·.
in the relationship between them, their ancestors and their gods. This is because the
lgbo hold important information about their gods, myths and symbols, and they pass
these down from one generation to another as coded information during rituals.
The Igbo have the ability to create their gods to fit into the symbols and icons that
they can relate intensively and extensively to. It is the intensity of this relationship
with the unseen that make them a spiritual people who believe that being in harmony
with the gods should ensure positive responses on the pan of the gods in the form of
abundant resources. This Igbo expectation of the ancestors and deities sometimes
leads them to become disenchanted with these unseen forces. This is because there
are occasions when despite the hard work an individual puts in, the gods would
remain unresponsive - hence human expectations are not met. At other times, the
gods may become unnecessarily demanding even after numerous sacrifices, and when
this happens, people may become defiant and would refuse to placate and sanctify the
between individuals or an entire community and a deity. In extreme cases, this may
lead to the abandonment of that deity. Sometimes, an abandoned god may go quietly
without any major consequences, but at other times, it may fight back in retaliation,
inflicting ill-luck, sickness and death. To either fmd the cause of their rnisfonune or
resolve a long standing feud between them and their gods, the Igbo would always
reson to divination (igba afa) as a means of gaining insight into the 'thoughts' of the
gods. This enables them to find remedial actions needed to resolve the ominous
silence of their gods and ancestors. lgba afa is, therefore, born out of the Igbo need
61
to gaih an insight into the ways of the gods, and as Werbner (1989) notes:
Divination is the ritual with which 10 begin reflecting about rima!. Its seances stan the
reconstruction of social reality that 01her rituals complete. In divination, people:seek to obtain
their bearings, and to.prepare for the.symbolic relocation· of the person in other, later, rima!.
As a preliminary approach 10 the occult. divination is, in many pans of tbe world,
preeminently a ritual of orientation and disclosure. It creates and' is created by tbe sense of
discovery, for that reason it is typically explora10ry or variable, and remade for each
occasion, whereas other rituals. tied.to foreknowledge of the desired.outcome. unfold in fixed
coordinated sequences that rely on constant terms. What comes to be known during
divination. often through dran1atic modes of searching and fmding, is· the· hidden significance
oi events in extraordinary powers of communication; it tbus has to be seen ·and felt to· be
extraordinary. In many of the moments.of divination. little or·notbing need.acrually be said.
Instead. a silent language of objects is used for the presentation from the occult of felt
realities, for interpretation. and tor reflection (19)
This delicate power politics between an individual and his/her personal deities may
sometimes spill over to affect an entire community, and once again, different forms
The lgbo universe consists of the past. present and future. This statement is
universe where there is a constant coming and going berween the human world (the
present), that of the dead ancestors (the past), and of the unborn (the future). Yet in
the lgbo mind. these three separate spheres or orbs of existence are one - they are not
differentiated because these spheres co-exist in the same place, time and space. From
Figure 3 .I below, these three spheres touch each other at different points but there
is only a small commonly shared space in between the three. It is this commonly
62
i
,I "' r'·---~\
! \
-pAS'f PRESEN1 I
.. . . .
• • •• • : • meeting point between past & present
• -- 0 •• / "
. '1
t, X
)J • )
Y:~A.x~
,>
.1 '11 '- t<..t.,.. ~' }
)t..Jl
,. "' • .1<
-1
meeting point between ruture & post • X.f ~ • Jo....._'<; 'l'- I
' "' 1- "x t- ~
I
~ ,.· . )'~
', :"' ,. ,,_.;!!
~ I
"" "1- ,..
~ t ' ) ,.. . y ,.. -r
~~
/
...--··
~ ogg meeting point between future & present
0
o~ o0 ·
10
....._ ___
It is also worth noting that this interrelation between the orbs is not as straightforward
or as simple as it sounds because at any given time, there are multiple levels of
the present, past and future; the present and the past and vice versa; the present and
the future, the future and the past and vice versa etc. So the Igbo are acutely aware
of the influence exerted on their own world by this shared existence - an awareness
acknowledged in the names they give their children including, Tabugo (Today is
timely enough), Azuka (The past is supreme), Nkiruka (The future is supreme),
63
So, the Igbo use their rituals .as a means of negotiating the shared commonality
between them, the past imd future. Rituals are a unique performance whiCh enables
a fusion of the three levels of lgbo existence because in-built in the ritual structure
is that which best allows for the co-existence of the three planes in one moment and
space. It is, therefore with the ritual context (present time) that the Igbo are able to
recapture within a single space and time, the original time (past time, or time out of
time) and the future time. For example, during marriage rites in Igboland, the format
of the rite being enacted is repetitive and possibly as old as the Igbo themselves. In
the process of a man taking a wife or a woman taking a husband, this age-old action
is being replayed in the present (here and now) represented by performers and
participatory observers from both the bride and the groom's side. What is repeated
in the marriage rite is action performed in original time by the original Igbo ancestor
and so each marriage recalls and re-enacts this primordial action as a means of
validating/sanctifying the marriage act in the present. And it is the same in most
other rituals. It is, therefore, through the re-enactment of this rite, that the past and
present are brought together to co-exist in the same time and space. By the end of
the rite, this fusion of the past and present would have enabled a negotiation of the
future now embodied in the man and his new wife. This synthesis of the three levels
of existence (past, present and future) is only possible within the rite which has the
innate ability to engender a shared sense of belonging - a sense born out of the sheer
During rituals, performer(s) become a conduit through whom the past is brought to
audience to identify with the crisis being negotiated. For example, during burial
64
·.
rituals is that the participatory observer-audience come face to face with the fear of
the unknown which is safely contained within the ritual. On the contrary, a ritual
with the right intensity enables the initiated to look back on all his/her on life so far
and ro re-affirm readiness to make take on more challenges. For both the uninitiated
and the initiated, the result of this encounter with the recreated past can be quite
... the rite prepares and enables us for the future by disanning the past. Not all past time,
but our own past in its negative aspect, the past which drains the·present of its meaning and
significance, of its life. The rites allows us to understand in the present and live in the
present. At the same time it recalls and makes present that pan of the past which allows the
present 10 be itself... (113)
This is true of the initiation into the masquerade cult, part of which happens in the
middle of dark nights. For those who have not passed through the ritual, the
predominant fear is that of dark nights and evil spirits that prowl in it. However, this
ritual is designed in such a way that an integral part of it challenges and confronts
these fears from early childhood. For the already-initiated who are either officiating
or observing the ritual, the initiation becomes a travel through time in which they
remember with pride and wonder at their resilience in challenging the power of the
unknown.
What Grainger, also, describes above can be seen when one observes people arriving
However, at the end, they leave as a group bound together by a shared intensity
which Nkala (1982) describes when he writes that "ritual observances constitute the
pulse. the very heart beat of a village life all the year round"(!). This is because
rituals possess the inherent characteristic of creating fresh uncertainties in their bid
to resolve existing ones. The fresh uncertainties must also be negotiated. So the
successive pattern of lgbo rituals results from the ever-present positive tension
65
generated' by the three levels of existence as they attempt to balance and co-exist with
one another. For instance, the nature of this positive tension can be better
appreciated if one .understands why the Igbo seem to celebrate all· their major rituals
between mid-October and mid-March. There are two main seasons in Igboland - the
rainy season and the dry season. The rainy season is also referred to as the farming
season and lasts from March through to October. The first rain fall in the year (about
mid February to March) marks the beginning of the farming season (which includes
the whole process of preparing the farmland by burning, tilling, sowing and
weeding). During the farming season, there are no major rituals as most of the
people are busy in their farms. In some areas where arable land is scarce, people
would travel great distances to access their farmlands. In cases like this, they build
camp settlements in their farms for the duration of the season, and return to their
villages once the imensive periods of sowing and tending new crops are over.
On the contrary, the dry or harvesting season usually lasts from about mid-October
to mid-February which is a leisure time during which people rest and await the
coming of the rains. During the months of December to January, the hannanan, a
dry dusty wind from the Sahara desert crosses Igboland. At this time of the year,
grasses are tinder-dry as most vegetation would have been exposed to the intense heat
that comes at the end of the rains. This is also the time that people would burn their
dry land to get them ready for farming with .the next first rains; however, before
burning the bushes, they would have set snares to trap animals that escape from the
bush fires. So this is a also for hunting and most major communal and personal
rituals happen during the dry season for three reasons. First, it is the period when
people are relaxed and when they do not have the pressures of farming to contend
with. Second, it is a time when farm yields would have been harvested so there is
ample food for celebration. 'Third, the bush-fire season is the hunting season during
66
which people trap enough game and animals which they sometimes prepare for the
who understood little about the natural cycle the Igbo follow argued that the Igbo did
These numerous celebrations are a mark of the never-ending need the Igbo have for
rituals which enable them to negotiate progression, transition and the fear of the
changes they involve. Grainger writes about the fear of the unknown and change
thus:
Ritual is about change, and the terrors and uncenainties which surround change, but which
must somehow be 'accepted into the system'... It is about mankind's fear of novelty, of
unstructured situations and states of flux, in which the old way is over and done away with
and the new has not yet really begun: it is about life without existential guide-lines, when man
must launch himself out into the unknown; it is about the fear of the threshold, the need to
plot new areas of experience ... (115)
However, the Igbo believe that human nature limits the type of extra-sensory
perception needed to "plot these new areas of experience", hence their need for
between the Igbo and the unseen. It is a tried and tested means of prising information
and knowledge from the unknown, from the spirit world. On the one hand, it belies
the Igbo fear of the unknown while on the other, it shows a people who are aware of
their connection with the unseen. Therefore, from the time a child is conceived,
through life and until after death, this dramatic form of communication is present.
The Igbo believe that the human being is a spirit undergoing a human experience, so
they have a tireless yearning to understand the higher meaning of life. Being agrarian
67
also keeps them in very close contact with the forces of nature who they believe are
spirits of thunder, lightning, rain and/flood etc), Igbo people are able to know when
they are in or out of Chukwu's favour. Furthermore, because of this belief that God
is manifest through these elements, the Igbo have an overwhelming desire to ensure
the regularity of their consultation with the oracles through the dibia (medicine man).
Divination is a primary ritual - a first among equal and without it the Igbo will not
be able to fmd answers to the numerous questions they ask of the gods. According
to Werbner (1989)
Divination is the ritual of rituals. It opens our understanding of the people's own interpretive
process, for in a sense divination is ritual that, to a great extent, operates on a ret1ective meta-
level. It is a ritual in which the people themselves give interpretations of their symbols, icons,
and indices (4)
Furthermore, and in case there were doubts about the classification of divination as
a ritual,
he continues:
I want to stress that it is ritual not merely because divination is symbolic action. but also
because it is action in which people are moved by what they feel to be their experience of the
occult. And divination. no less than other ritual. has its disparate moments as well as its
capacity to play on different levels at once ... (4)
Rituals operate on many levels. Igbo masking tradition is a typical example where
people know that behind the mask is an individual, but for them that individual's
persona is changed once he puts on the mask. He is from that moment an ancestral
spirit and from then, the dynamics of the relationship between them :md this spirit
changes to the point where it is almost reverential. Some may regard the masked
person as a total spirit while others may see him as a human conduit through whom
68
attributes of an ancestor manifest. This point can be further elaborated when we take
the scenario where a supplicant is asked to provide a chick for use in divination. The
Igbo mind would automatically think of it symbolically and would see, not just a
chick but, its symbolic anributes which include innocence, swiftness and its lease of
a new life after being used as a ritual agent. So the chick is not just a chick. but a
symbol of survival for the supplicant. It has been used in negotiating with the unseen
Divination and subsequently sacrifices, are two very important aspects of lgbo life,
and are usually the first step towards the resolution of complex siruations that may
arise between people or between people and the gods. This probably explains the
sheer number of divination rites which occur on a daily basis as the Igbo seek
harmony with the forces they have to co-exist with. Beyond the need for a
harmonious co-existence is the fact that in divination people acknowledge and pay due
attention to the existence of their ancestors and gods. By making out time to divine
the mind of these ancestors and gods, the Igbo are able to tap into their own higher
spirirual essence obscured by the pressures of their daily lives. Eliade (1957) notes
that:
Since for religious man of primitive society. myths constitute his sacred history. he must not
forget them, by actualising the mytbs, he approaches his gods and panicipates in sanctity
(106)
levels of lgbo existence. The need the Igbo have for divination has led to a
69
The term "dibia" (medicine man/woman) among the Igbo refers to a healer, seer or
priest(ess) of the gods. The people in this vocation are usually chosen by the spirit
that owns and inhabits the shrine. Once a prospective dibia has been identified, .the
individual will be informed of the wish of the spirit of that panicular shrine for their
service. Some people may refuse initially, but this. unfulfilled vocation will continue
to disrupt their lives in such significant ways, until they are forced to resort to
divination to enable them to find out what the problem is. If dibia afa finds out that
priesthood, a series of initiation rites are performed after which the individual is
ready to engage in a long apprenticeship during which his/her eyes are symbolically
opened to the secrets of the gods. Initiation rituals into the dibia cult are ascetic and
a period of denial of earthly pleasures. For instance during this ritual, initiands are
made to avoid contact with water. The idea is w allow herbal incisions on their skin
a chance to settle-in without being washed off. So at some points in this panicular
ritual, water which is usually used for cleansing and purification in most rituals
apprenticeship to, the dibia cult, is a training in the secrets of herbs and divination.
Usually, a priest[ess] can specialise in one or more areas, and the length of training
may differ from two to thiny years depending on the areas of specialisation and the
There are four main categories of dibia - Dibia Afa (Diviner). Dibia Aja (Priest[ess]),
Dibia Ogwu (Herbalist) and Dibia Mmili or Ora Mmili (Rain maker). Dibia afa
specialises in divination. dibia aja in preparing and carrying out various sacrifices
recommended by the diviner and offered at different shrines and to different gods;
dibia ogwu specialises in diagnostics and treatment of different diseases with herbs
70
while dibia mmili or ora mmili specialises in the art of rain making and prevention.
There are also other categories of dibia that specialise in circumcision, delivery of
difficult births, incision of abscesses and/or tumours and in setting fractures. Among
the lgbo all categories of dibia are equally important, but the diviner is primary
because without his intervention, neither the dibia,aja nor the herbalist would be,able
This also explains the esteem in which the divination priest[ess] is held as a go-
between for the Igbo and their ancestors and gods. Their role is unique because the
process of divination offers them an insight into the thinking of the gods and this
enables them to offer suggestions about what people need to do to promote harmony
with the unseen forces around them. Arazu (1981) discusses the role of the forrune-
The fortune-teller and the medicine man [and I add, woman] have powers to get in !Ouch with
the dead and other spirits. in order to find our their plans for man. and in order to secure their
good pleasure or ward off their wrath. Those who see visions or apparitions make haste to
consult these experts for an authemic interpretation oi the phenomena. The fortune-teller and
the medicine man are the experts or adept oflgbo traditional religion. (57)
the dibia afa (diviner) with either a physical or spiritual problem. The diviner in turn
consults the spirits of the ancestors (see a detailed account of divination below) to
intercede in determining and interpreting the wishes of the gods. Where appropriate,
sacritices stipulated by the diviner are performed by the priest[ess] in the knowledge
that all will be well. Divination is a sophisticated, highly symbolic and essentially
which operates on two levels between four parties (supplicant, diviner, his aja or
divination seeds and the unseen). The tirst level of relationship is that between
71
·.
humans (the supplicant and the diviner), while. the second is between th,e human (the
diviner), a non-vocal but visible party (divination seeds) and the unseen (spirit[s]).
The dynamics of these two levels of relationships is that each level employs its own
language - possibly to the exclusion of the silent party. For instance, language
between the supplicant and the diviner is verbal, while that between the diviner and
the unseen is non-verbal and symbolic. On the first level (between supplicant and
diviner), the unseen seems to be excluded, while on the second level (diviner and
to the south of Nsukka. This account is rendered here and not together with other
rituals because of the primary position the divination ritual enjoys. Divination
employs a high level of symbolism which will be discussed within the context of the
narrative.
This process of divination began with an inquirer's visit ro !he home ofrhe "dibia" or diviner.
On arrival (there was no prior appoimment ·booked), !he visitor was made welcome by rhe
diviner and in !he process of their conversation he informed rhe diviner that he would like a
consultation done for him. The diviner rook him aside for a more private preliminary
imerview. After the imerview, the diviner rerumed with the supplicant and asked. him ro sir
at anomer location in his from room.
The location where he asked the man to sit was the place where the divination would occur.
When asked why he sar him in that particular place. !he diviner e;'lp[ained that !here was no
particular significance, but that he wanted ro remove the inquirer from !he place where we sat
to afford him some quiet before the divination proper. In the meantime. rhe diviner reached
to !he rafter (root) of his thatched hut. rook a cup and proceeded to the back of his house.
He returned with a cup of water. moved ro !he from of his house and began to wash his face
and his hands. He would rake a mourhful oi water and swished it around his mouth with a
"woshe. woshe" sounding noise: and then he spar it our. All !he while he was imoning ro
himself in a low voice.
This was his pre-divinarion cleansing ritual and he explained that while he performed this
rima!. he faced the East - source of the rising sun - symbolising rhe power of light. sight and
inspiration. During the cleansing, he also washed all !he parts 1hat would be used 10 touch,
see and ralk to the ancestors. In washing his face. he cleansed his eyes. and so with his hands
which he would use 10 later bring our and throw his divination seeds. He washed his mouth
because through it he would beckon the ancestors and deities when the rire began.
On re-entering his from room, he repeatedly greeted (he was a new man after !he cleansing
and was seeing us for 1he tirsr rime in his new capacity) everyone saying "dcji-nu" (you are
very welcome) as he reached above the rafter one more rime and brought down .a dried and
rolled-up animal hide, skinned off a black and white coloured goat and a raffia bag which was
72
his bag of afa paraphernalia -with some stuff ran ling 'inside {he later informed me that it is
the hide of a he-goat, and the he-goat is believed to be psychic). He spread it out on the
floor. sits down with his feet wide apart and his afa.bag in bctween.both legs. He invited the
supplicant to move and sat down on the floor opposite him. and made his presentation to his
(the diviner's) ·•agwlt" {the spirits inhabiting his divination paraphernalia).
The supplicant dipped his hand.into his own bag and• promptly came up with four kolanuts and
live naira (Nigerian currency) note - these were token gifts before the diviner could let his
afa ouL The token was to:clean the path of the·afa. He held the kolanut and money in the
cup of both palms held together in a gesture of someone begging tor alms and said: "Please
beg your agwu to receive·these gifts from me." The•diviner cleared his throat, collected the
gifts from the supplicant and started to mutter to himself.. Wnen he had muttered enough. he
informed the supplicant that the afa thanked him for his gift. He then put the four kolanuts
and tive naira note aside and invited the supplicant to ex'plain his mission - this time to the
aia. Still seated on the tloor, the supplicant pushed his whole body frame forward as if to
enable the diviner to hear him clearly. and he began "I have come to your oracle because for
a long time. I have not heard from my son who is trading in a distant place. and I am
worried".
T:1e distant place was Baucni r.about 100 miles awav from them. ,md his son •.vas home about
17 months ago). Meanwhile the diviner listened intently ·.vith his head bowed (as if he:lfing
rhis r"or rhe rirst :ime.,. He did nm ;peak while the supplicant stated the reason for l1is visit,
When he eventually spoK.e. it •.vas w ask some questions as if to clarify the information 1.he
suppiicant had ~iven. Then he went dead quiet for 1 coupie of minutes.
Arie~ ;his. he dipped imo his akpa aJa (divination bag) and tOok out a moulded piec~ or .,ll?.it"
(white •:haikl and used :he "nzu" eo drawl drc:1lar pattern •Jn the r1oor. :Vw is the ·;ymbol
of the gods inhabiting the seas. The circle drawn was eo iJe his ritua.i ;oace ;·or the
consultation with the orade. lt was now :;acred and when he started throwing the 'oi.:we·
seds. only chose that teil imo this derined ;pace wouid be imerprered. (The okwe tree
beiongs m the iroko fan1iiy. its roots grows deep into the ~mh ~symbolic of tie~p comae: with
Mmhe: Earth and immovability] and because me branches spread out wide. it is home for
birds of the air and >he!ter ror human beings. Its great and robust crunk which grows quite
high represents the physical link between the sky and the earth l.
He dipped again and this ti!Tle emerged with a small tortoise :;heil 1:which l1e placed ~n m
inve~ted position!. In lgbo iables. the !Ortoise is :mown tor oeing ilid. wiiy. savvy md
notoriously slow. However, :he tortoise's lack of speed has never been known m limit its
operations because where he cannot reach. he would use others to do so. So the shell of the
tortoise symbolised the manipulative will that is needed in the nesotiations with the unseen.
Another dip into his divination bag and the diviner produced his charm or divination beads
which was a :;et ol iour half vkwe seeds and some cowrie shells on a ;:ring (cowrie :;hells are
a symbol ol wisdom that comes irom the depth of the seal. his vfo ~beneiJe •.vhich is a piece
of sculptured stick carved out oi ;he ebenebe wood. with copper strings around one end. The
ofa is a symbol oi male authomy and the ebenebe tree symbolises greamess and grace because
it is one of che biggest cre~s in the forest. and above all by perching on it. che ~agles ~race
it ·.vith their presence. The rest of his ~harms were a smail bone and a smail ram'; horn.
The ram·; horn is a represemation of the ram which symbolises strength and courage (refer
to ''Ritual :\gems").
ln !Jerrormance cerms ..~·,erything that has ;o iar emerged from his bag became individual
char:~ctersin this plav md had been placed in a corner of his deiined performance space/stage
whe:-e •hey would remain until he ~ues ihem to speak.
Next. he brought out 1 pod oi alligator pepper or "ose oji". and he took a few >eeds irom :he
pod which he threw into ;he circle !for the unseen r·orces alrc;u.!y cnmained in i1is nzu .:irc!e
to ·!all. then he threw some into his mouth. The ailigator pepper poJ contains riny ;Jee'r.ery
>e~ds and these sterilise the diviner's mouth against whatever deiilemem is let! over from
;wishing the water in his mouth earlier on.
73
Taking one of the kolamm from those presented by the supplicant, the diviner consecrated it
and as he did so, he invoked all the deities and ancestors. 10 come and take their share of
kolanut. and get ready to speak. When he broke the kolanut, there were four lobes and the
diviner beamed.a.contented smile. Four lobes in ·lgbo kolanut numerology signifies the four
market days meaning that the deities were happy. Taking a lobe, he split it into many tiny
fractions using the nail of his thumb. He threw one linle fraction outside towards the door
and the rest.he· more carefully brought to ·rest in the detined circle. The dramatic movement
in the nonchalant manner in which he threw the small. piece towards the door was very
apparent- as opposed to the care with which he:placed the rest of the•pieces IO·rest within'the
circle. That piece thrown outside was for the uninvited and mostly mischievous forces who
unless they got a share of whatever was being shared. no matter how small. had the ability
10 negatively interfere with the process of divination.
He also threw a lobe of the kolanut into his mouth and started crunching and as .he did so, he
continued with his invocation. offered· one lobe to the supplicant and beckoned on my
companion and myself to take half a lobe each.
Chewing the kolanut and still ;nutter!ng his invocations. he reached one more time into his
bag, lllll wok out his :~t'a cap ·a high red ca!J (!he kind worn by lgbo ozo men.,. !I is adorned
with one large feather "abubo 11go naicheoku" (eagle's and ;ed parrot's (eathers respectively)
.:Jn each side. The eagle r'e:nher is symbolic of insight and anainment of great heights. while
<he ;ed par.ot'; ie:uher ;epresented the power or doquence. Pmting <he cap on his head. he
adjusted and cradled it •.vith both palms on <!ac:-t side or his ht:ad just above the ears ior a few
;nomems in a dasping motion lhat was intended <O ;top bmh 1he c:1p and his head t'rom
~xpanding. .\i\ :he whik he •.vas ;nunering incam:ltions \he later ~xplained eo me rhat he was
'e-o;c:ivating the Jorrnam psvc:tic qualities !n 1he .:ap"t.
Taking hold or 1he white chalk with which he .had ~ar!icr on derined his ritual space. he
ground it ·Jn ille bare rloor in a from/backward movement until :1e !Xtr:lcted ~nough powder.
With <he !ndex ting<:!r on his right hand. he wok some or' <he powder. murked a white ':irc!e
around !1is eyes. This would give him che abiiiry eo >ce clearly. His incantation 'Nas now
more audible and more t'renzied. He picked up his a[a be:Jds. threw them repeatedly within
lhe circle and as he did ;o, called on Arejio'{ba (their ancestral god) to anend. He looked as
if he was expecting the be:Jds m ;peak or move. (! am informed that the gods he !nvoiced at
any time would normally depend •Jn the purpose oi' the suppli~ant's ·1isit. He could call on
lte-ogene (god oi' procreation) or Nwakwwe (the girt bearing god that lppears at lfijioku or
the new yam :'estival).
Still .;tudying the panem •:reated by me thrown beads. the diviner used the oio ebenebe to
touch ~ach divination bead as if willing them to speak and <hen did his ;>ermutation as he
invoked the ancestors some ;nore. He tapped the mnoise shell •.vith the ofo and it produced
a hollow ;ound 'kpoom · "ktJoom" ''kpoom" and he invoked Arejiogba to speak his mind.
<alking to the ar'a 3eeds independently at each <ime.
He pronounced "the tire never lacks what it eats" and lhere was :10 interval as he looked at
the iJkwe seed 1umed upside down. "fire never ceases to find !ts feud". (Interval). "He
[referring :o God]) who has given 1he skunk to a child will give the child 'Nater with ·.vhich
to wash his hands' (lmerval). "your son tills the iand" (imervai). "he JWaits the harvest"
(intervai), ·~o home' (imerval), J!l will be well''.
The tension in betwe~a each spoken word was paipable as he waited ;'or :he next >et of
;nessages. C:ac:1 <ime he ~ot a message. he threw <he beads again o'or another ·;et or messages
to come ;h;ough and dari~; the received message. He ~ontinued 'eceiving messages md
depending on what mt:ssag:e he got. tie wouid stop to interrogate ~he ;uppl icant for further
clarification.
74
At a• point the supplicant said to the diviner "ask them if he shall rerum?". The diviner·took
a string of cowrie shells and one string of the okwe seed and vigorously threw i1 as if to force
an answer out of the unseen presence. He waited, then smiled "he shall return when he
rerums. all will be well."
After that. he relayed all the messages he had received as if to re-confirm what the afa had
said. andrinstructed the supplicant to visit the dibia aja who.would recommend the appropriate
sacritice to enlist the protection of the ancestors and deities over his son.
Still intoning, he removed his cap. started to gather his afa parlphemalia in the order in which
he had brought them out. and carefully placed them inside:his raffia bag. The supplicant sat
patiently until he finished before he thanked the diviner and then left.
The account given above shows that the action moves from outside (the supplicant
arrives from outside the diviner's house) and moves inside (as the supplicant describes
his mission). The action sequence is once again taken outside ihe diviner's house
during cie:msing :1nd on his re-emering his house. rhe :J.ction is taken w a corner of
the room where it becomes contained in a smaller but well de tined circle.
Strucrurally. the divination encounter has a fixed format. First are the pre!iminary
meeting and inquiries. both by the supplicant and by the diviner to establish the
narure of the problem. This is followed by the preparation and the ritual which
include cleansing with water, marking the eyes with nzu, defining rbe space,
cosruming and :1ssembling the props (ala paraphernalia) etc. This is then followed
and interrogations of both the supplic:mt and the spirit forces by the diviner who is
the conducror/director of the entire encounter. The order is reversed at the end of
the divination.
The process reveals a high level of symbolism :1nd representation that does not happen
in evervday
.. life. Werbner (1984) describes the process of divination rhus:
75
Divination· is meant to reveal occuli realities through extraordinary powers of communication;
it thus has 10 be seen and felt to be extraordinary. In many of the moments of divination.
linle or nothing need actually be said. Instead'. a silent language of objects is used for the
presentation from the occult of felt realities. for interpretation. and for retleciion. Or. if
words are at all spoken. they are cryptic, highly elusive, and perhaps in a special language
or in archaic verse. Almost never are•they unambiguous. The imagery used is paradoxical
and puzzling: it is evocative on different levels of meaning at once, At other moments,
however. interpretation becomes more explicit' verging·on direct statement, Divination takes
form as discourse through disparate moments. (20)
The divination process functions on very disconsonant levels and the dramatic tension
is unique because it is generated by the interaction of the most unlikely fields. In this
case, communication happens across three different categories of characters who are
involved in the process. namely. the human, the inanimate and the unseen ones. The
human characrers directly involved in the process were the supplicant and the diviner.
The researcher and her companion were observers. The inanimate characters were
the powerful divination symbols, for .::xample. the tortoise shell. the eagle feather. the
ofo ebenebe Jnd the cowrie shells. The unseen characters were the ancesmrs ar.d
deities whom he acknowledgd during cleansing by facing the East, and others with
The oracle was the most active in the sense that it was the medium used by the
diviner to ask for and get the required information from the ancestors and deities.
The action unfolds gradually with the diviner making all the necessary preparation eo
ensure that all goes well. Water and later on, alligator pepper. are the different form
of cleansers with which he symbolically cleanses all parts of his body that will be in
direct comact with the oracle. The stage varies from the entire from room to a
corner in the living room where the diviner uses the nzu to furrner mar!( out his
performam;;: space. The diviner directs all movements and acrions within the wider
and more circumscribed space. Aiso. he decides in which order the props from his
afa bag appear and how they are placed within his performance circle. The tortoise
76
·.
shell comes first because apart from its symbolism. it serves as a container in which
When he is done with his role as a director. he rerurns to play the actor by putting
on his cap - which is the smi1e as those won by the ozo title holders. Among Igbo
people. ozo title taking is one of the riruals of distinction taken by elders and
distinguished men in readiness for a more sublime fonn of living prior to the journey
{after death) to the land of their revered ancestors. Hence when used in the
divination context. the cap confers all the attributes of an ozo (moral asruteness and
different sta2es. First. the cleansing in the forecourt is his own rehearsal. The
divination bag which he ;etrieves from the rafter of his house somains all his cosrume
(red cap with te:.tthers). prop (ofo, white chalk. tortoise shell. cowrie shells ere) and
By detining the space. he detennines once again where the perfonnance will take
place. Once this is done, the on stage perfonnance really srans. The interpretation
given to the half okwe seed and cowrie depends on a couple of variables. First, it
depends on the deiry or oracle that is in attendance. and second on the circumstance
warranting the divination. Different deities make different demands. hence they
would understand and interpret the inquiry by the diviner and the micro-dramatics of
the divination seeds differently. It is because of these variables that the Igbo would.
sometimes. invite more than two L~fa when they wish to ensure that my divination
reading is correct. It is also interesting to note that an object that falls outside the
defined circle is not interpreted. According co the diviner. there are no set indic::!s
for interpreting the fall of the half okwe seeds and cowrie shells, but there are broad
outlines that are learnt with the trade which every diviner must personalise through
77
repeated practice to be able to work with and interpret them successfully.
What the researcher found most interesting were the messages that the diviner relayed
from the afa. They were re-assuring enough in this circumstance, but could have
answered many other needs. "The fire never lacks what it eats" can be interpreted to
mean that the supplicant's son (like the fire) once lit. must have something cooked
in it - meaning that he is well taken care of by the cosmic, and (like the fire which
has to keep flaming so as not to rum into embers), the supplicant's son struggles to
keep alive. This is a fact of life and normal m most people. However. a more
pessimistic interpretation of the same statement could also mean that just as
misforrune never fails to strike normal people. his son was in trouble. Furthermore.
his use of the phrase "all is well" could be a philosophical resignation to the will of
manager. script interpreter and continuity artist. Like a good director, he leaves the
supplicant a lot of creative freedom in which to interpret the messages (text) that he,
the diviner. had transmitted. The continuation of the performance and its context
78
Types of sacrifices
Sacrifices are usually the next stage after divination in the process of psychic and
physical redress or resolution of personal crises among the lgbo, And depending on
the outcome of the divination, the dibia afa can recommend three categories of
ward off any evils and misfortune. Propitiatory are those sacritices performed to
placate the ancestors and gods for the sustenance of existing or the restoration of
favours where there had been improprieties. These ensure the rerum of harmony
between people and these forces. Osadaka are performed in thanksgiving for
blessings anticipated or already received. They are usually in the form of open-door
feasts in which all are welcome to partake and offer prayers for their host's intention.
The afa may specify particular groups of invitees or participants to the sacrifice/feast.
For example, in cases where a female supplicant seeks children, she may be asked
to prepare a feast to which only children are invited. As always, the sacrifice or feast
is performed in the belief that the spirits of those innocent invitees would attract
The discussion of divination has now opened the way for other rituals. But because
the subject area of ritual is a vast one, it has become necessary to introduce concepts
that will enable a clearer understanding of the subject area. There are different
categories of rituals, and each category has a collection of rituals that belong to the
i9
same time and space. Igbo rituals reveal that while some are mandatory, others are
not. Furthetmore. while different rituals demand different agents, the structure and
components of most rituals belonging to the same category (space and time) appear
the same. 1his observation is revealing because it means that a model can be
developed for the study of rituals by breaking any given ritual down into various
components and using these components to determine the rirual characteristics and
purpose(s). More important is that these concepts also offer insight into rirual
Most rituals of passage can be classified J.s either passive. controiled active or active
and these adjectives connote the level of the initiand"s physical and emotional
Passive rituals are those performed for the individual. So although other people may
be closely involved in the ritual. the emphasis is not on them. Examples include the
parents in relation to a new born baby during its naming ceremony or the immediate
family of a deceased person in relation to the transition rites being performed for the
The naming ceremony is a passive ritual performed for every child born w the Igbo.
In traditional Igbo society men and their wives did not live in the same house. The
man's house was called the iba or obilobu and it was usually the main structure on
entering rhe compound. His wife or wives lived in their own smaller huts (mkpuke)
at the back of the iba. There were no hospitals or maternity homes - women were
delivered in their huts. The birth of the child is announced to his father in his iba.
80
After the ·bil'th, the mother and baby would remain in the hut for seven market weeks
(twenty eight days) before the naming ceremony which usually happens inside the
father's iba ~if there are. many people, the space before the iba would be also be
used). The naming ceremony is a passive rirual during which the child is
incorporated into the society and given a personal identity (its name). Before this
rime the child would be referred to as nne (if it is a girl) or nna meaning 'boy'.
After the naming ceremony, the mother is re-incorporated into the society and could
During the naming ceremony, the child is for the first time taken beyond its mother's
mkpuke into the r'arher' s iba. Figuratively, that would be the child's and its mother'>
first time inside his father's house since birth. This expiains rhe varied names given
to this ceremony in different parts of Igboland some of which include I kubara n 'ww
-
(to be brou!!ht into t.he house'!. I kuouw
- . nwa (to brin!!- out a child). I ;;ura ife (to see
~
t.he light) and I ba nwa afa (to name a child). The tirst lhree suggest crossing a
t.hreshoid, while the last one suggests the conferment of an individual identity. All
four are suggestive of what happens within the naming ceremony which rakes place
in the iba. On the contrary. funeral rites are also passive - totally passive during
The importance of the strucrure and purpose of these two riruals is a strong factor
which suggests that one major characteristic of riruals in this category is crossing of
t.hresho lds.
81
'The Passive-active or controlled active rituals is ,perfonned bv the individual under
the tutelage of an elderly or more mature and initiated individual. Most of the rituals
in this category belong to what can be tenned ~ituals of adolescence, and they include
initiations like that into the masquerade cult (ima mmuo) and initiations into
womanhood (iso ebe). These rituals are passive-active because they are usually
initiated by the parents or adult guardians of the initiand, who later becomes more
!so ebe is perr"onned by young girls under the guidance of dderly women. during
which both che young girls and their mentors remain in seclusion for three months.
Each young girl is assigned her own chaperon/mentor who would see to her welfare
throughom o;edusion. When the time for this initiation comes. the mentor would
:mive to escon the girl to the venue (usually the shrine of the goddess of feniliry)
where thev will meet with orher initiands. It is there that these ne vices are taU!!ht all
' -
the secrets of womanhood. When they are through with their period of seclusion. the
women will return them to their respective families. This ritual and the initiation of
young boys into the masquerade cult are grouped under the Controlled Active group
because all the actions are pert'onned by the initiand but under the direction of a more
mature person, and because rhe initiands do not initiate it. It is often the parents or
guardian who know when the time is ripe for each girl or boy to go through the
process of initiation. They make most of the preparation. but the rite proper requires
Active rituals are those rituals initiated and perfonned bv the individual. In these
rituals. the individual is the principal and makes most major decisions regarding how.
when and where the ritual takes place. Most adulthood rituals (inu nwanyi or
marriage rites) and rituals of distinction (ozoliyom) belong to this group. One
82
·•
interesting finding of this study is the fact that all rituals in the personal sub category
start as passive. graduate to active and return full cycle to passive in a sense
Using the marriage ceremony as an example. it is the man who decides when he is
ready for a wife. Where he is having difficulties with fmding one, his family may
get involved and introduce someone to him. After this, the elders carry out all the
necessary negotiations for him, but with his approval. lgbo marriages involve six
distinct srages which are lche ego (declaration of imencion by the man), iju ajuju
(inquiry into family genealogy) Iru onu aku (negotiation of bride price), ibu
egoiiwena ice (payment of bride price), igba nkwu nwanyili na be di,ndulu nwanyi
(marriage proper) and ogo malu ago (formal imrcduction of relevant in-!awsl. All
the activities take place in the girl's home except part of the marriage proper and ogo
malu ogo, and the groom is the person who makes all the decisions in conjunction
Ritual categories
Information :~bout me origin and sheer numbers of Igbo ritual can be as speculative
as the origin of the people. What. however. we cannot speculate on is the fact that
me lgbo, like most Nigerian societies possess a rich tradition of performance which
... in many ~igerian societies. [there exists] a robust the:urical tradition. Tne primitive root
of that tradition must be sought in the numerous religious rituals md fesuvals :hat e.~ist in
many ~igerian communities. For. as an expression or the relationship aetween man. society
and nature, drama .1rose om of fundamemal human needs in the dawn or' :tuman civilization
and has continued 10 express those needs ~ver since ... emoodymg his rirst preoccupations. his
tirst struggles. set·oacks and all.t3)
83
·•
information from which we can learn a lot about the people. their gods, their
So far in this study. we have succeeded in establishing the following: (a) that riruals
negotiate their way through life's crises and (b) that riruals are either passive or
active. The grouping of riruals into categories will enable a further undemanding
of the narure of these riruals. This is because once these categories have been
such, it will be easier to establish the reason for each rirual and its order in relation
to other categories. With this in mind . .;•1ery ritual can be categorised into three
Communal rir..41ls deal with the sanctification of communal deities, seasons. and
shrines - usually mey involve everyone in the community. Most of these are annual
riruals that follow a pre-determined calendar. They are ail active in me sense ~hat the
communities involved perform them for their own well-being and continuity with me
priest/ess of the deiry dec:ding (in agreement with the elders) exactly when the rirual
should happen. Like most active riruals, they have a secret and public componem.
Priest/ess and the elders away from public glare and. most probably at me shrine of
me deity, while the public componems are in the form of celebrations open to all
Most communal riruals are used by different communities to affirm their oneness on
both the physical and spiritual level. An example is the U:.o-lyi festival in Umuoji
84
-.
which marks the beginning of the planting season while consecrating the river
goddess, /demili. On the physical level, it is a time for the annual clearing of the
pathways to the village stream in readiness for another rainy season. In many other
communities. these communal festivals are times when the different age grades
undertake the maintenance of commonly shared places and things like shrines. The
culmination point is the celebration which people from surrounding communities are
invited to partake in. These outside in vi tees can be referred to as the ritual outsiders,
because to them, Uz.o-lyi is about a carnival of masquerades when in fact the core of
the ritual had been completed and what the invitee wimess is the incorporation stages.
The incorporation stages :1re times when the whole community come together to
Peer rituals They are performed because it is beholding on the peer or age grade to
do so. They are mostly initiation rites. active. and they as well possess bmh the
secret and public components. The secret panusually involves a period of seclusion
when peer members are initiated into the ethics of rhe!r peerage. while the pubiic
component takes the form of dancing and merrime:1t aimed at the re-integration of the
initiands into the society after seclusion. Such public outing is usually marki:!d by
performances to demonstrate usually the skills and team spirit that the group may
have learnt while in seclusion. An example is the production and dispiay of the
Okoroko masquerade in Nkpologu by young men. on the twelfth day after their
Due to the fact that different peer groups are arranged according to the age grade
system (three yearly interval), it is possible tO find that within one age grade. several
peer rituals happen but with different emphasis.· As a result, there may be
85
intervals - but· they do not interfere with the communal cycle. 'Examples of peer
riruals are different initiations for males and females into adulthood - initiation into
the masquerade cult for boys and initiation into womanhood in Agulu and Nkpologu
society, individual families have the responsibility for ensuring that their members
perform these riruals at the appropriate time. Where the family fails ro do this, a
members of other peer groups and friends and families of the peer group members.
Personal riruals mark people's progression through lite and their attempts to negotiate
their way through life· s crises. They usually start with passive rituals and as these
individuals progress. the riruals become active and rhen finish off as passive. All
rites of passage belong to either this or the peer group. The organisation of
community and peer riruals. take precedence over these, and ro a gre:n extent
determine when, how and where personal riruals occur. Examples include the naming
ceremony, traditional marriages and the ozo title. In traditional Tgbo society there
were no mortuaries and anyone who died during the Uzo-Iyi week was buried without
any rirual and the funeral deferred until a more appropriate time.
The importance of ordering the communal and peer riruals over the personal is the
society's way of reinforcing in its members that they are never more important than
the group or community they belong to. The family unit is an important agent of
sociaL control through which this message is re:nforced and maintained. This system
of control ensures that any major clashes of interest between the personal and
communal needs are minimised. For instance, in Umuoji - one of the communities
the U:.o-lyi week. Uzo-lyi is the testival in honour of the goddess. Idemili. Invitees
86
·.
friends, families and in-laws. An example· is alom chi (veneration ·of personal chi)
Unfortunately because of the vast scope of the ~ituals that exist under these three
categories mentioned above. it is impossible to delve into all three at this stage.
Therefore. the researcher intends to limit this work to personal ritual category.
However. it must be noted that she intends to continue work on the remaining two
c:uegories as part of her post-doctoral work in riruals. The "communal" and the
"peer" rirual categories comain some of the richest t'orms of performance that exist
So having brietly looked at the three categories. riruals can also be further classified
\l!andamr' riruals are [hose whose omission !s believed w have negative implications
rituals. Most rituals in this class are those used for head couming, registration and
identification within the family and society at large. Examples are iba afa (naming
honour of Ana (Earth). Without the lfijioku being celebrated, new yam seedlings
cannot be harvested and for the lgbo for whom the yam seedling is the:r major cash
crop. rhe consequences can be dire. The rituals mentioned above are mandatory
Non-mandarorv riruais are desirable but nor essential. For example, iclzi o;:o (except
in Onitsha where initiation into the ozo rank is compulsory for every grown man).
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·•
It is also only in Onitsha that the ozo ·title still maintains its traditional format in the
sense that it has not been iiiterfered with by Christianity. As a consequence, every
Onitsha male who is ready to take this title must perform an traditional rites, and
thereafter does not return to Christianity ) and inu mvanyi (taking a wife. for men).
In the researcher's opinion. these are also enhancing or embellishing rituals becallse
worth noting that with the advent of western education and subsequently. Christianity,
some rituals have changed from mandatory to non-mandatory, while others have
become almost e:<tinct (for instance Igbu icili - a test of courage and pain threshold).
regarding reinc::trnated soul) and ima muo (initiation into the masquerade cult).
The use of the mand::ttory and man-mandatory modes of classific::ttion may see:n w
sugg'!st that some rituals are more important than others. but the purp0se !s to
highlight the t1exibility inherent in Lhe Igbo social system - which offers pt!ople
ample opportunities for upward mobility. Upward mobility in this context means that
hard work is a passport that permits people to move imo social statuses olher than
lhose they were born into. This is perfectly acceptable to the Igbo. So, lhis
classification. retlec~s the dynamic nature of the Igbo society which considers its
members· need for inter-class movement, and uses lhe ordering of its rituals to
achieve this purpose. Therefore. while mandatory rituals are a sine qua non. non-
mandatOry ones are there for people who may wish tO avail themseives of their
is lhe lehie or ~he chieftaincy title raken after the o::o title. It must be noted mat oniy
88
Ritual agents
Ritual agents are either animal or plants (animate) and objects (inanimate) which are
used because they are either innarely psychic or they are psychic inducers. Every
ritual makes use of at least one of these agents. and they are facilitators that possess
inherent properties that enable the invocation, access to and negotiation with the
spiritual world. In the hands of the different categories of dibia, these normaJly
domestic animals. objects and things act as bridges between the contiguous worlds of
lgbo existence. They serve different roles depending on the type of ritual they are
employed in. For instance, in propitiarory or cleansing rituals they are carriers
(carrying people's misdeed and evils away hence facilitating absolution). while in the
prophylac:ic and osadaka rituals. they are psychic conducrors and hence cnnduits of
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Categories of ritual agents
RITUAL AGENTS
A.~ThlATE INAAll\'IA TE
I
I
I
organic inorganic
The three rabies below give examples of the different rirual agents and their
symbolism.
Table 3.3 contains a list of animate rirual agems. while Table 3.4 lists some
90
Table 3.3: Animate ritual a2"ents
91
Table 3A: Jnanimate-inon;:ank l"ilual agcnls
u-odo ydlow chalk 1-iuorganic all rituals anJ sacriftct:s ~y111bul uf the: uni verse - the earth
c:go ayolo wwrie shdl !-inorganic igba afa (orade The link between the living and the dead
consultation)
abubo or t:aglt: or red parrot !-inorganic in divination sign 1>f great Eaglc' s - power, strength, vision
ugbcne fc:athcr heights reached by an ozo Red parrots : power of elocution,
persuasion, oratory and negotiation.
nsi/ntu gun powder !-organic announces great evc:uts, :.yaubol of the sun god responsible for light.
egbc: or arouses the power of The: sun onc of the principal forces of
mkpo n ' divination faom the: sw1 Chukwu, the creator. Sun god is giver or
ani go<.l, while in separation power of vision especially in initiations and
rites used to alert funeral ritc:s
deceased about 1imc: to
proceed on the journey to
ancc:strdl land.
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Table 3.5: lnanimate-oreanic ritual aeents
isikaralugirisi/ ogirisi leaf !-organic Especially significalll during childbirth - serves as the first anti-biotic, protection .•.
echikara contact the new bom has with the material world. Used in from contamination from
rituals of exorcism. UseJ by Egbenuoba - hunters' guild for material, human and
its psyd1ic and mcJicinal purposes. spiritual elements .
omu young palm !-organic the most tender part of the palm from) reaching out to the purity, direct Iink. with
frond sky, signifying aspiration to more arcane values . Marks rhe sky (Chukwu's
sacred pla~.;es eg shrine, ro seclude ritual sires, cordon off abode), virginity and
wntested pieces of land, used as a form of social control on sacredness. In some
promiswous men anJ women, when held between the lips cases used as a seal.
signifies need for non-cunununication with humans. Sign of
seriousness, silence and contidentiality
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Igbo ritual agents and the notion of transferencee
Most ritual agents have four characteristics in common. First, their significance is
understood all over lgboland. Second, the animate ones possess innate psychic
attributes, while the inanimate are psychic inducers. Third, in the ritual context
transference occurs and the attributes of the ritual agent(s) are transferred to the ritual
subject. Finally, when animate agents are slaughtered for the preparation of rirual
The notion of transference is unique to lgbo rites of separation, and can be better
understood when viewed in the light of the fact that of all domestic animals the lgbo
use only four for the intrinsic qualities that they possess. These are the chick, the
dog, the he-goat and the ram. During the ritual, the animal is either killed or incised
and the blood is extracted and in some areas, dropped into the eyes of the ritual
subject. It is believed that in so doing the rirual animal is transferred onto the rirual
subject. The transferrable qualities of these ritual agents are illustrated in lgbo
are coded in such a manner that only those who are part of the culture can recognise,
understand and interpret the relevance of the symbols, icons, images and metaphors
to decode the content, and match decoded message to the context which necessitated
the use of the proverb. The evidence of the transferrable qualities of these animals
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·,
lgbo proverb for the chick: Ochu nwa okuku we ada, nwa okuko nwelu nwenwe
oso." (He who pursues a chick has the fall, while the chick has swift tiny steps for
escape).
The chick is innocent and swift in its escape from danger, it never ventures too far
from mother-hen, hence it is, most times, protected from danger. When pursued, it
does not run a straight course and the tendency is that the person in pursuit ends up
falling over and getting hurt instead. More importantly, its longevity is most assured
of all the ritual agents because its meat is too tender for human consumption, so it is
usually left to escape. It continues its life as a carrier.
Igbo proverb for the dog: Nkiw sili na ife ya ji eso onye ajo rolu bu o diro anyu
anyu, o na agbo agbo
(The dog said that the reason why he follows someone with indigestion is that the
individual is either defecating or being sick (hence the dog's feeding is assured). This
particular proverbs espouses the dog as a strategic planner.
The dog is friendly, loyal and playful. but it can also turn quite ferocious when it
feels threatened. It is a swift runner, observant and patient. The dog is psychic -
capable of seeing spirits and ever alert because it is a light sleeper. It has a high pain
threshold and as such does not die easily when tortured. It is dogged and has a good
sense of smell.
Igbo proverb for the he-goat: Nwa mkpi sili na mkpogha amaka, maka n 'obu na
ikwu nne ya ka nya jelu wee muta ikpokeni imi enu (mkpi, the billy-goat said that
travelling is nice because it was on its visit to its mother's kindred that it learnt how
95
The he-goat, although smaller in size than most goat species and a lot less attractive,
is quite aggressive - its stature does not affect its self confidence. During the mating
season it would fight for supremacy using its short powerful horns on opponents until
it mates with as many she-goats as it can. It is known for very short recovery rate
between intercourse- hence the Igbo name for virility-engendering herbs is "ike agwu
nwa mkpi"; meaning the he-goat never tires. The he-goat is swift and territorial
during mating and it would jealously guard the females on its ground from violation.
even after mating. It possesses a very strong musky smell and when on heat. this
scent becomes quite pungent. This also alerts the less mature she-goat that are not
ready for mating ro flee. Also less likely to be slaughtered for food as its pungence
The he-goat is believed to possess psychic powers hence its hide and skin are used
by traditional medicine men as sitting mats during invocation. It is quite smart and
would easily negotiate its way out of confrontational situations. especially when faced
by bigger and more powerful species. It also outlives these other goat species
because the he-goat is valued for its procreational prowess which increases people's
herds and thus their wealth. For the he-goat, procreation is its mission and he
affirms this fact in the cockiest manner as it single-mindedly fulfils this mission.
Hence, the legendary visit (referred to in the proverb), which was made by the
it is sometimes rented by people without a he-goat in their herd to mate the female
members of the herd. This is why the mkpi travels a lot in the course of duty.
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·.
When used as a ritual agent, transference enables the subject to become swift,
territorial, virile and to attract the protection and love of female spirits who can get
lgbo proverb for the ram : "Ebune sili na orrye ga aku mpi, ekwo kaa kwa ya aka
(The ram said that one who is willingly to lock horns must ensure that he has well-
Meaning: the ram is a renowned brave fighter with strong, well-built powerful horns.
potential danger. It then withdraws and charges into a fight - a stoic and relentless
fighter who when once engaged in a fight with another ram stops only when one party
The following are inanimate ritual agents. which unlike the preceding animate ones
Ofo is a symbol of a man's authority, the centre of lgbo culture and religious life -
symbolising mi ndi muo (the ear of the gods). It is also a symbol and medium
representing divinity- the gods and ancestors and it represents truth, character. moral
rectitude and paternal lineage. Ofo characterises and represents the owner and it is
used during divination, naming ceremonies. oath taking, settling disputes and as a seal
in making covenants. Among the lgbo, there are at least twelve structural variations
of the ofo, signifying variety in personal perception of the gods.
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·.
Nzu and odo (white and yellow clay) are both clay but from different sources. While
the nzu is clay from an active river bed, the yellow is taken from a dried up river
bed. Together, they are representations of the gods inhabiting the seas and farmlands
- universal unity. They are both symbols of peace and good intention for visitors,
and they are used in almost all rituals to represent Igbo duality (the wet and the dry).
During divination, one or both are rubbed around the eyes as an aid to enable human
eyes to see the secret of the gods.
Ego ayolo (cowrie shells) represent the power of the visible universe - the sea. It
symbolises vision, foresight and widespread fame which is re-echoed in the resonance
of the waves of the sea. It was a legal tender in Igboland during the late part of the
19th and early pan of this century.
Abubo/Ugbene (feather): Its significance depends on the bird it is taken from. There
are the following types of abubo in Igbo ritual:
Abubo ugo (the eagle's feather) is a symbol of power. majesty, vision, eloquence.
soaring heights/presence and beauty.
Abubo udene (the vulture's feather) symbolises the presence of spirits during
sacrifices hence the proverb: "Achu o aja ma si ajuro udene, ife mmelu be muo" (if
during a sacritice the vulture is not seen, then there is something wrong in the land
of the spirits). In real life, the vulture represents all that is repulsive in nature - a
scavenger that promptly arrives at the scene of all accidents. It possesses a powerful
vision and intuition for scenes of human disaster and sacrifices, and it is a
representative of the spirit world. Its weird sense of humour is borne out in the
saying credited to it "udene sili, na nwa ya aru na adiro nwuru anwuru, ulu! odiri
adiri, ulu! (if my sick child survives, it is my gain: if it dies it is still my gain.) The
udene would eat anything.
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Mkpo n 'ani or nsi/ntu egbe (gun powder) is a symbol of the spirit of the sun - one
of the principal forces of the supreme God. It also symbolises light, power of vision
and divination and it is used to announce great events such as title taking ceremonies
and the death of an accomplished elder. It is used during final burial rites to facilitate
the final accent of the deceased's spirit into the ancestral realm.
Oji lgbo (kolanut) its use symbolises the sacred ritual of welcome both to spirits and
humans. It enables mediation and negotiation between the human and spirit worlds
and it has a tremendous functional role (both spiritual and economic). It is a sure key
to unlock the hearts of men and gods and as such is employed in all rituals. When
broken and shared by alL consumption signifies unity.
Ose oji (alligator pepper) is an antidote for poisons, and it is used as a mouth
cleanser/ steriliser prior to divination. It cures all throat infections and tonsillitis
Omu (virgin palm frond) is a symbol of divine order, and one of the most sacred
objects in lgbo society - it announces death, war or peace. It neutralises evil forces
when used to adorn an individual. When woven into a garland, it is a means of
beautifying sacrifices to make them attractive to the gods. It is also a symbol of
purity and it has a sanctifying effect.
Ritual Clusters
One of the interesting findings of this study is that rituals are clustered, and that these
clusters follow clearly defined patterns. For instance, communal rituals follow
seasonal patterns - there are rituals that mark the beginning of the farming season and
those that occur during the harvesting season. The pattern in peer rituals is such that
99
they lake place mostly during the harvest season when it is possible to remove the
initiands to a place of seclusion without placing too much pressure on their families
where the initiands are valuable farm hands. Personal rituals follow basic human
biological development from birth through to death.
So the nature of these clusters is such that each main cluster comprises various sub-
rituals and this is very apparent in personal rituals. Personal rituals will be focused
on for two reasons: (a) rituals in this category are so varied and occur more
frequently, because they chart the course of an individual's progression from birth to
death, (b) the frequency of their occurrence offer a rich variety of texts on which to
The hypothesis of ritual cluster concept that is proposed here is in many parts. First,
all personal rituals can be grouped into clusters, and rituals in any particular cluster
tend to have the same attributes, hence making their study easier. Second, that if
would be of equal length and intensity, because they would represent the different
adulthood and from adulthood to death). Third, that because all three strands are
supposed to be equal in length and intensity, they could be used to form a triangle.
Fourth, that because the strands are supposed to be equal, it means that no rituals on
any of the three strands are more important or more significant than the rituals on
other strands. Fifth, that because the strands are equal in length, they complement
one another. Sixth, and finally, that if depicted graphically. this triangular axis show
continuity in Igbo existence, because the tail end of one is the beginning of another.
lOO
·.
Furthermore, the idea of ritual clusters and consequently the ability to arrange
personal rituals on a triangular axis enables the introduction of the concept of the
triangle of life (ToL, Figure 3.6.) The term is chosen because it clearly depicts
distinctive model which enables the placement of rituals as sub-sets within each
cluster. Put together, each sub-set forms a single cluster. Using the ToL model will
enable a thorough examination of sub-sets within each cluster. Hopefully, this will
determine if rituals in the same cluster really possess identical characteristics. The
benefit of this will be that if clustered sub-sets are identical, then it would be easy to
carry out a performance analysis of selected sub-sets within each cluster; and
performance style that can be regarded as authentically lgbo. This can be better
Three clusters are easily identifiable in Igbo rituals and they are:
infancy/childhood rituals
adolescence-adulthood and status enhancement rituals
distinction/mortuary-ascendency rituals
Infancy/childhood rituals: Rituals in this cluster are those performed from conception
through to when the child is about twelve years of age. This axis begins with inactive
and ends with controlled active rituals. They are either earth. spiritual or socially
oriented, and they exist to ensure that after birth when the child is severed from its
natural mother, it is grounded with Mother Earth because any biological link to the
mother is buried into the earth. For example the placenta, the umbilical cord and the
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·.
foreskin removed during the circumcision of male children are all buried inside the
earth - these are earth rituals. Earth rituals also foster bonding because one thing
most members of the community (male and female) have in common is that the
placenta in which they lived as foetuses and their umbilical ends are all buried within
the same locality. The males in the community share the additional bonding that
comes from their foreskin being within the same earth radius.
Almost all the rituals in this category are started and concluded within the child's
father's compound. The music and dance during these rituals are usually produced
by the women either by clapping or using the ichaka (a gourd encased in beaded net)
Adolescence-adulthood and status enhancement rituals: The rituals in this category are
in two sub-clusters. The first is the adolescence-adulthood rituals and they span the
teenage years through to adulthood. They start with controlled active and gradually
move into the active category. They also exist to fulfil the lgbo need for earth,
spirirual and cultural affiliations. These include igba ogbom (initiation into manhood
in Ngwa area), iso ebe or ikpa iyi (rituals of initiation into womanhood in Agulu and
Nkpologu respectively), inu nwanyi (taking a wife) and idobe chi (the installation of
personal chi). It is important at this point to note that marriages happen not only
between men and women, but also between the gods and women (exclusive
marriages). All the music and dance perfonned in this sub-cluster are energetic and
acrobatic (for the males), while female dances are less aggressive and aimed more
towards highlighting suppleness and beaury. The men would use igba (drums of
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varying sizes), ogene (metal gong), aloo (giant metal gong) and oja (wooden whistle),
but never ichak.a. The young women would use ichaka. udu (earthen pots with
In the second sub-cluster are the status enhancement rituals and these are performed
when individuals invite the community to bear witness to their affluence and gradual
preparation for their journey after life. The ability of an individual to move through
the social strata, to a large extent, depends on how that individual uses the attributes
he/she was endowed with at birth. Examples include the ozo and di-ji (master
farmer) titles for men and lyom (for women). In Imilike and Nkpologu, men do not
take the ozo title but instead, they have the Ozioko and Ophiere Agho title
respectively. Only women who have reached menopause belong to this prestigious
group, and after the rite they are accorded almost the same respect as their male
counterparts.
The music and dance for both the male and female initiations and ceremonies are now
slow and prestigious. For the men, the period during their ozo title taking ceremony
when they enter the ozo nest is the frrst time that the ufie (a wooden musical
instrument with high religious significance) is used to produce music for them. At
the end of the ozo title, they will join other ozo men in dancing to the abia which is
the music produced on the ufie. On the contrary, women who are Iyom are not
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·,
performed at and after death and are meant to transform the deceased from an
ordinary person to the ancestral cadre. In some pre-Christian lgbo societies (Nkpor,
Umuoji, Uke and Nnobi to mention a few towns), men were buried within or
immediately outside their own ibalobi while the corpses of women were returned to
iwena ngiga (or iwena aga in Nsukka area). Ngiga is a wire mesh basket given to
all women by their family on the final day of their traditional marriage. It is used
for storing her dried tish, meat and spices for cooking. The size of a woman's ngiga
increases with the size of her family or she may even decide to have ditierent ones
for different food items. No maner the number of ngiga a woman has, they are
usually hung on the uko (kitchen rafter) which is directly above osi ire or the cooking
tripod. In this position, the smoke and heat from the firewood used in cooking
reaches the ngiga and gradually dries up whatever its contents are without necessarily
In Nsukka area (Nkpologu, to be specific), the woman's aga is returned with her
corpse. The aga is like a fishing net that is woven with thicker ropes and women in
this area use it to cover their market wares after packing them. In traditional
Igboland, people travelled either on foot or in their canoes or rafts. Market women
would walk miles on foot to sell their varied and oversized market wares in
neighbouring markets and used the aga to cover and hold these overloaded wares in
place so that they can carry all of them as one load on their head. The aga
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Therefore, when the woman's corpse is returned to her maiden family, her ngiga or
aga which are both symbols of her office (family cook or trade) go with her, and it
is usually buried with her. However. if her family felt that she had not been properly
catered for by either her husband and/or children, they may refuse to take her corpse
and ngiga from her married family. When this happens. a lengthy negotiation
process ensues during which gifts and money are offered to placate her birth family
Four chings readily emerge from clustering. First, the infancy/childhood cluster is
However, by the time of the mortuary-ascendency cluster, the cycle is completed and
rituals once again become passive. Second, the controlled active period begins from
about twelve years of age until the individual is past the teenage years.
Third. all the clusters have in common a mix of components which the researcher
terms the earrh, spiritual and social rituals. The eanh rituals are clearly marked
actions geared towards severing links with the natural mother and aligning or bonding
with Mother Earth (eg ini nhe or burial of the placenta, ini orubo or disposal of the
navel dropping, ibe ugwu or circumcision and ini ozu or burial of a corpse). The
spiritual rituals affirm the individual as both human and spirit and examples include
ino uwa inquiry into reincarnation, ima mmuo, iso ebe or initiation into manhood and
womanhood respectively and ichi ozo/ichi iyom or initiation into the ozo and iyom
cult); while the culrural rituals have elements that mark the individual as belonging
to a particular culture, such as iba afa or naming ceremony and inu nwanyi or
105
traditional marriage rite. Some rituals like ibe ugwu (circumcision) are both spiritual
and cultural. In the first cluster. these rituals have clearly identified boundaries and
Fourth, in-between each cluster are rest periods filled with social action during which,
individuals are given a chance to own and personalise the lessons learnt during each
cluster. The tables below show aspects of the different clusters. An analysis of their
106
Table 3.6: Maternity/lnfancy Cluster
lchi Ogallti Shout of joy Father, l:hild passi vc/spiritual/ nil 11 iI A coded shout of joy announcing birth to entire village. News
mkpu nwa paternai(PG r) ..:ult ural o f birth is relayed from compound to compound until all get to
grandfather know.
lni 11l1e "Uurial" of placenta Paternal child passivt:!eanh nil ni l Chi ld acct:ptt:d into human world, first contact Mother Earth as
gnu Ill mother its pre-nat al home is buried with her bowels
(PU M ) or midwife
fgba agu Re-incaruation Oibia afa (divim:r) ch ild passive/spirit ual ni l 11 il Inquiry w find out which anceMor returned as child.
inquiry for child's father
or patt:rnal
grandparents
Iwa agada Memoring/uame- Any respectablt: On child passivdspirituall n iI uil A rt:spectablc family formally becomes physical and spiritual
saking adult cultural lllelllOr.
lbu oma itt: Formal Patemal l:hild passive/cultural ni l uil Formal announcement of birth to child's maternal kindred and
annoum:cmenl of grandfather fo r invitation 10 grandmother ro omugwo.
birth to maternal maternal
grand parents grandparents
Ine omugwo/ Extended visitation Maternal Motbt:r and Part passivt:!part nil nil Laden with choicest gifts and food stuff, grandmother visits to
ngwo graud1nother child active/cultunaJ offer respite to daughter by taking over the domestic functioning
of h~r home and baby care for minimum 3 months.
lbe ugwu Circumcision Tradi tional On child Pan passive nil nil C leausing rite for boys for making sexual contact with mother as
drcurm:ision pan active/earth/ t h ~y passed via the birth passage. The removal of the foreskin
expert aid~d by a cu ltural atont:s for this unavoidable incest, tribal identitication for all
fam il y member 1gbo male (female is later in life)
who can stand the
sight of blood
107
Ini owbo "Burial" of llropped Father/grandfatlacr child passi ve/eanh/ nil uil C hild linked with ancestors, form of head count as a cash tree in
(Obosi) navel cultural planted on the spot of burial. The yields are harvested by child
lni mu throughout life. For female children, tree is their only claim in
(lmilikc) the family once married
lba afa/i puta Naming ceremony Open invitation to on child vassivc!l.:ultural by uy Personal identity bestowed. Registration with kindred and
ife/i kuba entire conununity WOillt:ll women ad.nowkdgement of child's ex.istenc~:
n'uno
lticha ebube Volt! of thanh to hihJ 's father , child passive/cultural nil nil As maternal graudmother prepares to return home, people are
mu visiting ga and mother family and close invited LO a farewell/thank-you feast and presents are giving to
friends lleparting grandma as show of gratitude for long visit and help
lgba nkwu Wine sharing tor Child's mm~:mal child passive/cullua al by by Grandmother registers child by inviting all women married to
nwa birth of child grandmother WOlllt:ll women the same kindred as herself LO partake in the presents she was
!!.iven. Oisplays gift and white talcum powd~:r passed round - as
women apply and thus become witnesses ro the birth. "Egwu
m vu" (biath songs) are sung
lzu afia nwa Annouucemeut of Maternal child passive:/ nil ni l Unliutited announcement of grc~ndchild's birth while market is in
biath on a market day grandmothc:r cultural full session to both humans and spirits gathered in the market
place. Grandmother offer remnants of her white talcum to
women selling their wares as to enlist their goodwill for
grandd1ild. In return, everyone who accepts her talc gives her
money or presems in rectprocalion of goodwill. Unwise for
anyone to refuse as it shows ill will towards the new child.
108
NAME ENGLISII PEitFORI\I 'I) l'l.::ltFORM'I> 1'YPE MUSIC OANCE SYMBOLISM
APJ.>ROXlMA TION UY FOR
Iso c:be Initiation iuto Eldc:rly Girls Controllt:d sexually suggesrive, frreversible maturity rires during which
(Agulu) won1anhood women activdc:arth/ vigourous but girls are taught all about, sex and sexual
Ikpa iyi spiritual / dignified c:xtolling satisfaction esp. of partners, pregnancy ,
(Nkpologu) cultural female auributes birth c:tc.
lma muo lnitiution into l:ldc:rly mt:n Uoy~ 'ontrollcd pos:.ilJiy lcawt iu cllcrgetic, acrobatic lrrc:versible: boys are made: men and
(Umuoji) manhood, ic: , acti vc:/:.viritual sc:clu:.ion, produ..:cd from and rigorous extOlling taught the secrets of manhood and sworn
lba masqtt~::radc: ..:uh h :ullutul diiTc:tt:llt dlllms, gung :.ttc:ngth into secre y, their responsibi lity to
DUllatlWU (ogc:llt:) giattt goug (alov) community , sex, marriage:, and selling up
(Mkpologu) and oja own home etc.
lnu nwanyi T ak ing a wife Man I litusc:lf Activcl:.pirit ual Nu lllu:.il.: bclurc: Jiual rite: Extensive use of negotiation skills
/cullural of ina be di . Mn:.tc employed as man attc:mpts to convince the
a~.:cumpanicd by ralllc: and girl 's family to let go of their daughter
clapping providc:d as the (see analysis of marriage rite under
girl is t:scunc:d 10 Iter Chapter 4)
husband·~ homt:: by other
young girls. At some
other times, the ...
bridc:grooms matt:S make
music from llrums and
gongs .
lwu ulo/ ilu Huiluing tirst ltomc Man ll is family A..:tive/curth/ nil Man is now the head of his own
uno cultural homestead
ldobe chi htstallat ion of chi Man Himself Active/spiritual 1111 man owns his own ikenga - a symbol of
(Awka) !l:ultural the spirit of endeavour and achievement
Jkpu ifu chi
(Nsuk.k.a
south)
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NAME ENGLISU PERFORMED TYPE MUSIC/ RITUAL SYMBOLISM
APPltOXIMATION HY & FOR DANCE AGENT
Ozo (Onitsha) No equivalt:nt but Man Active/ Ufie Mkpi (he goat}, Mark of distinction and wealth. A commitment to a more spiritual
lchi Ozioko they could be spiritual/ music nwa uyom (chick) t!Xistence in readint:ss for moving on to the next plane of existence
(lmilike) collectivdy rt:ft:rred cultural
Ophiere Agho to as status
(Mkpologu) cnhancemt!nl 1itles
lehi lyom/l.olo title Woman Active/ Title takc:n post menopause, signifying that woman has surpassed
lyom/Lolo ~pi ritual/ tilt: taboo of menstruation. She is now taken into highest
<:ultural confidence by the men and regarded as one of them.
..
110
NAME ENGLISH PERFORMED TYPE MUSIC DANCE RJTUAL AGENT SYMBOLISM
AJ>(•ROXIMATION BY THE
LIVING FOR
DECEASED
Jwu OZU aru Bathing of corpse Passive/earlh/spi None None - Last earthly bath, once again as at binh, the dead
ritual/cultural body is placed on ogirisi leaves and (see symbolism
of ogirisi leaves under ritual agents) cleansed in
readiness for journey to spiritland ..
lwa anya Person chosen None None Ram/chick/he goat or Transference from ritual agent fortifies man for
by deceased . dog journey ahead. (See Chapter 4)
lni ozu Burial Family . None None Deceased sets of on arduous journey
lkwa/lgbasu Funeral ceremony Family " lkoro or lkoro or Ram or ch ick or he goat Deceased reaches ancestral land after.
OZU Abia Abia or dog
ltu nni/lna nni Last supper. Final Eldest son and . None None Favourite dish of Pinal separation rite, performed at midnight. Food
rite of separation daughter deceased taken to a cross road and for deceased. Ensures that
the spirit does not travel hungry. In Agulu on this
night, the deceased receives the final instruction to
re-incarnate
Jgba mk.pi Period of mourning - Nuclear family passive/spiritual / None None Spouse's hair shaven A show of grief. Among the Jgbo, hair is
1 calendar year cultural clean and black clothing synonymous with a woman's physical beauty.
to ~ worn for the Shaving off the hair signifies the loss of beauty and
duration a show of mourning.
lyipu akwa ozu End of mourning Nuclear family passive/earth/spir None None Mourning cloth worn by The deceased is comfortably with the ancestors.
irual/cultural nuclear family gathered The living are now free to continue in life as pan of
and burnt by Umuada community . Younger female spouses free to
(daughters of the family) remarry
lpu afia Anending the market Spouses passive/spiriLUal/ None None None Spouses auend the community market day - re-
cultural integration. Greeting and gifts offered .
111
From the tables above, it is easy to see that all passive rituals are contained within the
or (controlled active), while the adulthood and status enhancement ones are active. So
biologically, the frrst set of passive and passive-active (or controlled active) rituals are over
by the time an individual is ready for marriage - this for men in traditional lgbo society is
any age from twenty years on, while for girls it is usually from the time of their frrst
menstrual period which is between twelve and fifteen years of age. The second set of
passive rituals are at death. Divination precedes both active and passive rituals, and animate
agents are predominant in the adolescence-adulthood cluster and in the status enhancement,
mortuary and ascendency sub-clusters. All passive rituals are performed on behalf of the
individual by family members. There are fewer rituals on the second cluster than on the frrst
and third. All personal mandatory rituals are performed in the first and third clusters -
suggesting that they are either passive or passive-active (or controlled active) in nature. It
is, therefore, safe to conclude from the foregoing that all personal mandatory rituals are
passive in narure. There is also a marked absence of choice and these individuals concerned
need not do anything for these rituals to take place, and neither do they have any choice in
determining when, where and how these rituals are to be performed. They are, therefore,
Right at the centre of all rituals is the human person whose journey through life is plotted
on the triangle below (Figure 3.9). The concept of the triangle of life was evolved to enable
a breakdown of, and better understanding of the vast subject of ritual. Among the lgbo,
112
different stages of biological and social development are marked by different rituals aimed
at negotiating different crisis points or zones. The triangle of life is an equilateral triangle -
meaning that all three sides and angles are equal and complementary. This presupposes that
life remains incomplete should any of the clusters be left unperfonned. In most cases, every
individual goes through all the passive and passive-active (or controlled active) rituals tha!
their community subscribes to before they get to a point of biological maturation. It is only
when people get to this point that they are allowed to make relative choices about which
rituals they would perform and when. The term "relative choices" is used because in as
much as the individual may seem on the exterior to be self-detennining, the community
exerts a lot of pressure through families and friends; and in most cases, the individual would
act according to the society's timing although such individuals may think that they are totally
at the helm regarding what happens and when. The marriage ceremony is a good example -
I
individuals can choose not to marry but there is a stigma attached to that choice, or some
may delay the time, but have to live with the taunts and constant reminders of relatives and
friends. It is usually expected once an individual attains a certain age - twenty years upwards
There are four interesting and revealing points about the flexibility of the triangle and how
it demonstrates the lgbo belief in dualism. First, the performance can commence either from
the A-B axis (for human beings) or it can start from the C-A axis for the ancestor who is
about to reincarnate to be born on the A-B axis. It could, therefore be argued that because
of the Igbo belief in reincarnation, the performance begins on the C-A a."<is. Second, in
terms of the lgbo belief in dualism, the axis C-A can be argued to be as important as axes
A-B to B-C put together. This is because these two axes represent the human material
113
existence in its entirety. and according to lgbo belief, the will to reincarnate depends on how
effectively individuals use the attributes endowed to them by God at binh. The third point
is that because life is a continuous process. the triangle can be unwound to form a circle or
one can draw a circle which can touch the three points. This captures the cyclic/continuous
narure of the Igbo universe and view of life. The circumference of this cycle of existence
~"
~
·$'
?:>4;.
~ ~
~ ~
~
~
~
~
...~
~ ~
$ ~
~ c
A "'·-. -----------------------------------~c~
v•
-ascendency rituals 1 monuary rituals
114
-~
The ToL is a useful tool in this study because of the following reasons:
• it enables the placement of rituals in such a manner that permits a detailed look at the
• its structure demonstrates continuity in lgbo life, because the end of one plane of
existence is the beginning of another. For instance, the beginning of the B-C axis
(adulthood rituals) is the end of A-B axis (infancy and childhood rituals).
• it highlights the structure of rituals as a movement from the known into the unknown
• that lgbo people generate these rituals at regular intervals because they help
them find meaning and anchor enabling them to organise and sustain
• that their regularity shows the huge need the Igbo have for contact with their
• that all rituals are ordered according to their role, content and form;
• that symbols are an integral part of all rituals, and as such rituals have to be
115
..
As this study has already indicated, one of the things it aims to achieve is to be able to
modules in the study of ritual structure and process. Although Schechner (1995) and Turner
( 1982) have carried out researches on and propounded theories of ritual, some of their work
can sometimes be difficult to understand. This is more perplexing especially in the light of
the fact that their contributions have been vital drawing attention to performance as a genre
encompassing the drama-theatre debate. Without the immense contributions from these
scholars, this work will probably not exist in its presem form - as the researcher will have
been caught up in trying to justify rituals as either theatre or drama. The researcher is,
however, of the opinion that the difficulty sometimes encountered in understanding Schechner
and Turner is that their anthropological background sometimes interfere with in-depth
processual analysis. This is because they may be more interested in the belief on which the
ritual is founded rather than the process, however, the understanding of process is very vital
in understanding the performative aspects of rituals. Having said that, Werbner (1989)
succeeded in carrying out an in depth analysis of the ritual process and it is hoped that this
study will offer a succeed in contributing more into the performative aspects of rituals. So
Structure in this context should be read as arrangement in space, or the form or outline of
the ritual in question. For instance, the strUcture of the Stations of the Cross (a Roman
Catholic ritual that commemorates the passion of Jesus Christ) is that it has fourteen stations
that starts from when Jesus is condemned, to the point where Joseph of Arimathea removes
116
..
his body for burial. This brief description does not give details of any dialogue between
Jesus and the people be met from the Garden of Gethsarnane until he died at Golgotha,
neither does it include the size or make of the cross he carried, the description of the route
he took, details of the people left at the foot of his cross after crucifixion, what he said to
them etc. So structure is not involved with the dynamics of the theatrical relationships
and make up etc. Rather, it is interested in the frame within which the drama happens.
Structure is the repeatable and inflexible component of any ritual - as it was done at the
beginning, so it will be done now, and so will it be done in the future - in effect, it is the
skeleton around which rituals are built. It is the order of the events and it lays the
groundwork for a proper understanding of process or the content of all ritual performances.
Maternity/childhood rituals
This can be understood better if we remember that polygamy is an accepted practice among
the lgbo. A man's compound in traditional lgbo society is made up of a major hut which
is built at the centre of the compound which belongs to the man. Behind his are those of his
wives - each wife and her children shared a hut. The first son born to the man from these
wives inherited the obi at his father's death, while other sons would leave the compound to
settle on other pieces of family land, usually given by their father. The last son of each
woman owns the hut at the mother's death, and would live there until be was ready to build
his own house. He had the freedom to build where his mother's hut stood or to fmd another
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\
Ikpa iyi
The equivalent of iso ebe in Nkpologu town is performed over two weeks during which the
girls are taken every evening to the shrine of the goddess of fenility (lte-ogene), and they
return to their respective families each morning. At the end of the two weeks, each initiand
is led by her chaperon singing and dancing in the village square. After this she returns home
where the ikpa n 'enu (initiation into sex) happens under her mother's supervision. One thing
clear from these initiation rituals - ima mmuo, iso ebe and ikpa iyi is that structurally, they
all involve physical removal of the initiands from their homes to a secluded spot and they
also end with a symbolic cleansing either in the village stream or just a cold water bath at
the cult house as is the case with ima mmuo in Nkpor. Also, they all appear structured as
journeys with deliberate obstacles which the initiands have to surmount or negotiate their way
through. And it is these that provide the performative/theatrical dimension to the ritual
process.
Inu nwanyi
These rituals already mentioned were mandatory in pre-Christian Igbo society. In Umuoji,
for example, a man was not allowed to marry unless he had been initiated into the
masquerade cult. However, it must be said that this is not the case in present day lgbCI
society where initiation into manhood and womanhood are no longer a pre-betrothal
requirement. There are six major steps involved in taking a wife all through lgboland. As
always in Igboland, there may be differences in the name by which each step is known, and
this is due to the difference in regional dialects, but each marriage ritual goes through these
stages namely: lche ego (or the declaration of intention to the girl), iju ajuju (inquiry into
121
the family history of prospective groom). Usually, the man would have inquired into the
history of the girl's family before the declaration of his intention. The next step is lkpaliru
onu aku nwanyi (negotiation of bride price), lbu egoliwena ite (payment of the bride
price/frrst official visit to her new family), ndulu nwanyilina be di (taking the bride home)
The composition and number of people involved in initiation rituals such as ima muo and iso
ebe differ from those involved in the marriage rituals. In the case of initiations, only a select
few are involved and these are mostly the parents or guardians, observers who have already
been initiated and the initiation officials. As the ritual progresses the circle of people
involved grows smaller until once again it is the time for the presentation of the initiands to
the public, when it is open for all who may so wish to attend. On the contrary, during inu
nwanyi, there is an ever-widening circle of people who get involved as the action progresse~
from one stage to another. The main difference between any initiation ritual and a marriage
122
·.
1 J , , -··-r-1
I . . . : >.C/ , I
, .I ~
~.,r
/
' >.-'
..... .,
" .... " .....
' --
/
'
-
.... ~ ...
/
'-
.......
... -...
..... /
,_
....._ ., ,;...<
' -'
....
.....
.....
......... .,.
/ » .......
-
'-...
Diagram 2: ...-
Diagr:un 1 shows mar in terms of activity and ... omposition of participam in initiation riruals,
rwo distant poims converge until they meet. The separate points A & B mark different
individuals at the onset of their initiation. The point where rhese two lines meet represent
the period in seclusion for the participants. .-\fter this point. the lines begin m diverge as the
participants gradually get re-integrated imo the society. T e children from these diverging
lines will again meet r.o diverge again. Therefore an initiation, in time. has the possibilities
123
\
On the contrary, the marriage ritual represented by Diagram 2 begins with the two points
opposite each other, representing the bride's and groom's families (A & B). Both points
begin an unrestricted divergent movement once motion (marriage contract) starts, and stop
when they converge at points C & D. At this point, a diamond shaped figure ACDB is
formed. The dots show the endless meeting points that can arise from this original diamond
shape. The broken lines signify other relationships that can arise from the original ACDB
figure, while the doned lines show the meeting points between subsequent unions that may
arise out of the original union. This diagram is complex because it shows how an axis of
one union can become a complement to another - a demonstration of how intricate aml
endless the marriage ritual among the Igbo can get. It is no wonder that the Igbo would say
"na uzo eji nwa ada echi echi" (a union that begets a child is forever.)
Ichi ozo
From the time a man decides to take this title, he visits the head of the ozo to inform him
of his intention. Following that, he would inform the nuclear and extended family
respectively and the ozo title holders in his compound. Next is his time in isolation in the
ozo nest in the forest, and to the shrine of Mother Earth. From there he goes to the river
for cleansing and then the public presentation at the village market. The structure is
124
It is interesting to note that not only is the circle of people involved widening, but there are
also more levels to cover as the ritual gets more active. During inu nwanyi for instance,
there are six steps to cover while ichi ozo (in Onitsha) has fifteen steps (see Chapter 4).
lchi Iyom is a ritual of distinction in which post-menopausal women are adorned with odu
or the elephant tusk. The first stage is the announcement of the intention to join the Iyom
society by the woman to her husband's family after which she does the same with the odu
group of women. This is followed by a period of extensive interviews. After this, she is
presented to the ozo title holders and after an agreement is reached, she is free to present her
odu to the public. After that she performs the izu afia odu which is an attendance at the
market place to display her odu. This is also her re-incorporation into the community. The
Funeral-ascendency cluster
In traditional Igbo society, the nature of these rites depends on the circumstances surrounding
the death of the deceased person. For instance, death due to old age is called onwu chi
(death approved by the person's chz) while other categories of death include onwu ike/uk.e
(death by accident) and onwu ifele (shameful death due to the violation of taboos or by
suicide). Thus in traditional Igbo society, the way a corpse is treated depends on the cause
of death. In cases of death due to suicide and breaking of taboos, no rites are performed and
the corpse is quickly bundled and in the middle of the night, taken and dumped in the evil
125
\
forest (ajo ojia) where it is left to rot. It is never buried in the ground as it is against the
natural order of things, and so is unacceptable to Mother Earth. In some places, the corpse
is tied to or balanced on tree branches, not allowed to touch the ground to avoid defiling the
Earth. This serves as a social, psychological and legal deterrent to people who in the future
However, in the cases of death due to age or natural causes, the corpse is cleansed and
buried after lying in state briefly. The rest of the funerary rites commence immediately
depending on the family's resources. However, if a family feels that they cannot cope with
an immediate funeral, interment rites are performed, and preparations then begin for the
actual ceremony wltich will then be arranged a year from the time of death when all the
relevant circle of family and friends would have been duly notified.
In a case where the deceased is an accomplished person advanced in age, the public would
be told that he/she is either asleep, travelled or in a hospital. This is in keeping with the
lgbo belief that some evil people may employ diabolical means to inhibit the deceased's spirit
as it travels to ancestral land. Men were buried within their compounds while the women
were returned to their birth families. The family of the deceased would fix the date for the
funeral rites to start and all the family, in-laws, friends and group networks would be
informed and from then on they would become involved in the extensive planning that would
reflect the deceased's social standing and affluence. After the funeral, the widows are
confmed within the compound until after one year when the final rites are performed at the
market square.
126
From the study and analysis of rituals carried out so far, it is possible to make the following
• all the passive rituals are in the A-B and C-A axes.
• that all passive rituals are performed on behalf of the individual by its nuclear family
• all mandatory rituals are also performed in the A-B and C-A axes - suggesting that
they are either passive or controlled-active in nature. It is, therefore, safe to say that
the attributes of mandatory rituals may be identical to those of the passive rituals.
• all adolescence rituals belong to the controlled-active category while the adulthood
• that most key rituals are designed to coincide with human biological development, and
as such all passive and controlled active rituals are over by the time an individual is
ready for marriage. This, for men in traditional Igbo society, is any age from twenty
years on, while for the girls it is usually from the time of their frrst menstrual period
• that animate agents are predominant in rituals on the B-C and C-A axes.
127
o that there are fewer rituals on the B-C axis than on other axes because a sizeable
o that from clustering rituals on the ToL, that most rituais can be said to possess the
following components:
o they fulfil the desire for personal, social and spiritual development
From the information in this chapter, it is possible to define Igbo theatre and performance.
It is a holistic theatre in which the training of performers rigorously starts from very early
in life. However, because this training is a life-long experience built into the daily living
experience (with high-lights during rituals), the trainee is almost oblivious of the level of
relentless training, inculcation and character formation that are in tandem with the acquisition
of other life skills. In its entirety, it is a training that takes into consideration the fact that
all human beings are endowed with the physical, the mental and the spiritual attributes, and
that particular attention needs to be paid to the development of all these aspects for life to
be meaningful and thus, fulfilling. Igbo performance is active and representative of a total
theatre where all performers are trained in all aspects of total theatre - costuming, prop and
128
perfonnance is spontaneous and representative of the total universe where all the creatures
and all the elements of the eanh, air, fire and water are brought together in one united and
The next chapter will be a detailed analysis of selected rituals within the three clusters.
From the study so far, some rituals have different names depending on which area of
Igboland they originate from. Thus, one of the aims of the comparative analysis will be to
ascertain whether there are semantic as well as processual differences. The rituals that will
be discussed for processual analysis are also those that have been used in this chapter for the
discussion on structure.
129
CHAPTER4
Rituals in lgboland are as varied as the dialects that are spoken from one locality to
another. This is why it is necessary to carry out comparative analyses of rituals from
the different areas of lgboland. These analyses will help us formulate a view of Igbo
rituals and performance. Process, in ritual, refers to the vibrant, pulsating and
dynamic aspects that make rituals come alive. When this happens, we gain a unique
insight into the true nature of rituals as events which unfold in a given time and space
passage" as:
... a process of symbolic action focused upon the body. By means of the body, performers
of the ritual passage fmd and resiruate themselves in cosmological space. By means of !he
body, also, performers personify who they are, and what they intend to become in relation
to the forces around !hem. Sometimes !he body is simply !heir own; sometimes, it is !hat of
some olher as well, such as a domestic or wild animal. whose partS may be broken down and
recombined. There is a variation in !he presentation of !he person, from direct disclosure,
presenting !he true selves of the performer and olhers around !hem .... (I)
Through process it is easy to notice three things, for instance, about rituals in the
maternity/infancy cluster. First, that they exist to serve the same purpose -to ensure
that the earthly, spiritual and cultural needs of the baby (and the mother) are met.
From the onset of pregnancy most rituals are purificatory and they set out social,
economic, dietary and sexual abstinences for the expectant mother. This in turn aims
to facilitate safe delivery. The imposition of these restrictions is meant to protect the
mother and the unborn child against evil forces, and is founded on the Igbo belief that
130
pregnancy and labour constitute a journey during which the woman is suspended
between the land of the living and that of the spirits. Hence when people enquire
after an expectant mother they will say "0 lida go?" (meaning: has she descended?).
This need to protect the mother and child explains why some people put new born
babies on a pile of ogirisi leaves while it is being cleaned of the after-birth. This is
because these leaves are believed to have a sanitizing effect that protects the child
Second, that rituals on the said cluster may be called different names, but this is
birth of a child. However, in all cases studied, the celebration is begun by either the
baby's father or aunt, who are joined later by other members of the community.
And finally, that the Igbo are very economical in their organisation and management
of rituals. For examples, ine omugwo (the three months post-birth visitation from the
woman's mother) is time-tabled to ftt in at a time when the new mother needs all the
physical and psychological support her mother can offer. It is also during this
visitation that male children get circumcised, and for most mothers, this can be a very
trying time. Her re-integration into the community is also performed before her
mother leaves.
In this section, the sample of localities used covers about eighty percent of lgboland
and most of these areas are strong cultural centres. These are areas whose regional
cultures are more representative so that they are representative of lgbo South (Nkpor,
Obosi, Umuoji, Nnobi, Eziowele etc), North (Imilike, Ukpabi Nimbo and Nkpologu)
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Ritual Clusters
In the sections below, rituals are discussed in more derails under their respective
lwa oji (consecration and breaking of the kolanut), like divination, is a ritual that
precedes all rituals and ceremonies (except burial and separation). The consecration
prayers by the head of each house"hold, and for the rest of the day, performed in
Oji (boranically known as carpel or kola arrophora) plays a primary role in the life
the gods, the spirit world and humans. Not all species are used in Igbo rituals - the
only ones that are acceptable are those with three or more cotyledons - usually
referred to as oji lgbo (lgbo kolanut). By way of ritual semiotics. each of these
The origin of oji lgbo, as told in a legend, is that the Igbo founding fathers visited
the home of the gods (in those days when humans and gods interacted more closely),
and they were asked by the gods to choose a fruit from all the fruits in their orchard.
The founding fathers chose oji - hence it is regarded as the king of all fruits and it
has its own unique language used during its consecration and it is a language which
132
The kolanut symbolises goodwill, and when presented to a visitor, it marks a clear
mind and pure intention(s). Its heart shape is symbolic because during its
consecration, all the words uttered are deemed to come from the heart. If it is not
presented to a visitor, it means that the visitor is not welcome, and when it is offered
to a visitor it is more than just a form of delicacy. Apart from being the first thing
presented to a visitor, it is also used at the beginning of any important function like
There are variations to the method of presentation of the kolanut. In most parts, it
is presented along with a bowl of water for the visitor to wash his/her hands - a show
of welcome from the host, and implied purification and cleansing of any ills the
visitor may have unknowingly contacted on his way to the host. It is also a symbolic
washing away of tiredness and physical filth from the journey. In Aguleri and
Eziowele towns, for example, kolanut is presented with money (the amount depends
on what the host can afford), which the visitor collects to show his/her acceptance of
welcome. In some places, nzu (native chalk) is presented with the kolanut, especially
if the visitor is elderly. Nzu is a symbol of purity and a clean and welcoming heart.
When presented, the host removes it from the plate of kolanut and draws peculiar
then rolls it on the ground to the next man on his left to make his own marks on the
floor. The marks of the floor detail and affirm each individual's achievement and any
Usually, the very successful people deploy the most strokes on the floor signifying
their many accomplishments. The chalk continues its anti-clockwise rolling until each
individual has made their mark. Then, each person would take a bit of the powder
from the marks made to mark parts of their body - still as a show of total purity of
133
thoughts. When people share the kolanut they enter a covenant neither to think nor
do any evil to each other. One informant, Michael Akukwe (1995) describes the
kolanut in an interview:
Oji is the beginning and end of the human person. Because the kolanut features all through
the human journey· at binh, at initiations, in shon from binh through to death. lt is an ever-
occurring ritual that must be done, except at funeral when the kolanut is broken without it
being consecrated.
The consecration of the kolanut (iwa ojl) is peculiar to the Igbo and is a great
occasion, full of tension and sometimes drama. For example, an man is not allowed
to take or consecrate the kolanut in the presence of his in-laws. So while the kolanut
is being passed round, people would have silently marked out all the others who do
not qualify to either consecrate or to take kolanuts before them when sharing begins.
So different people anxiously await each other to flout this rule so that they can either
give them a lightheaned chastisement or fme. Sometimes also. defaulting in-laws are
humorously ordered to rerum their wives because they do not know their wives'
people. The drama could also be around men visiting their maternal families or
villages where they are accorded special treatment, and are allowed to cause as much
playful disruption as they may wish. So as the kolanut is shown around, one of these
"sacrosanct" nwadiana may playfully collect all of them from the plate, in a move to
pocket them. Everyone would plead, calling him pet names to coax him to change
his mind. He returns the kolanuts to the plates amidst laughter and thanks from those
present.
The oldest person in a gathering - usually the head of the household is responsible for
consecrating the kolanut. Women never consecrate the kolanut in a mixed gathering,
134
·~
In Umuoji, Nkpor, Obosi and Ogidi in the Idemili Local Government Area, the
kolanut is shared in order of seniority, but in Owerri in South Central lgboland, and
lmilike in the North, the youngest member of a gathering shares the kolanut under
the direction of the oldest member. In unusually large gatherings involving villages
in a town, the kolanut is shared along clan or kindred lines with the oldest
representative of the oldest clan receiving and consecrating the kolanut on behalf of
his clan or kindred. In places like Onitsha, the sharing of the kolanut also takes into
consideration the titles of those present. For instance, an elderly man without any
titles may not take a piece of kolanut before a much younger titled person. Again if
the older man is married to the younger person's sister, he may also not take kolanut
before the younger person, unless the younger person asks him to due to respect for
his age. Women also, never take kolanut before a man- except in cases where age
confers privileges on a woman. This is more applicable in among the riverine lgbo
or (lgbo Olu) where elderly /post-menopausal women are regarded as their male
peers. For instance, an lyom (a woman who wears the odu or the elephant tusk) will
irresponsible person.
Just like when the Christians pray they invoke the God of Abraham and so on. so the person
venerating the kola calls on the ancestors to come and partake in human endeavour.
However, the Europeans made us believe that this was wrong and we have abandoned calling
on the God of our ancestors - God of the Arab family, of Onitshaland, of Usuma - to call
names we know nothing about.
The ritual significance of the kolanut depends on the number that is presented, and/or
the natural arrangement of the lobes within the kolanut. However, different parts of
135
I
multiples of two and three. In community gatherings in Umuoji, four kolanuts are
formally presented - these are different from the twenty-five that each representative
of twenty-five villages are given to take back to the people they represent. As the
lgbo would say: "oji lue uno, okwuo ebe osi" (meaning that when a kolanut gets
home, it will say where it came from). In Agulu, kolanuts are presented in twos, its
multiple of four, eight - even numbers. This is representative of the four market days
of Eke, Oye, Afo and Nkwo - where Eke represents the eldest of the days, Oye is Ada
(or eldest daughter), Afo is Ulu or the child after the Ada and Nkwo is the baby of the
family. The three-lobed variety is regarded as oji Eze (king's kola), and all of its
One uniform aspect of oji lgbo is that once it is presented, it is announced and passed
round for everybody in the gathering to view, and it is then returned to the most
appropriate person in the gathering for consecration. In some cases, this appropriate
person may be someone who may be shy because he is not eloquent in using Igbo
proverbs, he will be allowed to designate the job to those who are better able to do
respect during which the deities are implored to attend in all Agulu gatherings, and
their shrines are also respected and consecrated because Agulu people believe that
they are the messengers through whom they gain access to God.
four lobes is afia ino (four market days, symbolic of the deities who established the
four market days), and five is omumu (procreation). Beyond five (provided it is not
136
six) lobes, the kolanut will have another feast to in its honour because rarely does the
kolanut have more than five lobes. When this happens, another play develops within
the play of kolanut consecration. A chicken is slaughtered and shared by all who
witnessed the five-lobed kolanut which symbolises abundant goodness. After the
meal, another kola is used in libation. Only then can the original kolanut be shared
by all present. The development of plays within plays is common to most Igbo
rituals. These plays are not guarded by any rules of time and place, and some
witnessed by the researcher, were very elaborate. However, the interesting thing in
aU cases, was that no matter how long these went on, the participants would always
return (as if on prompt), to continue at exactly the same point they left off. Below
is the significance of the lobes in Umuoji, Nkpor, Obosi, Uke, Nnobi and environs:
Number Presented
Significance of cotyledons
* Ugo is lgbo for the eagle. The eagle symbolises beauty, great heights and
power. Used in this context as an adjective describing the oji, it signifies how
beautiful and fair the kola is.
137
From the foregoing, we can see that each kolanut has a story to tell - a story that is
told by the cotyledons as silent characters, on one level. On another level, it involves
human characters who not only interact with , but interplay with themselves
presented, the mix of those participating, the occasion for the presentation and
sometimes, even the time of day when the presentation takes place. Therefore, when
the kolanut is presented, consecrated and broken the number of cotyledons it presents
138
Table 4.1: Variations in meaning
Town Name of Aim Mode of No. presented Performed Time scale Performed Consecrated Shared by
ritual presentation by during by
Agulu iwa oji prayer, kolanut is 2 and its oldest male First thing in Proceeds all As morning Any male
invocation presented with multiples unless his in- the morning rituals, prdyer must appointed by
& nzu (if laws are and during negotiations be by the the eldest-
affirmation available) present visits. Not and covenants head of the usually the
presented after household. youngest
dusk - possibly In male.
because it is a gatherings, Shared in
stimulant by oldest order of
male unless male
his in-laws seniority.
are present Women are
given last
unless they
are titled.
Eziowele " " with money and " " " " " "
nzu
Nkpor " h
usually 5 and its " " " h
"
presented with multiples
nzu presented-
acknowledging
5 Nkpor
villages
lmilike " " h
Depends on eldest males h
" " "
the occasion consecrates
and youngest
male child
nominated to
break.
h
Nkpologu " h h
" " " "
B9
n
Aguleri " " presented with " the oldest Presented with oldest male "
money in the person in money which
same plate. gathering is taken by
Visitor takes visitor
the money
before
veneration
n n
Ngor- " " with nzu " " presented alone "
Okpala or with nzu
Onitsha " " odd numbers " " " "
cg l,3,5etc
140
From the table above, it is easy to see that the kolanut is commonly called by the
same name throughout the whole of lgboland (this is a rarity as names differ from
one locality to another), although the mode of presentation and consecrator may differ
depending on locality. However, in most places the meaning and the significance of
the lobes are the same, and they are shared out in order of seniority. The
deities and God to partake in their affairs. However, the consecrator is at freedom
about where to pitch his performance (and these include the manner of rendition, the
use of proverbs, and the length of time it takes). The composition of audience-
The account presented below is the iwa oji ceremony performed by Chief Jonathan
Chukwuemeka Obi of Agulu, 52 years old and Assistant Chief Ethnographer at the
On arrival at the Museum, the researcher was directed to Chief Obi. After the
preliminary greetings, she announced the purpose of her visit with four kolanuts. On
seeing the kolanuts, Chief Obi sent for three other members of his team
(Chukwunwike Arah, Michael Akukwe and Comfon Nwankwo) to "witness the gift
(kolanut) with him". Although the interview would take place in two days time, the
kolanut was still consecrated in keeping with lgbo tradition that once presented, it
must be eaten. The account below was audio-taped two days before the interview
proper.
141
Obu Chineke ka anyi n 'ayo ogonogo ndu, aru isi ike, na oganiru
(It is God, the Creator, that we implore for long life, good health and progress) -
Ebe ada anyi bu Chinyelu Okafor sili weta oji nkea, nyechigha kwa ya mmaji kwulu
mmaji
(Where our daughter, Chinyelu Okafor brought this kola from may it be replenished)
Anyi na ayo Chineke ka obia nnoyelu anyi ka anyi welu raa oji a
(We beg God to stay with us as we eat this kola)
Onye bia ka owelu ife anyi, anyi anwuru ebe anyi na anu ogu ya, anyi ama ekwe
(If they come to take what belongs to you, die fighting for it, do not agree)
Ndu ogonogo nu o
(Life will be abundant for us)
lfeoma ka any n 'acho, ajo ife choba anyi nya ekwudo kwana anyi
(Good things are all we seek, when ill thinks of us, let it decide where to go)
* calling on the individual towns of each person present and of course, the town
where the meeting is raking place
142
Anyi bu ndi olu oyibo n 'Enugu
(We are in Enugu as civil servants)
Mmuta ka i ga enweta
(May you learn well)
143
I ga amutacha fa ne ha
(May she learn it well)
Anyi nwa bu ndi obikwutelu, ajo mmadu na ajo mmuo ama afu anyi
(We who she is visiting, may we avoid all evil people and spirits)
0 noclul o ga abia kwa ozo maka na uzo a bu uzo mmili, oga abia kwa ozo
(After her stay she will come again because her path this is the path to the stream,
she will come again)
144
-~
Akunnia: It has three lobes. It is an ikenga kola. It shows that whatever you
have embarked on will go well. You shall not falter. So all is well.
The kolanut has told our fortune. If it had been four, it would be the
four market days.
Akunnia: Ka m welu kwa nu aka oji .. (let me take my share as the consecrator)
Akunnia: (Handing whole kolanuts to the men present) Arah, you hold this so
that when you get to Onitsha the kola will tell the story of where you
have been. Same for you, Akukwe.
Chief Obi's invitation to his colleagues to witness the kolanut presented shows the
esteem in which the Igbo hold the kolanut. Although they were not ready for the
interview, they nonetheless had to consecrate and share the kolanuts, because once
kolanut(s) are presented, they must be accepted. In this case, having announced the
kolanut, there was no debate as to whom should consecrate it because first, it was
presented to Chief Obi, and hierarchically, he was the most senior. However, if he
was in anyway related to those present by marriage, he may still have consecrated but
His rendition was prayerful and full of proverbs and imagery as he implored the
ancestors of those present to come and partake in the kolanut. He prayed for good
life, health, wealth and children; and he paid homage to the land of Enugu where
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145
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their employment is based. At several points, he used the imagery of the stream
and at the end he implored him to bless the kolanut. For the lgbo, eating consecrated
kolanut nourishes both body and soul as people also imbibed the prayers and
blessings. Acknowledging him at the end was like saying "Amen", and a vote of
thanks for his priestly role in a period communication with the ancestors.
A variation in the consecration of the kolanut noted by the researcher is that Chief
Obi consecrated all four kolanuts before he invited Arah and Akukwe to remove one
each. He, then, took one himself and broke the only kolanut left for all to eat. This
The maternity/infancy cluster is one extended ritual with many sub-sets which are
divination, ini orubo (disposal of the navel ending). ibe ugwu (circumcision) etc, are
all independent performances that follow closely, one after another and have one
overall aim - they are performances done in preparation for the main rite during the
naming ceremony, in which the child is given his own identity by the collective
The birth of a child is treasured in Igboland as a special blessing from God. In return
for this unique blessing, the lgbo express their thankfulness and appreciation in the
collective manner in which they nurture and care for all children entrusted unto their
146
care by God. Hence, the whole community is responsible for the children's physical,
fonnula, when a woman died in childbirth and the child survived, the child was taken
to any nursing mother within the community who would willingly breast feed both
her biological and fostered children. In most cases, the fostered child ended up not
only in her care, but as her own child. Hence, the lgbo would give names such as
Nwora (everyone's child), Jfeora (that which belongs to the community) Obiora (the
Many lgbo areas are intolerant of pre-marital sex and pregnancy. However, in cases
where there had been ime mkpuke/ime nkita or pregnancies before marriage, which
literarily means pregnancy in the mkpuke because unmarried girls live in their
mother's mk.puke or huts. !me nkita (dog pregnancy) is also used in some parts of lmo
State to signify promiscuity as the dog does not have only one mate. The pregnant
person is usually seriously reprimanded for bringing shame to her family. But, once
the child is born, it is fully welcomed with all appropriate rituals, accepted and
absorbed into its mother's family. She/he is never treated differently from other
"illegitimate" do not exist in the lgbo language. This is because every child has a
father and mother who are known by the community, albeit those children are
conceived outside of marriages. The birth of any child, therefore, is a blessing and
that child increases the every-growing circle of family. friends, future in-laws and
other relations. Hence ichi oga (in Nkpologu), iti mkpu nwa (in Umuoji). owoo
owolo anyi (in Umuahia) and ibi oro onu (in Avu) all mean the same thing- a joyous
announcement welcoming the extra-ordinary gift of life from God, and an invitation
celebrations that will mark the journey of a unique individual through life.
147
lchi oga fin Nkpologu)
In Nkpologu, the ichi oga announces the birth of all children, but when it is a male
child, another variation called ikpoo oroo is added to inform the community that it
is a male child. This extra ritual performed for the boys is probably because male
within families. So, the binh of a boy is celebrated more than that of a baby girl,
who will eventually marry and join another family. Ichi oga is performed once the
binh of the child is announced to its father in his iba/obulobi. He will then authorise
either his sister or a well-meaning female member of the nuclear family to announce
the birth to the community. The authorised individual ululates "anyi erite oke n'aka
Eze Churu Oke Obiama (we are in receipt of blessing from God of creation). This
signal is relayed by neighbours who are around. Before long, this ululation is re-
echoed across the entire communiry. Usually, the person who performs the ululation
also carries the news to the in-laws (the new mother's kindred). On gening there, she
commences ululating, and this is also picked up and relayed from one household to
another. She will then proceed to the home of the baby's maternal grandmother to
inform her with a gift - the nature of this gift depends on how affluent the new father
is. It may include some tubers of yam, ben(s), money, etc and these are given
irrespective of the child's sex. The maternal grandmother, who would have been
preparing for this moment, continns when she will attend her daughter's omugwo.
This is because, while her daughter was still pregnant. she would have prepared for
this visit to her daughter and new baby and would have packed all the special herbs
(utazi and uziza) and choicest condiments with which to cook: for her daughter on her
In Umuahia in Abia State, this same ritual is more elaborate and it is known as owo
owolo anyi. It starts when people hear the ululating announcing a birth, and women
living and passing nearby recognise this for what it is and would congregate from all
parts of the immediate vicinity. A song and dance sequence begins which can include
re-enacnnent of the sexual act of making a baby, the pregnancy, the birth and the
movement. Meanwhile, the new father provides talcum powder to which every one
present, including the men and children, help themselves to. They would rub the
powder around their necks, this is an indication to anyone who meets the participants
... the anti-rite which, in image and experience, regenerates what the rite cannot regenerate.
The essentials that it provides are sociability without regard for the authority of elders; and
informality and unofficial values (136)
Furthermore he continues:
... satire, joking, and fun, though essential for the healing reconstruction, have no proper pan.
They are not recognized as obligatory rites or strictly ritual events. Instead, they belong to
the anti-rites of play. Occurring as interludes between obligatory rites, these anti-rites,
seemingly spontaneous yet always performed in the same style, suspend realities otherwise
upheld in the ritual (1 09-11 0)
From the foregoing description, owoo owolo anyi qualifies as an anti-rite because its
imagery of the sexual act involved in the making of a baby, the pregnancy and the
rocking of the baby are the things that the earlier announcement made with shouts of
joy had not been able to reconstruct. In most parts of lgboland, children, women and
men rarely dance together, and above all, children and women are not given to
149
,~
lewdness in public. So, to be involved in this song and dance sequence with explicit
sexual details marks the suspension of communal moral code. This happens
irrespective of the presence of the village elders, who may not join in, but will
Normally, such vulgarity which would be looked on as disrespectful. does not happen
before the village elders. Furthermore, lgbo men tend not to put on any form of
would set aside their reserves to do that which would have normally brought derision,
or at worst a jocular comment. This dance celebrating a baby's arrival goes ahead
irrespective of who is present. This ritual is also in agreement with Werbner's view
of the spontaneity of anti-rites. Some may argue that the performance of owoo owolo
anyi is deceptively spontaneous, because the new father was promptly on cue with
talcum powder. Why would the father keep this if be did not know what was
coming, and what role he was expected to play once his child was born? The same
argument could be extended to the performers who it seems waited until they had
enough willing performers before commencing their show. And with no one directing
the action, how come the performers know the exact action and song sequence? The
spontaneity because first, the new father merely provides the context and some of the
props and make up. Also, although the women may have been expecting the birth,
the actual time of the baby's arrival usually catches many unawares. Furthermore,
the performers' ability to follow an action and song sequence stem from the fact that
these have been done before and were merely being repeated with modifications
because an outsider to this community would never have interpreted the ululation as
a call to celebration. And, let us suppose that this outsider was able to interpret the
shouts of joy correctly, would he/she have been able to join in the song and dance
151
Town Name of Aim Perfonned for Time scale Pea·formed hy Setting Others
ritual
Nkpologu lchi oga A public all children with lnunediatdy a live Either father, Emanates from The action finally
announcement of variation for child is delivered baby's aunty or the father's ends at the in-law's
the birth of a males called family member compound and place with n izi ozi
child - blessing "lkpo oroo" and joined by spreads to the omugwo"
from C/mkwu t:nlire wmmunily whole village.
Okike
lmilike Gurube okodo . " " " " The same for both
sexes
Umuahia Owoo owolo .. every child . anyone who usually in front of the same for both
anyi cares to join the the father's boys and girls
sharing of talcum compound
powder, and in
the song and
dauce sequence
n
Umuuji lti mkpu uwa same all children same Any member of Same
inunediate family
Table 4.2 shows how some areas in lgboland announce births. In some localities, the
152
\
The concept of re-incarnation among the lgbo is not an easy one to describe because
in practice, it does not happen in the same sense as re-incarnation in the Christian
sense where it is explained in terms of one body and one soul. Igbo duality expresses
the human and spirit elements, but it does not specify if a single human translates into
a single spirit after death. This is because the lgbo believe that people can re-
incarnate many times in different places and generations. Sometimes also, a person
who is still alive may re-incarnate and the lgbo would take all precautions to ensure
that the 'new' and the 'old' persons do not come in contact with one another. This
is because the lgbo believe that their meeting would lead to the death of the 'old'
lgbo notion of re-incarnation, Arazu (Appendix D) argued that the term "re-
incarnation is a misnonner", which stems from a wrong and faulty type of education
that stresses the one body and one spirit element. According to him, the fact that it
has been scientifically proven that all the cells of the human body are shed off and
replaced at a seven yearly interval makes the term re-incarnation all the more difficult
to accept as one grapples with and attempts to give a name to what the lgbo believe
to happen to the soul after death. For example, he argued that if an individual died
at the age of forty-nine, he/she would have shed his cells seven times over, and
Arazu rhetorically wonders which of the seven bodies re-incarnates with the soul.
He is of the opinion that the lgbo re-incarnation is better explained through the far-
Eastern philosophy where every human being has a total of four bodies (the physical,
the subtle, rhe causal and the super causal bodies) plus the spirit-soul. Part of what
Arazu also highlights is the problems encountered when attempts are made to explain
an ethnic and culturally-specific belief using a foreign language which does not share
the ideology which the belief is based on. Hence, the term re-incarnation is used
153
Inwa uwa, ino uwa, ibia uwa are the different names by which the lgbo describe .the
positive spirit-souls that return after death. The word "positive" is used because there
are different groups of not so pleasant spirit-souls who keep being born and dying,
used to describe a group of mischievous spirit-souls that come, die early and return
as many times as they wish just to be a source of anguish to their parents. They are
believed to only stop when a specialist ritual (ibo iyi uwaliji ogbanje) is performed
to sever them from their kindred spirit. However, the divination process through
which the identity of the re-incarnated spirit becomes known is called igba agu. In
Nkpologu, this rite is normally performed after the binh of the child, either by the
child's father or a well-meaning family member, and where it is not performed, the
child invariably falls ill. Most times, the time lapse between the birth and igba agu
is due to the fact that there are no strict time limits regarding its performance.
Hence, some families would procrastinate until such a time that the child falls ill.
The origin of the re-incarnated soul can be traced either to the child's paternal or
maternal ancestry. Time is, also, immaterial in re-incarnation in the sense that the
re-incarnated spirit-soul need not have been dead for a stipulated number of years
before coming again. Most times also, the child would present with the physical and
Among the lgbo, any form of illness would necessitate a visit to the diviner who
would consult with the ancestors and gods through divination to fmd out the cause{s)
of illness. Thus, when a child falls ill, the parents would consult the medicine
man/woman who would inform them that the spirit-soul which has re-incarnated as
a child is angry because it has not been recognised and welcomed. In Nkpologu, the
deity that is consulted during this particular type of divination is ltogene, the deity of
procreation. The consultation would also provide information on the person who has
154
returned and what type of sacrifice that he/she demands tq enable him/her to live a
fruitful life on this particular journey. The gift(s) given to the diviner's oracle is
usual during divination, would state his mission saying: "we have a child and we
would want to know who has returned". In cases where the re-incarnated spirit-soul
sacrifice called igbo ota is recommended to placate him/her from wreaking havoc
(sickness and even death on the family). However, it is worthy of note that igba agu
was the nonn in traditional lgbo communities where people believed that every child
longer believe that and as such do not perfonn this ritual for their children because
The parent would return home after the divination with the information and on
arrival, would invite his family, friends and neighbours to announce the identity of
the child. Elaborate welcome and stories regarding the re-incarnated's former
existence would be recalled to praise and adulation. Plans would be made as soon
that will be taken to the village shrine and shared between selected male members of
the child's paternal family and the spirits. This meal which is cooked with the
choicest fish (azu akpakpa or azu eshu), is a covenant between the family and the
guardian spirits to ensure that the child is looked after. If the re-incarnated was a
male, a cock is additionally used in preparing the food and if it is a woman, a hen is
used.
At the shrine, the food is consecrated by the priest, and the people in attendance will
eat together. Other forms of sacrifices that may be stipulated by the initial divination
155
may be the presentation of the cooked food at any major road junction either near the
family home or farther away in a farm, but as advised by the diviner. Road junctions
are popular meeting places of spirits, and by placing the feast there, it is ensured that
all the spirits get their share. This form of sacrifice is usually covered by awu
icheokulugo (the parrot's or eagle's feather), and nzu/odo (white or yellow chalk) and
human beings do not partake in this, because it is left strictly to the spirits. At other
times also, osadaka (a feast for children) may be stipulated. The type of sacrifice,
who partakes and where it is performed depend on the attributes the family wishes
for the re-incarnated. Once the process is completed, the sick child is expected to
recover instantaneously.
The importance of divining and recognising the re-incarnated ancestor is that it gives
the necessary information for insuring that a cohesive care plan is drawn up for the
individual, taking into consideration, factors that he/she may have re-incarnated to
achieve.
The location for the performance is not fixed- moving from the family home, to the
diviner's home and back to the family. From there, it moves to the village shrine
where it ends. The circle of performers increases as the action moves from one
location to another. First, are the sick child and its parents. The second stage
involves the diviner, the deity lte-ogene and other ancestors, and at the third stage,
when the parent returns home with the information about the child's identity, a small
crowd of family and friends who gather to welcome the re-incarnated spirit-soul are
included. Finally, the male members of the family plus an unknown number of
additional spirits with whom they share the meal at the shrine. The ritual agents are
eagle and parrot feathers and a cock or hen, depending on the sex of the child. The
only costumes and props are those that are used by the diviner during divination, and
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'
, they and their significance have been discussed. There is no music or dance
throughout the performance, only invocation and incantations by the diviner (dibia
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Table 4.3: Variations in lf:ba ag:u
Town Name of Aim Performed Time scale Performed ritual agents Others If not
ritual for by performed
Agulu Igba agu Reincarnation new born anytime dibia afa nzu, hen, the child falls
inquiry preferably (divination money (token instruction to very ill
immediately priest), the fee) plus reincarnate to
after birth parents and other items as members of
the dibia aja specified by the family
who may be the dibia afa who need
approached to children is
offer the given to the
sacrifices dead on the
...-
night before
the burial
n n n
Eziowele lgba agu " " "
n n n
Nkpor Igba agu " " "
Umuoji lgba agu " " " " " "
n
lmilike lgba agu " " " " "
n n n n
Nkpologu lnwa uwa " "
n n n
A vu lgba afaa " " "
Table 4.3 shows what tllis ritual is called in various areas of lgboland, and it demonstrates the reason for being and characteristics of
the same throughout.
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lba nwa afa/iputa ifelikubata n 'uno (naming ceremony)
In traditional lgbo society, women had their children behind their mkpuke (hut)
situated behind their husband's iba/obu. From the time the baby is delivered, both
mother and child remain in confmement for at least seven market weeks before they
are allowed near and inside their husband's hut on the day of the naming ceremony.
They are put into confmement for two reasons. First, a woman was regarded as
unclean after birth until she performs the ritual cleansing, and secondly, because she
needed to recuperate after the ordeals of pregnancy and labour. In confmement, she
is not allowed to anend public places, like, the village market, stream, woodland, etc.
With her mother visiting and staying with her for at least three months post delivery,
she has enough help around her home to enable her to finish her period of
The subsequent ritual is the iputa ife (to come out into the light of day) or ikubata
n 'uno (to be brought into the home), appropriately named to signify the purpose of
the ritual. Before this time, both mother and child remain un-incorporated into their
family and community circle. As such they are assumed to be "outside", not only of
the family home represented by the man's hut, but also "outside" the village life. It
is during iba afa that the child is incorporated by his folks, while its mother is re-
incorporated. In between igba agu and iba aja, males would have been circumcised
While in confinement, she will be busy preparing for the naming of the child who up
until now is still referred to as nwa (baby). The naming ceremony is an occasion
during which the society takes over the ownership of the child, and as the child grows
every member of the community is on hand to ensure both his physical and spiritual
159
well being. The naming ceremony is also a head-counting opportunity during which
•
the community come together to bear witness and take responsibility for the
upbringing of the child. Hence, as the child grows up, the mother may not be
around, but someone else in their neighbourhood will feed, bathe and shelter him/her
So, on the morning of the naming ceremony, the child's father will be busy buying
palmwine for visitors. Prior to this time, he would have sent word around to invite
everyone who would wish to come. His mother in-law would also have invited
anyone she wishes to invite. Depending on how financially resourceful he is, he may
cook some food to entertain people who would come. If not, it would be just drinks
The ceremony takes place in the man's compound - usually in the evening so that
people who had gone to either their farms or market would have returned. When
enough people have gathered, the oldest male in the family will welcome the visitors
and break the kolanut. After that the child and the mother are brought out and she
moves around to greet their invitees. She will give the child to the eldest male of the
family who holds the child in both hands and raises the child skywards as if showing
him to the gods, facing the East. On bringing him down, he begins a special prayer
of thanksgiving to Chukwu for the gift of another child and prays for the well-being
of the baby and its parents. After that, he announces the name given by the baby's
parents, and he either supports them or he gives the baby another name. Either way,
others to name the baby as he did. They also will offer money and/or other gifts.
In Nkpologu and Ukpabi Nimbo, a cl?-ild is named after a dead or living relative. If
the namesake is alive, he/she presents a cockerel (if the child is a boy) and a hen (if
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it is a girl) as the naming token. In cases where the namesake is alive, a special kind
of relationship develops between the adult and the baby in which the older of the two
is more proactive in caring and supporting the child and his family. Namesakes are
usually role models. While this is happening, people drink their palmwine and make
merry. All the money collected is for the mother and the baby. The father takes no
share.
The naming ceremony is significant because during it, the child is given his own
independent identity and the community marks the child as its own. Before then, he
everyone present partakes in a social ritual of joint responsibility and thus. a stake in
ensuring that the child grows up with adequate supervision. It is also the occasion
for the mother's re-incorporation into the community after which she is free to attend
The naming ceremony is a passive ritual because the child for whom it is performed
does not in any way contribute to the dialogue and/or action. It is one of those
expected of them because they have participated before. For this reason, no rehearsal
is needed (nor for lack of time) since the event would have been planned since the
birth of the child. The sitting arrangement is usually circular and the space used is
in from of the man's hut (unless it is raining, then the scene would be moved into the
hut).
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When the people have gathered, the woman emerges from her hut followed by other
women (including her mother who would have been on omugwo and other wives of
the family). llhis would be the first time since the birth of the child that she and her
baby would venture beyond the threshold of her husband's hut, ·into the open space
where the visitors are seated. The woman would tour the circular seating
arrangement to greet people, starting with the oldest members of her family.
Following immediately behind her is a woman carrying the baby which, in both the
theatrical and the rirual sense, signifies that though one woman bore the child, its
nurturing and integration is also the duty of others. In most cases, this role is
performed by a woman who has had children of her own. With the tour of the circle
completed, the baby would be given to the eldest member of its father's family.
Meanwhile, the mmher and these other women would either move from the crowd
into her husband's iba from where they would watch the proceeding or rerum w her
own living quarters. From being centre-stage performers. they now assume the role
of spectator-participants. This is one unique trait of Igbo performance - the ease with
their specified roles, intermingle with and become part of the spectator-audience
Once the women leave the arena, the man holding the baby stands up (and as if on
cue), most if not all side conversations would stop. However, should a pocket of
people continue talking, the man with the baby (by now the main actor) will loudly
clear his throat and all else will be silent. He would reiterate (in a loud monologue)
their reason for gathering, and still holding the baby wwards the sky, he would thank
God, the Creator for bestowing the great gift of life on them. He prays for a good
and long life for the child, his parents and siblings; where there are no siblings, he
would mandate the child to ensure that only the best come after hirnlher. He would
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pray for their health, food to feed the child with and other children within the
community. He would also pray that the child may grow to be a child his entire
community will be proud of in future. The beauty and length of his oratory would
depend on his dexterity with words, and on how he is able to use lgbo proverbs.
Although the child is passive, it is the focus and contact that draws the larger
collective imo re-affinning their unity. It is the reason why the family and its
community have come together to enhance their survival and prosperity through the
single act of naming a child, but through which they thank, supplicate and invoke the
At che :!nd of me <!lder's prayers. he would call on me mother to kneel before him
LJnd with the chiid on one hand ,md a cup of palmwine in the other, he would vffer
spe~:al prayers :u the end of which he drops some of me palmwine on the ground in
lib:uion. He then passes me cup w me mother to drink from. She is obliged to taste
me wine before handing it back w the man. Only then would she stand up and leave.
Sometimes. Jn interesting imerplay involving the sip of me paimwine has been a way
of extending rhe playfulness of the perfonnance. While social modesty requires that
the mother takes only a little sip of the wine offered. a woman's position in her
husband's house could embolden her to break with this tradition. Women are
supposed to kneel when offered drinks by their husbands, but older women would
usually pretend ro suffer from waist pain and thus, allow themselves to only bow
forward inste:J.d of kneeling down. Sometimes. a younger woman may pretend that
she does not drink at all, so she may take just a sip and make faces as if the wine
tastes sour. When this happens, the spectators will call out in mock encouragement,
asking her to try some more in spite of this ''sour" taste. After a few sips and
further cheers from those present, she will gulp everything down in one go, to
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raprurous applause and laughter, and such appellations as "oli nkwu" (palm-wine
bibber). At other times women have used this occasion to register resenunent and/or
defiance towards their marital families or community by totally refusing the drink in
Most times these displays elicit laughter and healthy bantering between the women
and the men. The main significance of such performance is that they stop riruals
from becoming too serious. heavy thus emphasising more of their social aspect.
Riruals have the capacity to quickly become sombre even when this is nm their
imemion. This is because riruals exist to achieve set objectives. and sometimes. the
participants may in their bid to achieve these objectives, without consciously doing
so. become too serious. And in the rirual interaction Jetween ;:>erformers. space etc.
such seriousness may become apparent unless there are conscious attempts (as me
The theatrical implication of such humorous imerplay is that they possess the ability
dance, song and recitation. For example, the researcher witnessed a naming
during which a very popular and well liked woman in the community contributed to
a humorous interplay. She was the grandmother of the baby being named. and she
was called ro have a drink. She accepted the cup of wine from rhe man , who was her
real-iife husband), went on to hand it over to a •1ery old man who sat unnoticed in rhe
crowd. She knelt down before him and offering her cup to him. told him to drink
tirst before she does - w the spectator's cheers and fond appellation. Ber'ore the old
man could take her cup of paimwine, another much younger man got up and c:.une
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imploringly to the old man asking him not to be deceived by her ageing sweetness.
He playfully chastised her to leave the men of the family to the younger wives who
are not as wily as herself. The old man admonished the intruder to go about his
business and leave him alone with his "one and only". Both men involved in this
interplay were members of her married family, and the woman was the favourite wife
because of her peaceful and loving disposition. While some of her admirers cheered
her on, another gentleman who was sitting in the crowd made a bellowing sound for
her on his ozara (elephant rusk). On hearing her praise being produced from the
owra. she collected her wine from the older man, drank up quickly (all the time to
applause), thrusts the cup to the unwilling younger man :md >tarts to dance, as the
spectators cheered. She was now dancing in the cemre of a circular sitting
arrangement. At !:his point. the old man whom she had taken me wine to stood up
and crouching vver his walking stick, starred to walk over w her. T!1e applause from
the spect:.uors when they saw this was delfening. The ozara player now got up and
followed directly behind the old man - the musician·s face comoned by ::he spirit .Jf
the music he played. On seeing her ageing sweetheart approach ':ler, the woman
stopped her more vigorous dance steps, made some suggestive and coy moves while
moving towards the old man. She stopped right in from of him. knelt on both knees
with her head bent forward as if waiting for his blessing. Meanwhile the whole
crowd went quiet, except for the music from the o<.ara. Gingerly, he stretched his
withered shaking hands, placed it on her shoulder and said "'bunyiftt, Oyoo", meaning
"Get up my beloved". This drew ecstatic laughter and comments as some people
mcc!<ingly called out to the old man to dance. She gm up, put her ar.n gemly around
the old man· s bent frame and starred to rerum him to his seat saying to the crowd
"'this is my main husband". In real-life, the old man is her husband's uncle who was
at the head of the delegation that performed her marriage rites. and ro whom her
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The role the ~Id man played by getting up and moving towards the dancing woman
was that he used his graceful presence to bring this side performance under control.
By so doing, he was able to shorten the time the side play could have taken and thus
The ceremony progressed from where it left off with those present being invited to
name lhe child. They would either support lhe name the parents or someone else had
given, or they would give whatever name lhey wish. As lhey did lhis, they would
use money and other gifts to support the name given. The act of taking the child imo
lheir hands. giving it a name or :>upporting one previously given name signified their
perform this :>eemingly simple act of naming lhe child, lhey bec:une custodians of and
The t1exibility demonstrated lhroughom lhis ritual. and the fact that its duration
depends solely on lhe oratory. the dramatic moments and willingness of the spectators
to participate in all side shows is a reflection on lhe Igbo propensity for using every
not only celebrate the gift of a new life, they also celebrate and re-enact aspects of
After being named, the child is returned to its mother. The visitors are entertained
wilh food and drinks. and there are no limits to how long people can stay. The
women would gather in their own crowd in the space between lhe mkpuke and the
man·s iba to entertain lhemselves wilh songs and dances - some of which are quite
lewd and obscene. This occasion is one of the rare times that women can make r"un
of their men· s sexual organs and sexual prowess. Naming ceremonies are also times
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when women are at freedom to consume considerable quantities of alcohol without
being socially censured, and they return home late without upsetting accepted norms.
Occasions like this mark the relaxation of social expectations on both men and
women. There are no special cosrumes except that the baby's mother wears a new
ADOLESCENT/ADl'LTHOOD RITUALS
Young ·.vomen were initi:ued during the moonlit nighrs of the harvesting period. This
was bec:mse in traditional Igboland, the moon was the only source of light at night.
and riruals were scheduled :o take place on those nighrs of full moon so that people
could :1vail themselves of the narural lighting. Ikpa iyi tin :--lkpologul iso ebe (in
Agulu1 and i::u ufia ltlllara (in Abakiliki), mean the same thing and they are riruals
during which young virgins are taught the secrers of womanhood in readiness for
marriage. It is only aiter this rite that they are qualified for marriage. The harvest
season is a period or relax:uion from intensive fanning which usually happens during
the rainy season. These riruals are also specifically designed w take place during this
period so that the initiands' families would not be deprived of these much needed
farm ~mods.
In traditional Igbo society. this was the only form of formal sex education which
rhese young virgins would ger that was approved by their communities. Community
approval was important because. e·1en today in most parts of Igboland. adults tind the
remembered that during the time in question, sex was for the sole purpose of
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procreation and it only happened in privacy and at night. In Umuoji, it is actually
believed that albinism results from pregnancies conceived through sexual intercourse
in daylight. Most traditional Igbo societies frowned on sex before marriage, and
some families have been said to re-enter into negotiations with the bride's family to
have part of the bride price returned if the bride was not a virgin. In extreme cases,
the girl was returned to her family and the entire marriage agreement was nullified.
This was a source of shame to the bride's family, especially for her mother as her
only was the non-virgin bride stigmatised, but her mother's own chastity as a married
woman was also brought into question. In some traditional Igbo communities. the
re•Jelation of this type of incident would be widely felt and the unfonunate bride have
been :mown to remain unmarried or made to mke an oath to prove her chastity.
Female circumcision. in Abikiliki and environs. was a highlight of :his initiation into
removed. Some communities did this to ensure that promiscuity due :o high libido
is controlled. This aspect of Igbo culture is now being discouraged in many areas
because it is considered brutal, and sometimes. excessive bleeding and poor hygiene
In traditional ~kpologu and Agulu communities. lkpa iyi and iso ebe respectively,
marked the initiation of young girls into womanhood. This rite, like ima muo
(initiation of young boys into the masquerade cult), was shrouded in secrecy. It was
during this time that young women are given a code of adult conduct. mught about
the different guardian deities and the role they play in enabling women to build up
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successful marriages and homes. It was also a time for sex education during which
these young women were taught by experienced mothers all about pregnancy,
hospimls.
As in most rituals of initiation, there was a marked period in seclusion during which
the initiand received instructions in isolation. At the end of this period of seclusion,
they rerumed to their families having taken their cleansing bath. In Nkpologu, this
rirual iasts for three native weeks (twelve days). and takes place :u the shrine of the
goddess, lte-ogene. Each initiand was assigned an elderly matron who was. The
duty of a mentor was to collect her ward from her home, escorted her to the initiation
venue and ensured that she fully understood and made use of the lessons of me
initimion. Thus every night, for those twelve days, me girls were summond wim
a song by meir mentors and together, they went and remained in the sedusion of the
shrine until dawn. Part of the lesson in staying awake all night, is to introduce the
girls into the sleepless nights that come with motherhood. The songs ·.vith which the
girls were summoned seems to be designed to motivate them to go through the pains
that no one in their family has ever failed to withstand the experience. The song goes
like this:
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Once in the privacy of.the shrine, the girls and their mentors remained naked, while
the girls learnt about comportment in marriage, sex, pregnancy, child birth, delivery
and acceptable child-rearing practices. Both the elderly women and the young girls
going naked together helped to expose the girls to the transformation that their bodies
would go through in due course. In this manner, the girls were also encouraged ro
be at ease in the presence of their fellow women who would eventually be their
midwives and confidants. These lessons were very important in traditional lgbo
The ~nd of the ceremony was marked by a public outing either to the market or to
the village square. Virgins from the northern pan of ~kpologu performed this
outing. naked. This was a means of showing off their physical attributes and
signifying availability for marriage. Their bodies were adorned with uti (indigo) and
ufie (c:unwood). In other parts of Nkpologu. girls performed their outing dressed
only injigida ta multiple line of native waist beads which fails to .;over pubic area).
They would dance to the accompaniment of songs rendered by their memors, and the
music was referred to as Nene aye oma oyoko (nene = mother. while oye oma
oyoko = kind and beautiful) - referring to the goddess at whose shrine they
The outing marked the re-integration of the initiands into their society and their dance
marked their exaltation into the starus of women who now understOod the basis of
marriage and motherhood; and who enjoy the privileged protection of lte-ogene - the
goddess of procreation.
Meanwhile, the efficacy of the rirual would be lested in the ability of the girls to
marry and make use of the lessons they had learnt during their initiation. It seems
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that through these initiations, traditional lgbo societies ensured the quality,
transference and continuity of societal nonns; as the initiands carried the lessons of
The period after the initiation was unique in Nkpologu and some other areas around
Nsukka because the girls were then allowed to have a lover chosen by their mother -
usually a well-behaved man who would disvirgin and lead her in exploring the adult
world of sex. This type of sexual mentoring was referred to as ikpa n 'enu and, it
served two purposes. First, all sex acts were carried out in modesty, under the close
scrutiny of the girl's mother, who ensured that her daughter understood sexual
etiquenes, especially the noiseless decorum that went with it. The lgbo would scorn
involvement in her daughter's practical sex education helped to control the frequency
of sexual contact and over-excitement as the mentor's visits depended on her mother's
judgement. That control was important as it helped instill a sense of restraint in the
girls, especially at a time when female contraception was down to the ability of the
woman to avoid copulation during ovulation, and in her ability to ward off advances
from her partner. The aim of ikpa n 'enu was to monitor, limit and contain sexual
promiscuity for both sexes. Table 4.4 below shows the names by which this initiation
were called in different localities, and what variations there were. In some areas of
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Table 4.4: Variations in initiation into womanhood
Town Name of Aim Pea·formetl by s~uiug l'ea-fonn~d for 1\"lusic/Daoce Duration &
ritual additional ..
comments
Agulu lso c:l>e Initiation into Elderly Shrine of Young women in Songs sung by 12 market weeks
womanhood women conuuuni1y n:adiness for ddt:rly mentor and (48 days)
goddess of 111arr iagc::. In llanct: lc:arnt while
ti:rtilily somt: placc:s time in seclusion. This Secret initiation
fur ti:male i111.:orporation takes during which
dn:umcision place in the market young women bond
SlJUarc:. with the goddess of
fertility and are
taught the secrets
of childbirth, etc.
Abakiliki l.£u alia " " Shrine:: by the " " 12 market weeks
itutara village: river. Circumcision is
Tht: young carrit:d out and the
womt:n gu there lessons learnt are
at nigh1 and the same as in
relllrn ro tht:ir Agulu.
families by day
Nkpnlogu lkpa iyi " .. Shrint: by the " " 3 market weeks or
village: river. twelve days.
YliU ng Wlllllt:ll
lcavt: h•llllt: at Lessons learnt is
dusk and return the same.
at dawn over an
agrt:c:d pc:riod
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Ima muo {initiation into the ma·sguerade cult}
lma muo is the initiation of young boys into the masquerade cult. Among the lgbo,
the masquerade is the representative of the ancestors, and in this patrilineal society,
it is predominantly a male cult. All initiated men are sworn to secrecy during this
rirual. and from a very early age, young boys learn the secrets and mysteries that
transfonn them into mature and fully integrated lgbo men. In an interview with J.C.
Obi (1995), he described the precepts on which this initiation is founded thus:
Omenani lgbo [lgbo tradilion] is not a play thing. Any true lgbo child must always rerum to
learn the omenani 1.1f his people - his genealogy. Only after this does the individual fit into
the society irrespective of how far he had travelled
In most parts of Igboland, boys are initiated from as early as when they are eight
years of age. In Nkpologu, the initiation lasts approximately two full days, and it is
usually sponsored by the Idi n · Ikolobia (Idi and lkolobia> or the militant age grade
made up of people whose ages range between twenty-five and forty-five years, and
who are at the beginning of their career as ambassadors used as representatives and
negotiators by their communities. Qualification into this broad-based age grade is not
just by age but by achievemem. People in it possess good leadership skills, and are
seen as role models worthy of emulation by the younger initiands. Hence the reason
In most of Igboland (except in Imo and Abia States where people get initiated into the
masquerade cult as full grown men), the ima muo rirual involves a series of over-
night activities starting with the congregation of the young men at the cult house in
the village square. From there, they are taken to the forest, and it is there that the
initiand' s survival skills and ability to persevere under strain and stress are put to the
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test. The perfonnance, usually in most cases, has a graded structure based on
confrontations and dangerous encounters between the initiands and the initiating
called the nwakpuluke, and they are characters designed to arouse terror in the
uninitiated. The size, physical strength and number of initiating masquerades usually
depend on the size and number of the young boys being initiated. The purpose is to
make sure that each boy receives maximum anemion and harassment during the
vigorous but playful contests which make up the structure of the initiation. These
contests include wrestling with the nwakpuluke, climbing the 'hill of thorns' and
broken bottles, a lie detector test, a shouting contest, a series of dilemma situations
that require very unattractive choices such as the choice of which family members to
offer to the masquerade in exchange for the resurrection of any nwakpuluke that may
have been 'killed' during the contests, etc. All these tests are geared towards testing
The nwakpuluke 's job is to terrorise the boys into wanting to run away from the
arena, thus disqualifying themselves from continuing with the process. As a result
of the psychological conditioning and support from their families and friends present,
the boys usually manage to last the initiation, especially with the mi-<ture of taunts
other young boys and the adult males of the village. The initiation is structured in
such a way that the initiand moves from one stage to the other only after he has
proved himself worthy of scanding his grounds against the menacing initiating
masquerades. Thus, throughout the course of the night, they are exposed to different
masquerades - the good and the bad, the grotesque and the beautiful, the kindly and
capricious etc.
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For a lot ofthem, this is the first time that they would be coming in contact with the
different from the day-time masquerades because the ayaka appears only at night
when human beings have retired, and it is legendary for its intolerance of any signs
of human presence and light. When the ayaka is out and about, its eerie music and
inhuman sounds are the only things that can be heard from miles away. The ayaka
season is the harvesting season when the community has enough time for relaxation.
The ayaka is the fmal arbiter in any disagreement between people, and they are the
most effective force for social control. For example, the role of a mother in
achieving and sustaining a stable and loving home is highly regarded among the Igbo,
and part of that stability results from the woman's ability to cater for her family. No
maner where she is, the expectation is that she must rerum home to prepare the
family's supper and to feed her family before it becomes too dark. However, there
are some women who do not uphold or share this sense of time and would still be
preparing the family meals when everyone else in the neighbourhood would have
retired for the night. Most times, their children who would have waited too long for
the meal would fall asleep wirhout eating. A woman like this is a social deviant and
the lgbo would classify or call her, ajo nwayi n 'esi ite abani (the bad woman that
cooks late at night). If, however, she proves incapable of changing her late night
cooking habit, the ayaka onyeku/ufa [Umuoji], onyekurilabare [Imilike] which is the
ayaka that satirizes people with unacceptable social tendencies would be drafted in to
sort her out. A group of these night masquerade will sing with her name, run
satirical comments about her bad habit as they travel throughout the entire
~------~Cl.l!Omml!.ill.!!:U!flli!!!·ty. It is a shameful thing to be talked about in this way, especially with all
the evil spirits out and about at night. During an interview with Mazi Chime
175
·.
In Imilike, there are different sorts of masquerades. The night variety is the one that women
are not allowed to see. The daylight ones eg egwugwu, are the ones that women may see but
not stand and stare at. As these come, they will be saying "umunwanyi gba, ono n 'uzo gba"
(women run, anyone on the way, run}. However, the night variety in Imilike is called
"Abare". This is an alusi and is not seen. It is an agent of social control. lt satirizes women
who are into prostitution. ln Orba (an adjoining town], they call this same night masquerade
"onyekuri •. They satirise and advice. Also when they are out at night, they act as night
watchmen.
They also satirize women who specialise in late cooking. Such women like you know in
lgboland are bad women. They have no sense of time - so at about this time of the night (it
was 8.30 pm}, she is still planning on how to get her cooking fire started. Sometimes before
the cooking is done the children would have been so hungry and gone to sleep on empty
stomach. These are the women abare will sing about. They will also satirize mean men and
the women who get pregnant while their most recent child is still suckling (November 1995}.
In Umuoji, the onyekulufa is famous for satirising social miscreants and sexual
auditory theatre in which the performers are unseen and unconstrained by time of day
and/or space, yet these factors do not interfere with people's involvement and
response. The song below satirizes two men, the first is Willie Ji who gets a regular
beating from his wife and the second, is Okolafo the loafer, who prefers baby-sitting
to farming so that he can eat the food left for the baby because according to him, the
baby would not eat. In Umuoji, both cases are laughable because, a man who is
beaten up by his wife is not worthy of being called a man, neither are men who baby
176
Obe nna eh, nna eh ahe he he
He cries, Father! Father! eh.ahe he he
The effect of this perfonnance that the masquerades set off in the course of the night
becomes more palpable the next day with people bantering and making fun, not only
of the two men but, of their relations. This is an example of the Igbo using every
only after the story-teller infonns his or her listeners that there is a great story to be
told. This is a way of readying people and getting those who otherwise would not
have listened to become interested. In this way, no details are missed by the
listeners. There is also the repetitive style used by the masquerade when he gets to
how Willie cries when he is beaten, he repeats it so that anyone who had missed out
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.. _ ··- ---
-~
In essence, during the initiation into the masquerade cult, these young initiands are
brought face to face with the real essence of lgbo dualism and manhood symbolised
·in the different forms of masquerades that.appear at different times. Above all, they
are exposed for the first time to the powerful role of the masquerade in maintaining
law and order within the community. An Igbo saying sums up the lessons learn about
Igbo manhood on the initiation night thus: obu otu eze nwoke ji achi ka ona eji ataa
(it is the same teeth that a man smiles with that he bites with). In effect, the
exposure of these young men to the varying strengths of the initiating masquerades
(the kind and the callous, the beautiful and the grotesque, the riotous and the serene,
the dancer and the fighter, etc) is an exposure to the level of complicated restraint and
balance needed to be a marure lgbo man. This is the core lesson of ima muo, an
education into manhood - gentle and flexible, but firm and persevering.
Furthermore, the initiation night is one of dread for the young initiands during which
time they come face to face with pure darkness, its terrors and all its fearful
ambience. The part of the initiation that takes part in the forest can be really scary,
because the lgbo believe that the forest is the home for all homeless spirits, and that
while the spirits who have a place to rerum to do so, the homeless ones return to the
forest at dusk. These homeless spirits are usually the most vicious. and no sane Igbo
the forest, and especially at night, they are made to face some of their unfounded
fears learnt from childhood fables. What the trip to the forest does is that it forces
rwo levels of bonding to happen on the night of the initiation. The first bonding is
berween the initiands and their mentors - on this night of reality. a great bond of trust
and respect is formed as the initiands just have to believe that their mentors would
not let them come to any harm in the dark. The second is the bond between the
initiands themselves. The initiation night marks the start of a comradeship born out
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··,-:··· -··:··· ....
' :.~-----~--
of surviving the same ordeal, and a lasting knowledge that as a team, nothing will
ever be too big to be dealt with. On this night also, the young men take the oath of
secrecy which forbids disclosing their experience to the uninitiated. These young men
learn from such early stages that the real mark of an lgbo man is that he does not
speak unless he must - this fact has not changed in spite of the lgbo exposure to
western intluence.
The initiands remain in the forest until the very early hours of the morning when they
will be the first to visit the village stream for their initiation bath which in Nkpor is
called iwucha aru ogbodu (or washing away me uninitiated skin). In Nkpologu, as
the initiands arrive at the village stream, an interesting perfonnance called iku ene/iku
iyi or iku mmili (control calling of the river goddess) in most of lgboland takes place.
Iku mmili is another manifestation of Igbo duality - the belief that all public spaces
are shared by human beings and spirits, and that each group has use of these places
at specitied times. These public places include the market square, the village stream
or river. village shrines and woodlands etc. As a result. human beings have use of
these shared facilities from dawn to dusk (except at noon when it is believed that
some capricious spirits with no sense of time and boundaries appear), while the spirits
people want to use the village stream, they must stop at a distance to alen the
children of me night that the children of me day are approaching. They will men
give them about tifteen to twenty minutes before they announce final approach.
Michael Al<ukwe 's recollection (1995) of calling me goddess ldemili in Eziowele goes
like this:
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Iku iyi is an art and those people who perfonn it are respected because they are
believed to have daily contacts with the spirits. If for any reason this individual is
indisposed to lead the way to the stream and perform this daily ritual, villagers will
be warned to stay away from the stream until the sun has fully risen. Even then, the
villagers also talk loudly on their approach as a further warning to any malingering
spirit(s) that may be left behind in spite of the light of day simply because they have
not beard the daily call to the goddess. In the past, this ritualised call was an
important daily occurrence as the village streams and rivers were the only source of
water supply, and some people would want to feteh the water they would need for the
The morning of the bath at the stream is an exciting morning for the young initiands
as this would be for most of them. the first they would wimess iku iyi. Before now,
they would have been too young to attend the stream during the early hours. In
initiating masquerade the previous night, the moment of iku iyi is a magical one
which opens up a world previously unknown to the young men - a world in which
within boundaries, the human being can command even the spirits.
Once in the stream, they would have their first post-initiation bath which is symbolic
of a new and more mature beginning, and their leaving is timed in such a way that
they do not meet even the ftrst set of people from the village as they arrive to feteh
water for their daily use. From there. the initiands are taken to the cult house, which
in Nkpologu. is located in the village square where for the rest of the day, they are
taught about corporate identity and team spirit, and about other cult secrets that were
not covered during the night spent in the forest. After that, they rerum to their
various homes on their own because they are now regarded as men who can take care
180
·.
slept on the same beds with their mother, sisters and other female relatives, are
forbidden to do so from now on. It is from this early stage that these young men are
made aware of the onset of biological changes, and their curiosity to experiment with
bodies different from their own. Thus this community begins to instill in these newly
initiated 'little men' that sense of moral propriety and decorum which forbids
incestuous relationships.
The practice also, in Nkpologu, is that before they leave the cult house to rejoin their
various families, the initiands are given their first mandate as men - to "call up" an
okotoko masquerade from the land of the spirits within twelve days. The okotoko
masquerade is a one-off design and its production and performance exercise is carried
out by each group of initiands, and it is usually their first team work. So the okotoko
is as unique :md as distinct as the group that ''called" it up. On their rerum to their
respective homes, the initiands will continue to meet at an agreed time and place
(without restrictions from their families) to practice the various techniques which
James Eneje (1997) describes as ''calling up their otokoto from the land of the dead".
The lgbo believe that masquerades are usually summoned via appropriate rites which
behaviour and treatment of the visiting masquerades. On the twelfth day, post-
initiation night, the initiands take their display to the village square. The highlight
for them is that for the ftrst time, they would have a chance to scare the girls with
the whips they carry - those girls who are too big will be pelted with stones from a
distance until they run. The picture painted here is hilarious, and it marks the
beginning of Igbo male domination, and the supremacy of the masquerade cult.
181
·.
The foregoing accounts are two different examples of ima muo, and both accounts are
in agreement about the age of the initiands and the aims of the initiation. However,
the names of the rituals differ. In Nkpor, the post-initiation bath is either at the cult
house or at the home of the initiating elder, while in Nkpologu it takes place at the
village stream. The Nkpor account is more specific about the narure of the initiating
masquerade, the activities they engage in during initiation, but the Nkpologu example
takes us beyond the initiation of the young men to their first design and performance
exercise.
182
Town Numc of Aim l'ct•fonuctl r.... Selling l'cl"l"unuctl lly Music & Uauce Comments
a·itual
Nkpulogu lba initiation into the s.:crets of lgbo Controlled - Varied - yow1g men guideline for from experience, this is a dead
mmanwu masking traditions - a.:tive frum under close presentation given end for any woman researching
confrontation of childhood fears iuitialion f••r.:st, to supervision of Juring initiation. into lgho rituals as only sketchy
embodied in initiating p.:rfonned fut cull dderly men information is offered if one is
masquerade, venues aud time. and by boys huust:, to Music a.ud dance steps lucky. In most cases,
Foundation training in lgbo agetl bet wcen village are energetic and information dries up. This cult
,.
manhood - diplonlli~J', M-12 years of stream formulated by young is still in present day lgboland
leadership and team skills, age and back iuitia.uds with the as it was in traditional times.
family and cunununity values lll village initiators in l11e uninitiated are still regarded
through healthy peer SIJUare fur .:ousultative roles as ogbodu (an uninitiated that is
competitions ctc im:orporat worse than an infidel)
ion rites.
* ikpu ani mt:ans enlt:ring the ground because it is bt:lieved that tht: masqut:rades live underground, and that they emerge from ant holes
after appropriatt: libation and invocation havt: been carried out/pt:rformed.
183
lnu nwanyi (traditional marriage rite)
/nu nwanyi is an example of an adulthood ritual. In Umuoji, a man was not allowed
to get married unless he was initiated into the masquerade cult. This makes ima muo
and for other stages in life to take place. It is after ima muo that young men were
given their ftrst yam seedlings (by their fathers) to enable them to start the process
process in which the circle of panicipants increases at every new negotiation point.
There are two types of marriages - one between people and deities and the other
between people.
The former type of marriage involves a process whereby young men and women were
made spouses of deities and was quite prevalent in Ala Uno and Ukehe until recently,
and was termed adoro and ehuru respectively. These marriages were contracted for
three reasons. First, the young people were chosen because they were either very
daughters (rarely sons) to a particular god in a covenant in which the deity's role is
to enable continued prosperity and posterity. Third, some young men and women are
used as ransom for covenants made with panicular deities where the terms of that
contract may have been broken by the people involved. These spouses were
consecrated to and lived a secluded life at the shrines of their different deity-
husbands. The brides' children were fathered either by their male counterparts or the
chief priests of the deities, if they fancied the brides. Their offsprings automatically
belonged to the deities, and like their parents, would spend the rest of their lives at
the shrines.
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·.
With respect to marriage between humans, negotiations start with iche ego
man and the money is either given to the girl directly or is given to the girl by
someone acting as a go-between. If the money was given to her outside her home,
she must return immediately to show it to her parents. There is a period of one to
two market weeks or eight days, depending on the locality, during which if the money
is not returned to the man, it would signal acceptance of his declared intention to
The duration of marriage negotiations can vary depending on how immediate the
man's need to settle down is, and the level of his affluence. It may be up to a year
before the girl tinally goes to live with her husband after the ndulu nwanyi ceremony
during which the girl is escorted to her marital home. The interesting aspect of Igbo
marriage rites from a performative point of view is that the action changes from one
involved in traditional marriages differ from place to place. and as such, the examples
from Imilike (in the North) and Onitsha (in the South) would suffice.
In lmilike marriages can be contracted either between a child-bride and a grown man,
or between two consenting adults. In the case of a child-bride, agreements are entered
into as soon as the baby is born in a ceremony known as "itanyelu ha mmanya n 'eju"
(which means to pour some wine into an earthen ware). This ritual is performed
signifying that this child now belongs to someone else by marriage. This is a simple
ceremony which happens after the birth of a baby girl, and the parents of the future
husband would visit the parents of the new baby with some money and gifts to inform
185
them that their son would want to marry their daughter when 'they are both of age.
If the parents of the girl accept, the welfare and good upbringing of the child becomes
the joint responsibility of both families. The girl is allowed to visit her prospective
husband's family from time to time. When both young people are old enough to
marry, the rest of the marriage rites would begin, but before then, her family is
bound by the terms of the contract between them and the boy's parents. As such,
they will not accept any other offers of marriage from anyone else. Most times,
and the rest of the marriage rites are completed when the children are old enough to
get married, At other times, families enter into this form of agreement with men who
are old enough to be the child-bride· s parent because they (her parents) may be too
poor to ensure that she is fed and clothed as she grows up. By giving out their
daughter in marriage once she is born, they enlist the help of a grown and sometimes,
prosperous man in bringing up their daughter. The down side of this kind of contract
between the baby· s parents and a full grown man is that probably, by the time the
baby grows into a marriageable adult, the man would have become so old that the age
difference becomes alarming. There have been cases where the girls grew up and
refused to oblige such marriage contracts. and they were forcefully taken while
However, in the case of a marriage being contracted between a grown man and
woman, usually it is not the man that finds his bride (but his mother as in some other
parts of Igboland), or where not successful, he will inform his family to start
searching for any candidate that would make a good wife. Sometimes the man does
not have the privilege of deciding that he is ripe for marriage before his family and
186
·.
The first stage after the iche ego (presentation of money to declare intention) is "iju
families, first, finding out each other's dispositions or tendencies towards any form
of illness. It is generally acceptable for families who had found any negative traits
to call off the negotiations. If, however, the fmdings are agreeable, a date is set for
the man and his family to formally request the girl's hands in marriage, and they
would present her family with kolanuts and drinks. The next stage is the visit to the
oracle aimed at ascenaining if the ancestors and gods are happy with the contract both
families are about to set up. If divination shows that all is well. the negotiations will
continue with the appointment of onye uku [Umuoji, Obosi, Nkpor and environs] or
ama ona [Imilike and some areas in Nsukka] -a negotiator/intermediary appointed and
accepted by both sides. This person has certain qualifications which make him
or relative. These qualities help ensure his neutrality during the protracted
negotiation process ahead. These negotiators are responsible for liaising and agreeing
all dares, ironing out all ditferences and informing the other party through their own
negotiators of any changes in agreement. In Imilike. the ama ona is also responsible
for bringing the girl and the already agreed bride price back to her parents after her
first official visit to her future husband. If, however, after divination no form of
sacrifice could placate the ancestors and the gods, all negotiations would also be
called off.
This next visit to the bride's family is iku aka (which means to knock on the door),
and it is a formal introduction of the future groom to the girl's parents, grand parents,
aunts and uncles from both the paternal and maternal sides. The drama at this stage
develops out of playfulness. During this visit, the suitor - although a grown man -
187
does not speak much, the eldest member of· his entourage introduces the reason for
their visit. They do not mention the girl by name, instead she is described as some
delicious fruit that has become ripe and which they have come to pluck. The family,
who would have had fore-knowledge about this visit would have invited some other
young girls from their extended family, and at the mention of this ripe fruit, they
would ask all the girls to come out and greet the visitors to enable them point out
which of the girls they had come for. When the girls have gone away, the visitors
will now say which one it is and for the first time, her father will call her by her
name and ask that she should be brought back to greet his visitors again.
When she re-appears, she will be acting all shy although in most cases she would
have known the suitor and given her consent for him to approach her parents. In
Imilike, it is during this visit that the bride price "afia nwanyi", is negotiated. It is
a lengmy negotiation process and it takes place inside the obi of me girl's father. The
the Igbo believe that negotiating a bride price is different from buying a commodity.
different lengms are collected and both families would agree the exact value of each
piece of stick, and each side would add to or subtract from their pile during this non-
verbal haggling. This continues until both parties are equally happy wim an agreed
number of sticks. At mis point, the negotiators would stan to refer to themselves as
ogo (in-law). The in-laws are entertained with food and drink, and before they leave,
the bride's family will request for "nne-ewu nwa okpara (a she goat presented to the
188
This will be brought during the next agreed visit and involves a lot of miming. This
is because most families find it easier to pay money instead of bringing a goat on
what may sometimes be a distant journey. The action of bringing a goat can be
mimed, and money given in exchange. This miming brings a lot of laughter as
someone from the suitor's side begins to imitate the bleating of a goat. All the
negotiations at this stage are rigorous, but once concluded, the girl then performs the
"ipanata ego " rite - meaning that she returns the palm wine container that was used
to bring the wine for "afia nwanyi" ceremony back to her future husband's family.
On this tirst official visit to her future husband's place, people who come to visit her
will pass open comments about their new wife's beauty and other physical attributes
and this usually leads to an open banter and light-heaned side plays. This visit
usually lasts two market weeks, and it is during this time that she scrutinises her new
family and they in rum do the same. She is free on her return to her family to decide
and give reasons why she does not want to marry into that family. The suitor's on
the other hand study her behaviour, comportment, her ability to keep a home, etc.
She is also invited to feasts during which she gets to know the family and vice versa.
Her new family also reserves the right to call off any agreement so far made.
When she completes her stay, her prospective husband will invite the negotiator and
hand him over both the girl and the bride-price that had been agreed earlier on the
day of i::u afia. This means that the girl goes home with the approximate amount
agreed for her bride price, because in Imilike, like other parts of lgboland, marriage
ceremonies are a continuous affair and most families will demonstrate this by not
paying the full amount agreed as bride price. The girl is made ready for the rerum
journey to her father's compound as she is decked out in presents "ukoro, akwa and
ncha (trinket, clmh and soap). She is also presented with monies for her good
189
behaviour and hard work during the duration ofher visit. All the money she is given
during this ceremony belongs to her mother. This is a form .of thanks to her for
bringing up such an adorable and hard-working girl - her father does not share in this
money.
On her return to her father's compound after two market weeks, a jubilant crowd
awaits her, and the amount given for the bride price is also announced. It is an open
ceremony to which everyone in the village is invited, and they bring presents for the
"idu uno" (assisting the bride to set up home) ceremony. After the merriment, the
bride's family will now consecrate kolanuts to mark the covenant between the two
families. Merrimem continues until about midnight when the girl is finally handed
over to the "am a on a" for the last time to be taken to her husband's family.
Sometimes, the girl will disappear and a search party will be organised to find her.
She can disappear as many times as she wants if the people are not vigilant. This
disappearing act is aided by her siblings and relations and what initially is playful
turns into a serious and tearful affair as she is repeatedly hidden and found. This is
a show of her reluctance to leave her birth family, and most times by the time she is
found she has to be virtually dragged to be tinally handed to the negotiator. At this
point, the bride, her mother, her siblings and some other members of her family will
be weeping in earnest. Her mother-in-law will be coaxing her to go, and she in rum
will be clinging to her mother who would also be crying and half-heartedly asking her
to go on. Amidst tears from loved ones; she is reluctantly led away by her husband's
people. From the researcher's experience, this is a moment of reality that wipes
away the excitement of the fanfare that had been happening all along, as it finally
dawns on the bride that, that is really it. At this stage. the husband's family would
jubilantly sing and dance about the trophy they had won in "call and response" songs
190
Call: Ka anyi je zigara ha ozi, ka anyi je gwa ha na ugbo arcyi anata
(Let us go and send them a message, let us go and tell them that our
ship laden with goods has returned)
And if their new bride is still weeping, the singers would add variations such as:
While still dancing, the bridegroom's pany would leave her father's compound,
taking with them the wife and all the home-making goods donated by the participants.
The "itu a!..>va" rite is performed the first thing the following morning as she
performs her early morning chore of sweeping the compound. The most agile young
man in the family is chosen to ensure that he is not caught when the girl gives chase.
If he is ever caught, the rite is nullified. On reaching her, the performer will hide
and call out the girl's name and say the following words: "if you should ever relate
to any other man while you are still married to this particular person, may this rag
exterminate you". Having said that, he throws the rag to land at the girl's back and
he runs off. The girl will begin to chase him and when she does not catch up will
begin to cry and lament the loss of her birth family. After that, she is ready to settle
The next ceremony is called "ogo malu ogo". This is the first formal visit of the
bride's family to her husband's compound. A later date is agreed during which the
man's family will also make their first formalised post-marriage visit to the girl's
191
lnu nwanyi in Onitsha
Marriage negotiations in Onitsha are more elaborate and highlight the playful and
dramatic elements .that happen during this ritual. They also contains good examples
of plays within plays and how these can extend the duration:of a single performance.
It is also unique· because Onitsha is one place in the whole of lgboland where the
amount paid as bride price is not negotiated and has been pegged irrespective ofthe
lju ajuju is the tirst step and it stans when the man is ready to marry. The man· s
father and uncle take a bortle of alcoholic beverage to the bride-to-be's father to
announce that they have cited a "ripe fruit" growing in his compound and they would
like to pluck it. An extended conversation takes place before the "fruit" is called by
name. At this stage, other girls who are not the "fruit" will be brought out and each
time the visitors will refuse saying that this is not the fruit they had seen. This will
continue until the girl is brought out and after greeting her parents' visitors, she will
disappear and will not be seen again. She will be acting shy of this "unknown"
individual who is visiting her parents for "undisclosed" reasons. Her acceptance to
greet the visitors is a sign to her parents that she may be in agreement at this point,
her father will accept the drink the visitors will present.
When the visitors leave, the girl will formally be informed of the suitor's intention.
If she formally agrees, then the second stage is set in motion by her father and uncles
who would invite the man·s family back for the "inu nwanyi" or ikwa nhvu which is
the engagement ceremony. It is during this visit that the bride prices will be
192
·.
forty naira (N40.00 the local currency)
seven bottles of alcoholic beverage
sixteen gallons of palm-wine.
The items are shared as follows: the girl's father takes fourteen naira, one bottle of
alcoholic drink and four gallons or one jar of palm wine. Her mother receives ten
naira and one bottle of alcoholic drink. The collective of uncles called the umunna
get five naira, while the bride-to-be gets three naira - and her share is called ife aru.
Once the girl accepts the money, she now belongs wholly to the man, from her toe
nails m the last strand of hair on her head. All the wives in her family get eight naira
shared out amongst them. They will in turn give presents to her when she is about
The highlight of this occasion is the ina nkwu during which the bride's father or
senior uncle says the final prayers for the new couple. The couple are invited to
kneel before her father and after the prayer, a cup of palm-wine is banded over to the
girl to sip from and then to pass on to her husband. Kneeling on both knees, she will
drink, and in the same position she will give her husband. The act of kneeling is a
show of submission to her husband's will. In some places, the bride will be
summoned alone for this prayer and after that she has to search for her husband who
may be hidden by his peers in the crowd. While she is searching, some young men
will be coaxing her to offer them the wine, but she will continue, and on fmding him,
she will kneel and offer him the cup of palm-wine. The spectators will respond with
rapturous applause and singing. After this, the bride and groom will dance together
for the frrst time in public, while those present will offer them money. All money
193
·.
Funhermore, all the people who have a share in the money are witnesses to the fact
that the girl has agreed to marry into her husband's family. The next step is ije n 'ani
which is a visit to the shrine of the Eanh Goddess who is also the goddess of
procreation. The visit is a mark of respect and a plea to the Earth Goddess and their
ancestors to bless the union with children. The new couple will take gifts of kolanut
and palmwine to the shrine. After this, a date is set for her to fmally depart to her
new home, and this is called ina be di. On the day of her departure, family members
and friends will visit the bride for the last time at her father's home bringing with
them different kinds of home-making gifts. This is called idu uno (to help the bride
build a home as the items given help the new couple to set up their own home), and
the gifts received are publicly displayed for all to see. What gifts she is given
On the same day, she is accompanied by the young girls from her village who would
carry all the gifts she had been given to her husband's home. Her companions would
be singing to announce their presence and these songs are called bridal songs, and
they are mostly call-and-response style. One song goes like this:
They will continue singing and on reaching the groom's compound, the groom's
Call: Oche
(seats please!)
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·.
Seats are offered and after they have all been seated, exchanged pleasanteries and the
kolanut is consecrated and shared, the groom's father will invite his nuclear and
extended family to wimess the girl's acceptance of his son. He does this by giving
a lobe of kolanut to his son, who takes a bite and offers to the bride. If she accepts
this, then either the groom's paternal grandfather or the oldest surviving male in his
family will order the girl to kneel. She is offered a glass of palm-wine and if she
accepts, takes a sip and offers it to her husband, it means that she accepts him as her
husband. This process is repeated two more times and if the action is in the
She is now led into the family home for the first time on that day and
Before leaving, they will stan a song in praise of their beautiful daughter now
married to the "ugliest" man around town. This is a playful yet serious way of telling
the groom's family that their daughter is a priceless trophy, whom they are blessed
Response: Ewenje
(Ewenje)
Response: Kilibe
(behold)
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..
Response: Kilibe
(behold)
Response: Kilibe
(behold)
Response: Kilibe
(behold)
They will cominue singing this song as they depart from the man's compound.
Marriage in Igboland exemplities intensive play and performance. From the time the
negotiations start. the girl is not called by her name, until she accepts that she is
willing to marry. With the constant comings and goings, the circle of participants
increases. There are also a lot of similarities in Igbo marriage rites smning with the
negotiator known in different places as either orrye uku or ama ona. In some areas,
both the bride's and the groom's families appoint one each, while in other places they
may agree to have a common one. Whether there is one or are two negotiators,
his/their role is to ensure that details are fully negotiated and that negotiations are not
stalled by minor disagreements. For instance, if the groom's side wants to arrange
a mutual date and time for any ceremony, they will send the orrye uku from their side
to contact the bride's side through their own negotiator. Usually, through regular
consultation, they will arrive at a mutually agreeable date and time. After the
marriage, these negmiators are fondly respected by the couple and their children and
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Ther.e is also a lot of play, miming and flexibility in lgbo traditional marriages. For
instance in Imilike, the gift of a she-goat to the first brother of the bride is mimed,
after which the money is presented to enable the girl's family to either buy a goat,
if it is needed. or use for other purposes that facilitate the marriage ceremony. In
Umuoji, money is never mentioned throughout the bride price negotiations. Instead,
at the beginning of the process, both sides would collect sticks of varying sizes and
would agree what amount they each represent. For instance, the longest stick which
may be about six inches may stand for a thousand naira, while the medium sized one
may be five hundred naira etc. When this silent haggling starts, the bride's side
would sometimes collect all the pieces available which added together may come out
to thousands of naira. They would place these in front of the groom's representatives
and they in rum would remove almost all of them leaving just a few. Through this
The characters involved in the negotiations shift from the nuclear to the more
extended family as it progresses. For instance, when the man declares his intention,
it is most times between him and the girl. By the time he visits the girl's family for
the negotiation of the bride price, his father, uncles and close friends go with him.
The circle of participants continues to grow on both sides until the final rite, when
There are no ritual agents except in those towns (lmilike and Onitsha) where
divination and veneration of the Earth Goddess happen and the bride and the groom
would take kolanuts and palm-wine. !tu akwa - the throwing a ball of rags is unique
to Imilike and it symbolises the worn and tired. It is a reminder to the girl that her
period of honeymoon is over and that marriages are more often than not a tiresome
affair. She knows this fact, but the rags are meant to bring the truth home to her.
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What is apparent in marriages in Onitsha is the playfulness, especially towards the.
end. The aim is to create a light atmosphere so that the girl will not feel abandoned
and alone in her new home. This final trip to her husband's home is the most
difficult for most new brides and they would break down in tears when she is about
to be taken to their husband's home, or when their people begin to depart. These
light- hearted songs are designed to neutralise some of the tension for the new bride.
From the table belo~. there are some variations to the marriage rites in lgboland, but
• inquiry into both the prospective bride's and groom's family (iju ajuju)
• bride price negotiations (izu ajia nwanyiliru onu akulif..:pa onu aku)
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Tahle 4 6· Variation in lnu nwanvi
Town Step 1 Step 2 Step 3 Step 4 Step 5 Step 6 Step 7 Step 11 Step 9 Step 10 Step 11
lmilike l!anyclu lju ajuju Afa Afia lpanala ldu uno Ogo llu . . .
mmanya nwanyi ego 111alu akwa
n' ogu
cju/khc
..• ·
ego
Onitsha khc .:go lju ajuju - lru onu lkwa ljc u';Uii lna !le Ogu . - -
aku nk wu · <li In a In
ugo
Nkpur
.. .. .. lkpa onu lgba lwcna ilc Ndulu Ogo - - -
and aku nkwu nwanyi 111alu
Umuoji IIWiUlyi ogo
Obosi lju csc lka aka . hnalu lbuua Us hi Nkwu Nkwu EdiCIII Ogo
uno o:gu lllllll IUIC lllllU oji walu
IUla ogo
Table 4.6 shows that iche ego (declaration of intention to marry) is the first stage, except in Ohosi where iju ese (enquiry into the family
hismry) takes place before the iku aka which is Ohnsi's declaralion of inlention. Uu a}t!iu in Imilike and Onitsha is the same as iju ese
in Ohosi. /w ajianwa11yilikpa 01111 nwanyi (hridt: price nt:goliations) is also common to all lgl>oland. However, ipanata ego or ibunata
ego is a 1enn used in Ohosi and lmilike n:spe~.:tivt:ly 10 denote igba nkwu or tht: final marriage rite. Ogo malu ogo (formal introduction
of all in-laws) is wmmon to all. Afa and ije n'ani (divinalion) is mmmon only 10 lmilike and Onitsha, but at different poinLS in the
pro~.:ess. l!shi (physical scrutiny of intended bride) and Ec:hem oji (<>C~.:asion during whidt gifts are given to all bride's aunts and uncles)
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STATUS ENHANCEMENT RITUALS
lclli ozo
Ozo is the ultimate title for men in Igboland, and it operates at both the physical and
spirirual level. On the physical level, it is a mark of affluence, while on the spiritual
level it is a mark of an individual's commitment to prepare for the journey after death
into the land of the ancestors. He does this by avoiding certain things, places and
people that may detile his exalted state. A description of the ozo title in Umuawulu,
Agulu and Onitsha will provide a fuller illustration of this very important socio-
spiritual rirual.
In Umuawulu there are various stages of the ozo ceremony and these are o:w efifie,
ozo alo, and ozo owulu. Ozo owulu is the final stage, and after it there is no other
title a man can take before death. It involves a period in confinement for seven
market weeks. This period and the processes involved differ from one locality to
another, and it is one of the highlights of the ozo title when the aspirant is confined
to the akwu ozo or the ozo nest. His wife is the only human contact that he has while
in the ozo nest, and it is also her responsibility to cover his body with n:u.
On the night preceding this period in confinement, the aspirant would visit the shrine
of Ana (Earth) belonging to his kindred - each extended family has their own shrine
dedicated to the Earth Goddess. This visit is made in the middle of the night, and the
aspirant is accompanied by nwa Nshi (someone from Nri - the spirirual centre of the
Igbo). If the aspirant is from Umuawulu, the initiator has to come from Oraeri which
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is the particular spiritual centre for Umuawulu people. The significance of midnight
is that it is a time when only spirits are about, and this part of his initiation marks his
pact with the spirits. On getting to the shrine, the nwa Nshi will remind the aspirant
of all the nso (taboos) to observe. As he goes through the list, the aspirant is allowed
to negotiate with the spirits through the nwa Nshi, if his source of livelihood is
included in the list of prohibited activities. So when an activity which the aspirant
c:.mnot observe is mentioned, he will invoke his negotiation rites by saying "ogu
mafu" (may it not bind). If after due consideration that particular activity can be
w:~ived, the aspir:mt is free, but he is not allowed to negotiate the more critical rules.
For <!xample, an u:.o is prohibited from climbing. However. if the individual earns
his living as a palm wine-rapper which entails climbing the palm rree. he would say
"o<Ju maju. for if I do not rap. I would not have a source of :ivelihood ·•. He will
repeat this ;JhrJse whenever the initiaror gives him an unworkabie option. Each time
the prospec:ive aspirant asks for an exemption. the initiator would go into a series vf
incantations after which he would inform the aspirant if his request has been ac::epted.
This is 1 unique covenant between the individual and Mother Earth, and it must mke
bre:J.king any term of the pact with Mother Earth can be quite disastrous. The
bre:J.king of a pact with :VIother Earth is what the Igbo refer to as imelu ana or alu
(defilement of :V!other Earth!. The aspirant cannot ask for a waiver from murder
because it will be contrary to the aim of ozo which is the upholding of absolute truth
and purity of life. In effect, each ozo title holder has a different and personalised
contractual oblig:Hion with :Vfother E:.1rth - that is apart from the general rules binding
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After this ceremony, the initiator will lead the aspirant to the village stream to have
a bath, and from there. he will return to his home and enter the ozo nesL Staying
in seclusion in the ozo nest is an incubation ·period during which he has time to
contemplate. the rest of his journey through life, and how to uphold his pact with
Mother Earth \Vho is a goddess well-known for her swift retributive justice, when
offended. It is a soul-searching time during which he is fed and prepared for the
The process '.vhereby his wife covers him with n:.u is cailed ire/..".va na1 (re-rubbing
the nzu). The use uf n::u for body painting has two meanings. First. it keeps the
body dry and cool throughout the period in the nest and <his is very imponam
considering that he is not allowed a bath throughout this nesting oeriod. Se:::JOdly.
it symboiises his ye:.~rning for spiritual puriry (n::u symbolis~s the pure/c!e:.msing
attributes from che depth of rhe se:.~i. While in the nest, he is fe:l with deiic:1cies. :1nd
musicai instrument which produces a unique kind of sound that '~an cnly be
imerpre:ed by those who understand its language. The hollow sound which it makes
can only be danced to by titled men. It is also used during the funeral rites of an ozo
to re-tell his life 01nd gre:uness. The Ujie will continually ·call out' the as!JirJnt's new
name (seven repetitions each time). This is the name that he will be known by after
hearing his n:1me on the U]ie. On completing his seclusion in me nest. he then has
a bath and prepares for the cdebrations ahe:1d when his feilow m:o men will formaily
In Agulu (:1 neighbouring town to Umuawulu). the declaration of imemion to take the
o:o title srarrs when the prospective aspir:1nt presents a token amount, a c:1rton of
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-.
lager. a bottle of brandy, whi~ky or gin to the head of ozo. The leader of the ozo
society will then inform "ndi otu ozo" (members of the ozo society) about the
o::.o socil!ty digest and discuss all information available on the individual. If it rurns
out that the individual has a questionable character (rogue, liar, adulterer or an
alcoholic. etc.) his application is declined without reasons. The lgbo are very
sceptical about alcoholics because they believe that under the influence of alcohol, the
individual. may unknowingly reve:tl secrets. Having said that. a lot of this has
•:hanged. 1nd :here are some people who would negotiate such ::>bstacies with huge
sums of money. Thus, some of the screening practices have become corrupt.
If the c:mdidate :s accepted after screening, a life goat, one jar of palmwine. eight
rube~s of yam, eight jars of "ngwo" (raffia palmwine) and l bonle of schnapps are
presented to the group. The leader of the ozo now invites the initiand's family to
partake in the feJ.st which is also an acknowledgement of his acceptance, and the
The circle of participams during an ozv ceremony follows the same pattern J.S in lgbo
traditional marriage ceremony. where the circle grows wider as the performance
progresses. For example. the tirst stage during the ozo title in Agulu is Olulu ani.
Here, the aspiram declares his imemion to the nuclear family. This is followed by
Uke which is the announcement of the imemion to the umunna !extended family), who
he entertains lavishly. Once performed, this rite establishes seniority of the aspirant
over subsequent aspirants. The third stage is ifejioku, and this establishes the aspirant
as a full fledged ozo, who now has the capability to develop his spiriruality in
readiness for life after death. At this point the initiand re-at1'irms his willingness to
uphold the v-:.o precepts before the mher members of the ozo society. The initiand
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swears to tell the truth, especially in cases of land disputes, to protect any plant,
sexual promiscuity, adultery or the defilement of virgins. If, however, the ozo craves
he can cater for their material and spiritual needs. He is not allowed to eat any food
prepared by a woman who is menstruating and he can only eat outside his house if
he is far away from home. The members present signify the ever-widening circle of
witnesses. At this stage the individual is a full-tledged nze and can now wear the
special red cap which only the nze and ozo are entitled to.
Oruru ofo is •he fourth stage in the oz;o initiation. and marks the endowment of the ofo
(staff of Jr"fice) on ::he ae•.v nze. This beswws some powers to pen·onn certain rites
on the n-:.e. At :his leveL the ozo privileges become hereditary. and at death his
ddest son may inherit his father's title. He does this by performing some transr·er
Ozo or ibu n 'isi is the r"inal presentation of the new ozo to the ozo society. The new
ozo presents two tubers of yam and a live hen to his peers. The commandments of
the ozo society are read to him again, and he recites them to the hearing of all
present. He swears to uphold the rules and failing which he readily accepts
retribution from ::'vlother Earth. In traditional Igbo society "ika mma n 'ile or isa ile"
(carving the tongue with a razor blade or washing of the tongue. respectively) was
not only a show of bravery because the tongue was physicaily incised and :mme herbs
rubbed imo the incision, the herbs perform the task of pulling out the tongue of any
ozo that told a lie. According to udenkwo-Ngo Okeke of Ogidi (1995). the effect can
be quite swift and dramatic. However. these incisions are no longer performed in
present day Igboland. instead the action is mimed while the rules are recited. In an
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interview with J.C. Obi of Agulu (November 1995) he stated that the commandments
of the ozo society are quite stringent and that people may be denied membership to
the o::o society if members of their family feel that these individuals may be unable
Thou shall nor profane the eanh. thou shall not commit murder or be pany to any discussion
in which a decision to harm anyone is taken. thou must nor incite hatred. always. thou shalt
say the truth in all matters. especially in land disputes. even if in telling the truth you exposed
people whom you love.
The l!nd of this stage is marked by a twenty-one gun salute, and the ozo now
performs the igba ujie (dancing to the ufie music). Having acrained this le•tel Jt
membership. the o::o now has a sacred starus and he must consider all his [houghrs.
words :md acrion to l!nsure that he does not violate his pact with :Vlother Earth. For
~xample, if :1e is invited to a public function, the host must tirst of all pe:-r·orm a
rirual honourmg the oath taken by the ow, and ro placate the gods for the food he is
about to offer the ozo. He would take the ozo into a private ;>lace and perform the
"lna nni''. to enable him to eat outside his home. This involves either giving him
a raw ruber vf yam. or in some cases money is placed in a bowl of water into which
he washes his hands. before removing the money. In the event of death. all these
routines are ievoked in 1 reverse order. with a cow and some money presented to the
living members of the or.o society. This is the tinal ~epararion rite from the living.
Onirsha is me only town in Igboland where the ozo title has nor been affected by
Christianity. In many parrs of lgboland. the int1uence of Christianity had led to <.he
abandoning of those aspects of this rirual that they regard as "fetish". The
implication is that most binding parts of the rituaL like the contract with :\-{other
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Earth have been removed, and as a result some ozo members sometimes do those
things unexpected of men with this title. Such things include subverting the course
of justice in land cases, meddling with virgins and married women etc. In Onitsha,
this title is mandatory for all men, but it is optional in the other towns. The
implication of sustaining those so called fetish aspects is that by the time an Onitsha
The duration of ozo taking in Onitsba varies. depending on how affluent the
individual is. The ceremony is in rwo parts- the private and the public. The pri"ate
phase begins with the declaration of intention by the aspirant m his nuclear family.
This is .:alled igba ako mi (itching the tympanic membrane). during wluch he presents
his immediate family with kolanuts and palm-wine. After this. the :.mnouncement of
the intention is in rum made to the extended family in a ceremony called igwa
umunna (informing the extended family). Both his nuclear and extended families
know him best and would decide if he has the moral astuteness to take the title. If
they are in :~gree:nem. the next step is inyedo muo during which an image of his
personal god is carved and conse::rated. This is born out of the Igbo belief that .!very
individual has a personal chi. who is a mediator between the individual :md Cllukwu-
Okike (God the Creator). The aspirant's cfli also acts as the person's guardian spirit.
During the inyedo muo rirual, members of the ozo society from his extended family
will gather w perf01m specific incantations and sacritices aimed at ai.:~ivating a more
dynamic relationship between the aspirant :.md his chi. After this. the aspirant is now
206
lbu ego ozo is the payment of the enrolment fee which is shared in a pre-detennined
ratio among the existing members of the ozo society, the uninitiated men called the
agbala n 'iru egwu and the umuada (daughters of the family). The ratio is such that
the titled men get the higher share. The aim of giving the umitled men a token. is
a way of spurring them into taking the ozo title which will qualify them to have equal
share as other titled men. As in marriage rirual, anyone who shares of this money
becomes a wimess to the fact that the aspirant went through this particular vetting
stage.
The next step is mmacha uzo, and the ceremony starts at night and lasts until Jay
break. The night time parr of the ceremony is called ina obibi during which :he
initiand is taken into the forest ro agree his personal contract with ;\-.!other Ean:h 1nd.
to perfonn those rites that ensure the protection of his ::mcesrors. This is necessary
because :he Igbo believe that chere are diabolical people and spirits who do nm wish
to see human progress and as such, would do all in their power to hann the aspirant.
This is followed by the presentation of the aspirant at the shrine of ani (.Yforher
Earth), at which stage he makes a pact with Mother Eanh and pledges to keep the ozo
code of practice. Three goats are slaughtered in the presence of ndi ichie - the
custodians of shrines and forests. The meat is cooked immediately. bur nor eaten
until day break after the aspirant has performed the ima n~u (decoration with white
chalk). After this, he is presented with osisi (staff of office) in a ceremony called
ikpo ifejioku iru. (one-to-one meeting with the god responsible for the yam yields)
during which the staff is consecrated. Another goat is slaughtered and the biood
collected is used ro polish and preserve the sraff I blood is a wood preservative). In
the event of the death of an ozo, all the living ozo will re-present their sraff to be
polished with the blood used for the tinal separation rite. Every ozo has r.vo different
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types of staff. The one which he is given at this stage of his title taking is bare and
is referred to as osisi ajulu (bare-bodied staff of office) and when he eventually dies,
this panicular one will be cut up and placed inside the coffin with the corpse. The
motion of cutting the bare staff of office symbolises the severance of all links that the
deceased shared with all the other members. The other staff is referred to as osisi
gba ona (the staff of office with copper band) and can be inherited by the aspirant's
son when his father passes on and he too becomes an ozo. The presentation of the
osisi .:zfulu to the aspirant marks the end of the private ceremonies. Once the private
stage of the initiation is completed successfully, the individual is painted with n:::u.
This process is c:tlled ima n:::u (slapping on the white chalk, and it symbolises that the
individual is in a sacred and pure ;;rate). The ozo is now led through a responsorial
ceremony where he renounces lies. plotting to hann others, adultery. incest. e:c.
This rite is perfor.ned in the middle of the night. and in the morning the person takes
a new name - his o:o title name. symbolising re-binh or aew life. The three goms
cooked the previous night are now served. This is the first me:tl that the initiand eats
with the other members of the society. and it signifies acceptance by the rest of the
group.
Later on in the afternoon. the ceremony continues and the initiand. who up until now
has been in isolation. is presented to the public. This is his re-integration into the
community, and as he dances. people will offer him money in recognition of his
achievement.
Having been successfully accepted into this privileged rank. the next stage is isekpulu
ani (veneration of Eanh Goddess). This symbolises the rerum of the initiand to thank
the E:mh Goddess for her protection throughout the numerous contacts he had with
both men and spirits. If for any reason an individual decides not to do this, he is not
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recognized as an ozo. This is followed by afia ozo which takes place the next day
still at the shrine of ani. While the individual is dancing. people will also offer him
money. An important landmark at this stage is iri obi (the embrace) performed by
the first wife. This is a strict means of social control, especially in polygamous
families. where sometimes. the first wife is not as favoured as subsequent wives. The
embrace is a unique form of recognition for the initiand's first wife, and is aimed at
putting both the man and his more favoured wife in their place. This is because no
other woman is allowed to embrace the new initiand as he dances in full view of
e•1eryone except his tirst wife. If. however. the first wife is separated and the ngo
or bride-~ rice has not been paid bac!c by the woman's family, he goes without an
embrace as none of his other wives is permitted to perform this role for him. In
Igboiand. a divorce is nOt :omplere unless the bride-price has been returned ro him.
Afrer :he Jancing, he shares "Nhateve:: money he has been given while dancing with
the other members of the o:::o 3ociery. This sharing is called igha uklva (circulation
of wealth). The initiation ends with i;;onye ukwu n 'orimili (stepping into the river,
which is a visit to the River Niger [orimili Onitsha]). This visit to the River Nige::
serves two purposes. First. the new ozo steps into the embankment of the river and
venerates the river goddess whom the people of Onitsha regard as their mother and
prOtector. Second, he offers gifts in thanlcsgiving to the goddess for prOtecting him
throughout the duration of the ceremony and not letting him fall prey to evil forces.
lchi o:::o. like other riruals that belong to the srarus enhancement sub-duster. is full
Igbo theatre in action making use of a high level of symbolic action w achieve its
goal. Throughout this rirual. there are many visits made to the forest in the middle
of the nighc. This symbolises a recognition of the dual narure of the aspirantlinitiand
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as possessing both the physical and the spiritual dimension, and these visits are made
to negotiate and harmonise both components. So from the moment the individual
decides to take this title and announces his intention to his family, these negotiations
become relentless. In Umuawulu, he is secluded from the rest of the public for
twenty eight days. while in Onirsha, it is overnight. In both cases, the aspirant has
his first contact with the goddess Earth as he takes the oath to keep the ozo precepts.
His body being painted with nzu signifies a yearning for higher spirirual ideals and
purity of thoughts, words and action. lchi ozo is a drama in which there are other
aspirant and the nwa .Vshi on one side, and the aspirant and the goddess ani on the
other. Where the initiand cannot uphold a precept, he indicates his inability by
saying O!fll mafu. and gives reasons why that particular precept should nor bind. The
nwa .Vshi then >tarts a series of incantations persuading .Mother Earth for a waiver -
thus marking the start of another play within the negotiating play. The negotiation
is already a play within the entire ozo process. So the ozo process is a series of plays
within one main pe:'formance. This exemplifies the dramatic tlexibility for side
on which waiver is being negotiated and with which god) ere. From a theatrical
perspective, there are three known characters at the shrine of the :Vlother Earth - the
goddess, the initiator and the aspirant. However, at every stage where a waiver is
sought, numerous other unseen deities are involved whom the initiator relates to
through the Earth Goddess. So the possibility for characterisation is endless. and the
dramatic representation of their presence and effect poses a challenge should anyone
210
lchi ozo is also rich in symbols. The first is nzu, which is a representation of the
deities of the rivers and seas. Its cooling characteristic is also representative of it
source. The second is the symbol of the forest at midnight. The forest is the home
to take up challenges and the beginning of another level of interaction with the spirit
world. It is interesting to note that this is the second time in a man's life that he
enters the forest at this time of the night, the first being at ima muo. Third, the
slaughtering of three goats in the forest, and the use of the blood which is used as a
preservative for the initiand's chi and osisi symbolises blood as the life force. With
each new aspirant, every eligible staff is painted over again. This action perpetuates
the bond between the holder and other members, thereby protecting through a
collective will. Even when the holder dies, the chi that represented his personal god
would remain, and its physical attributes will continue to tell, in silent terms, of the
attributes of its former owner. The goats slaughtered at the shrine in the forest at
awareness that through sacrifices he comes into contact with the spirits ordering his
seen and unseen universe. Subsequently, the meal is a communion between the
existing ozo. the new initiand and the gods. No wonder it is shared only after the
the unseen actor(s) is once more highlighted, and with it, the implications should one
In Onitsha, the re-incorporation of the ozo into the community brings about a mini
carnival atmosphere and clearly demonstrates the anistry involved in the carving of
the different headgear and the colourful and intricate costumes. The gifts and money
which he shares with the other members symbolise the communal nature of the wider
society which the ozo is a part of, but also demonstrate the beginning of a shared
211
intensity not yet seen in other rituals. The powerful but silent role is demonstrated
in Umuawulu where the man in the ozo nest is offered the moral and emotional
support he needs to enable him to complete his soul search. In Umuawulu and
Onitsha, the role of the wives demonstrates the importance of sustaining and re-
instating his human attributes during and after an extended contact with the spirits.
Symbolism and numerology in Igbo life is also demonstrated in the number of market
weeks that the aspirant spends in the ozo nest - seven market weeks. This is exactly
the length of time it takes an egg to incubate before the chick emerges. This
symbolises the transformation that happens to the aspirant while in the nest, where
a new being and takes on a new name and an exalted role. In Onitsha, the post-
initiation visit to the River Niger represents the in.itiand's final cleansing, and a visit
to the domain of the unseen forces inhabiting the river. This demonstrates an
gratitude to the unseen forces with whom they share aspects of their universe.
The ozo title marks the attainment of higher spiritual ideals and the peak in self-
fulfLlment. It sets aside resourceful men of very high integrity who are the custodians
of the culture of their people. It demonstrates the investment of time and resource
by the Igbo (the present) in ensuring a gradual integration with their ancestors (the
all the elements of drama and theatre - seen and unseen characters at play, speech,
dance and music, make up, props and multiple staging along with a high level of
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Mortuary-Ascension Rituals
on first, the cause of death and second, the individual's contributions to the
community. Chapter 3 discussed one of the various types of death - onwu chi - which
is death due to natural causes. Others which are abnormal include death by accidents
and suicide, death by violation of taboo and/or committing an abomination and violent
to protect the living and also to ensure that natural rhythms are not upset. Such
funerals are not elaborate as all attempts are geared towards achieving the burial of
the corpse. Should the deities not be appeased, the corpse is disposed of in the evil
forest. However, the funeral of an established person who died a natural death is an
extended affair that could last up to two years. Funeral rites for women differ from
those given to men, because women are returned to their birth families for burial.
Two type of burial rites are: the immediate and the second burial rites.
The immediate burial rites: The usual rite for an immediate funeral involves first
informing all the relevant family members of the person's death, and iwu ozu aru or
the fmal cleansing in preparation for burial. If the established person is a woman,
she is buried immediately her birth family members arrive and agree that the corpse
should be sent to them. In some cases where the woman had not been looked after
while alive, her family may reject the corpse and protracted negotiations will follow
during which her family is compensated for any ill treatment she may have suffered.
After that, she is buried. However, where a man dies, the third phase of his
immediate burial rite is iwa anyaliwanye ebunu n 'anya (eye incision/dropping the
blood of the ram into the eye, respectively). This is a separation rite which
empowers the dead to 'see' and ward off obstacles on his way to the ancestral land.
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The Igbo believe that the way to the ancestral land is hazardous, because there are
disgruntled and evil spirits that would attempt to deter the dead from ascending into
(ram, chick, he-goat, dog, etc depending on locality), and dropping the blood into the
eyes of the deceased, who through transference, gains the attributes of the animal.
In Agulu, this rite is performed early in the morning by a nwa Nshi (somebody from
Nri), using an mkpi (he-goat) aged between six and twelve months, and presented by
the deceased's eldest son. After a lengthy incantation, the nwa Nshi immobilises the
he-goat and makes an incision on its jaw. The blood is collected in an ogirisi leaf
(see Chapter 3 for ritual agents) and dropped into the eyes of the dead person. This
destination. Irrunediately after this performance, the nwa Nshi would place an omu
(young palm-leaf) between his lips, and leave with the incised he-goat. The omu is
believed to protect him against evil spirits that may be in pursuit and signifies to those
who meet him on his way home that he must not be spoken to. He does not look
back until he is safely home. The significance of not looking back is not to wimess
any spirits that may be in pursuit. At this point the corpse is buried, but it must be
noted that there are variations to this from one locality to another.
Iwa anya in most cases is a performance with little or no verbalisation and it involves
and is wimessed by only the deceased's peers and sons behind closed doors. Once
the final goodbye have been said by the deceased's wife/wives and children, the
ceremony begins with the dead in a sitting position inside a special form of coffin
called akpati nsukwu [Nnewi and environs], while the rest of the wimesses stand
around his corpse. His eldest son or a peer that the dead may have appointed while
alive (in Agulu, the nwa Nshi perfonns) takes a machete and with one clean blow,
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severs the head of the ram. While the blood is collected, the machete is now handed
to the dead man. This will be his weapon of protection as he travels to the land of
the ancestors. Meanwhile, his eyes are pried open and a few drops of blood are
dropped into his eyes, and with very few incantations, he is mandated to fight all
obstacles on the way, and to return and avenge his death, if it was brought about by
any living person. The corpse is then tidied and buried in a sitting position. The
corpse can be buried either in the deceased's sleeping room, immediately outside his
obi or in communal burial places. Where a corpse is buried depends on what the
deceased requested while still alive. Meanwhile, the ram is cleaned and cooked but
In Mkpologu, the immediate burial rites include first, divination to establish the type
and causes of death, and to find out the type of cleansing sacrifices (if any) that need
to be performed. Second is the bathing of the corpse followed by the iwa anya.
After the iwa anya, the animal used in the process is handed over to the umuada
(daughters of the family) to prepare ihe uchu or the fmal breakfast. The feasting is
called ikpa uchu during which his family members and associates (age grade or
members of different societies) share the meal with the dead. Thereafter, his female
relatives will pay homage to him by performing ikpu akwa (to cover with cloth)
ceremony by donating a six-yard piece of cloth. His closest male associates will also
donate special pieces of black home-woven cloth called okpe. This okpe is a mark
of royalty and will be put into his coffm for him to use when he gets to the ancestral
land. If the person died a death that should be avenged (which would have been
revealed through divination) an appropriate weapon would be placed in his right hand
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After these home-based rituals, the coffm is decorated with some of the cloth donated
and carried by two men with pads on their head. These pads would have been made
by folding some of the donated cloth and the men bearing the coffm would move in
a synchronised and dignified manner to the village square where the corpse
accompanied by a masquerade which is greeted with gun shots. The grade of the
masquerade in attendance depends on the status of the deceased and it represents the
spirit of the ancestors. The gun powder is symbolic of the fiery attribute of the sun
god and sound of the shots serves to propel the deceased's spirit into a higher realm
and to warn the ancestors of his arrival. On getting to the village square where
people would be gathered by now, a donation of money starts, and the monies
collected would be shared later using a seniority ratio by the umunna (male members
of the extended family). From there, the body is moved to the ukpogwu or communal
burial site. However, sometimes very affluent and powerful men are buried in the
ime oma (inner room) of their nkoro (house). Before the corpse is finally laid to
rest, the son will perform the iti o'ku ekwentshu (Nkpologu dialect for ekwensu or the
devil). As the name of this rite suggests, it is a sacrifice of a cock to the devil to
ensure that no further temptation from all diabolical forces is encountered by the
deceased on his way to the ancestral land. It is performed only for married men who
at death were still living with their wife/wives, and it involves a prayer and praise
oration extolling the deceased's virtues. After that, holding up a cock on his right
hand and stretching out his left hand before him, his son would snap off the cock's
head by hitting its neck forcefully against the outstretched hand. Once this action
is successfully completed. the people around will perform the ic/zi oga (shouts of joy).
This is the fmal oga, the first having been for the deceased at birth. When the coffin
is placed in the earth, the next ceremony is called ichi eja n 'inyi (collecting a handful
of earth and throwing into the grave). This is performed by only very close relations
to wish him well, or his rivals who may wish to prove to the public that they were
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..
In the evening of the same day of the burial, the itu uzu akwa (the weeping
ceremony) is performed, announced by gun shots which are followed by the wailing
of all the women gathered, especially the umuada. After that the umuada will move
into the man's obi for a seven-day period of grieving. Within the duration of this
mourning period, the children will announce the date for the second burial of their
In Umuoji, the second burial ceremony is performed usually about one year or more
from the time of the death. It is performed for those well-advanced in age and the
network, or for those people whose families need some more time to acquire the
material resources needed for a fitting burial. In Umuoji, the initial burial is not as
elaborate as that in Mkpologu. However, from the time the corpse is buried, the
planning of ikwa ozu (funeral) commences, with all the relevant members of the
family. relations and friends notified of this forthcoming occasion - in the appropriate
manner with kolanuts and palm-wine. This formal announcement also serves to enlist
In pre-Christian Umuoji society, the agreed funeral day is a flurry of activities with
the deceased's sleeping bamboo bed brought out into the reception area of his iba
(hut) and decorated with all the traditional cloth or wrappers belonging to his wife or
wives. Most times, by the end of the funeral, there would be many different types
of cloth donated by his friends and in-laws when they arrive to pay their last homage
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..
during ikpu ozu akwa. The quality and quantity of cloth donated depends on how net-
worked and affluent the man was in his life time. This will eventually be shared by
the eldest daughters by the various wives. When the bed has been decorated, the
funeral proper begins with iti mkpu ozu (the funeral alert) or itikpo ozu (unveiling the
corpse) which is performed by the oldest man around. This, unlike the shout of joy
that announces the birth of a child, is not re-echoed from one household to another.
Once the mkpu ozu is performed, the widows, children and relations begin to weep
as if the deceased had just died. Meanwhile, the mkpo n 'ani (which are short hollow
barrels filled with gun powder and buried beneath the surface of the earth where they
are ignited from a distance in a synchronised manner) announces the beginning of the
funeral. It is supposed to awaken the deceased to make his final approach to the
Throughout the night, the man's compound is a beehive of activities with the cooking
that will be used for entertainment the next day, and if the man is an ozo, the u.fie
(which 'called' out to him while he was in the ozo nest) will continue to summon and
to tell of his achievement. At dawn, the widows will begin to cry again and this
declares the funeral open for that day. While the visitors are awaited, the ozo
members would arrive first thing in the morning to dance to the ufie music as it
salutes their depaned colleague. In most places, this is the time that the guild, cult
and society members arrive to pay their peculiar homage to their member. For
instance, if the deceased was a great hunter, the members of the egbenuoba guild
would arrive to re-create his exploits as a great hunter in mime perfonned to the
accompaniment of their own specialist hunters' guild music. If he was an ozo. music
will be provided from the ujie and abia ike will be danced. The abia is an energetic
music produced on the abia drum, which like the ufie 'talks' of the exploits of a dike
(hero). Only a select few can dance and interpret the music of the ufie and/or abia.
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The entertainment area is usually in front of the man's house and the women will
remain in their mkpuke with other mourners. The funeral arrangements would have
decided on which day the masquerades would appear and these are usually the
fiercest, ugliest and the most destructive and they must be stopped with gifts in a
ceremony called igbo ora. If this does not happen these masquerades will
demonstrate their anger at the death of such a person by destroying the structures set
up for sheltering the visitors. Most times, these masquerades are offered live animals
(hen, cock, rams or goats) depending on how affluent the family is, and if the gift to
the masquerade is a fowl, it is tied, hanging head downward on either its waist or
head. If it is a bigger animal like a goat or a ram, it is carried on the shoulder of one
At midnight on the last day of the funeral, the man"s first son and first daughter
would take his favourite food prepared by his eldest daughter, to a road junction
nearest to their family home to perform the itu nni ritual. There the food is left for
him to come and eat after they have bid him farewell, and this would be his last
earthly meal. It is a separation rite which ensures that he does not embark on the
journey hungry because the Igbo believe that a hungry man or spirit is an angry man
or spirit. The food is also supposed to provide him with the physical energy that he
needs to finish the journey successfully. Usually, by morning the food would have
By the eighth day, the wife's hair is shaved clean by the most senior member of the
umuada. If the widows had not cared for the man while he was alive, the umuada
will refuse to shave her hair. This symbolises their refusal of the woman, and a
series of negotiations would stan headed by the rejected widow's family, to seek
ways of redressing the grievances. The widows are not allowed out until after seven
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market weeks, and they are said to be in mourning and for the next one year, they
must dress in pure black cloth called akwa mkpilmkpe (mourning cloth) and are not
allowed to re-marry until their period of mourning is over. Life in the family is
After one year in mourning, the umuada would arrive to thank the wives for their
decorum and respect with which they treated their dead brother, and they would ask
them to remove their mourning cloth and to have a cleansing bath. All the mourning
clothes are collected by the head of the umuada and burnt. This is the ftrst time in
lgbo rituals that we have seen the use of fire to mark a new beginning. This is a
low-keyed family ritual. However, on the frrst market day following the end of
mourning, the wives would attend the market in a ceremony called ipu afia (coming
out into the market), which is their re-incorporation into the society after their period
of mourning. Usually a lot of people in the market would notice that a woman has
removed the black mourning cloth, and she is usually showered with greeting, money
and gifts.
However, in Nkpologu the second burial ceremony is not as elaborate as the frrst.
On this occasion, every adult male and female member of the umunna (extended
family) is expected to kill a live animal depending on what they can afford. These
animals are slaughtered on the eve of the second burial in the man's compound as this
ritual is called anyasi igbu anu (the night when animals are slaughtered). The next
day is for entertaining the friends invited from other towns and villages. Later on the
same day, the male leader of each family unit that slaughtered animals will parade the
village square carrying the head of the slaughtered animals. This carnival is led by
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The perfonnance elements in the lgbo first and second funeral rites are quite
elaborate. From the time of death, the perfonnance moves from the man's house to
the village square (only in Nkpologu) before he is buried in the communal burial
space. In Umuoji, where the man is buried without any fanfare, the second burial
starts and is mostly contained within his and other neighbouring compounds. One
year later, during the outing ceremony, the venue is the village market square.
The perfonners involved are both human and spirits - where the spirits are
represented by the masquerades. On the human level, the core organisers are the
family, in-laws and members of any societies he may belong to, and their costumes
comprise a strip of three yards wrapper tied over their nonnal clothes across their
waists and knoned behind. There is also the ijele which is worn by women around
their ankles and it comprises tiny and hollow spherical metal balls which are clumped
On the spirit level, the masquerades that appear are either those brought along by the
man's peers, various in-laws and children. Their costumes and images depend
mainly on the kind of spirit depicted. They range from the very beautifully carved
to the grotesque, the benign to the violent, the dancing to the fighting etc. The more
violent ones have mean and grotesque-looking dark faces, thick over-protruding and
garishly painted red lips, out-sized yellowish teeth hanging menacingly over the lower
lip, bulging eyes and menacingly twisted horns on their heads. The fiercest ones
have bells attached to their waistS to announce their whereabout so that unsuspecting
people are offered a chance for escape. Usually, they are summoned and directed by
an okwa oja (a traditional t1utist). Most times they do not enter the funeral venue
through the regular route, but will scale very high walls and land amidst people
unannounced, displaying fierce acrobatic feats, wielding axes which they do not
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Performance overview of burial rites
The circle of performers, scenery, props (including ritual agents), costumes and
the first or second burial. Burials are either performed immediately or deferred
depending on bow resourceful the family is to accord the deceased the total burial
rites. However, once a person dies, the most imponant thing is bow to contain the
crisis at band. If the family decides on immediate burial, the performers involved at
this stage would be the deceased's peers and grown up children. In all areas of
Igboland, the final cleansing of the corpse in preparation for the burial is performed
with his sons and peers present. In Agulu, the nwa nshi is invited to perform the
final separation rite using the be-goat, while in Umuoji, the machete with which the
bead of the ram is severed is also the prop that goes into the coffm with the corpse.
However, in Nkpologu, the first burial is more elaborate and the performance starts
from the man's house and moves on to the village square involving a wider range of
performers. Once the corpse is buried, parallel staging becomes more apparent as
different relatives entertain both the masquerades and human beings that have come
to pay condolence. The intensity of the action depends on how well networked each
parallel performer is, and his/her ability to cater for his/her visitors. There is no
time limit and once darkness falls, the human activity and involvement is overtaken
time-table for all performing human and masquerade groups. Sometimes, the more
intransigent masquerades would exceed their performance time and will refuse to
clear the main arena for other waiting groups. This action is meant to irk the next
group of performing masquerades and a fight may ensue. When this happens, a
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pandemonium is ' caused by the disturbance of the natural balance as these
masquerades use their diabolical powers in an attempt to subdue each other. This
performance within a performance usually takes some time to quell before the main
funeral resumes. Parallel staging also happnens with various groups entertaining and
Costumes are as varied as the entertainers, but they distinguish the chief mourners
from the visitors. This is because of the length of wrapper the family members tie
around their mid-section and the ijele around their ankles. The vogue in most cases
is that families will purchase bales of cloth which are then distributed to every
member of both the nuclear and extended family and very close friends. This
distinguishes those wearing the cloth as what the Igbo have come to describe these
The music is also differentiated depending on whether the deceased is male or female.
In the case of a man, the ufielikoro musicians play incessantly, re-telling the prowess
of the deceased. This is a specialised form of music which only his titled peers
dance to. In the case of women, masquerades never perform although in ldemili
Local Government Area, the masquerade's music and musicians collectively called
igba mmanwu (the masquerade's drummers) can attend and perform. Other dance
Once the funeral rites have been completed, the action once again returns to the
deceased's nuclear family. The shaving of the hair which signifies the loss of beaury
is only carried out on the wives/husband and children. The person responsible for
shaving the hair is the isi ada who is the oldest of all the daughters in the extended
family. She either uses a pair of scissors or a razor blade to take off a turf of hair
224
\
at hair line right on top of the forehead. How low she goes demonstrates how she
wants the hair cut - usually the person who would cut the hair after this would try as
After the shaving of the hair, the umuada remain for the next seven market weeks,
keeping vigil in the room where the deceased had been laid in state. Their departure
leaves the spouses and children of the deceased to get on with the task of mourning
Structurally, there are many rituals within each other and these are brought about by
the single act of dying. At different stages, there is an active interplay of characters,
ritual agents, music and song within a flexible staging arrangement. lgbo rituals
demonstrate that there can exist a performance style that is all-involving, which
constitutes a theatre not restricted by space and time, one which takes into account
the make-up of humans as both matter and spirit in natural characterisation, speech,
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CONCI.:USION
The lgbo propensity to perform life is clearly demonstrated in their rituals. It is also
clear that these rituals do not happen by accident; lgbo people have found it
meaningful to have them in the forms and positions at which they occur.
This work is an attempt to understand how the lgbo accomplish their ritual
performances and what forms they take. To do this, our approach has been a direct
analysis of the functions and structure of lgbo rituals which are rich and varied. The
textural richness of these rituals can be attributed to the fact that the Igbo live in a
complex and contiguous world of the past, present and future in which they always
strive to maintain a harmonious balance through rituals. So they have evolved their
rituals to celebrate their relationship with the seen and unseen forces they co-exist
with, and also to mark their biological and occupational progression in time and
space. Furthermore, the Igbo believe that life is a gift from God; hence they use
their rituals to thank God for the unique gift of life, to enlist the support of the visible
and invisible forces for a fruitful life, to consecrate and venerate their deities and
Progress into this complex world of Igbo rituals was difficult at the beginning and so
it became necessary in the course of this work to group them into three categories,
namely, communal, peer and personal rituals. Communal rituals are the rituals of
rhythm which the Igbo use as a calendar to mark one season from another and to
venerate and celebrate their deities and ancestors. Peer rituals, as the name suggests,
are those rituals used by people who belong to either the same age grade and other
social groups to mark or celebrate their shared cornmonalities. Personal rituals mark
226
..
Once this area of srudy was is sufficiently defmed it becomes imperative to fully
explain the function, strucrure and process of these riNals and this requires a
taxonomy for clarification to aid the readers' comprehension. In the course of the
srudy it also becomes necessary to limit the scope of the work so that a thorough
analysis can be achieved, hence the decision to srudy rituals in the personal category.
There is a rich field of untouched lgbo rirual performance that is yet to be mined,
such as the peer, communal and numerous other lgbo riruals that do not fit into our
three categories. This tax.onomical approach has two major limitations (a) the rituals
that belong, especially, to the communal group are completely left out and (b) the
work's inability to contribute to a nearly thirty year-old debate (see Chapter 2) among
some lgbo scholars (Echeruo, Amankulor, Enekwe, Obiecbina and Nzewi to mention
traditional festivals; and again between these lgbo scholars and Echeruo for
suggesting that lgbo theatre needs to free itself from its submergence in lgbo riruals.
These scholarly debates are not directly relevant to this work, although it must be
pointed out that they help to inform the researcher's opinion about lgbo riruals as
performance. And this is where the work of such scholars as Schechner, Turner and
Werbner become relevant as they provide the study with the appropriate concept and
Having pointed out the disadvantages in studying only personal rituals, it must
also be said that defming the limits of the work creates room for an exhaustive srudy
using the classificatory methods and terminologies that immediately offer more insight
into lgbo riruals. Under this model of classification, riruals in the personal category
are divided into clusters and sub-clusters and consequently, their hidden
227
Furthermore, all personal rituals can be classified into the passive, controlled active
and active category, depending on the level of the main performer's involvement in
any on-going ritual. It also becomes apparent that all rituals of childhood are
mandatory and passive until the child reaches about twelve years of age and then,
participation in the ritual. However, after puberty young men and women initiate
their own rituals in agreement with their families. This adulthood rituals belong to
the active ritual cluster. Here is in control of what rituals, where and when they are
performed. At death the cycle returns in full to passive and mandatory rituals. This
form of clustering is a reflection of the Igbo belief in the cyclic nature of their
existence.
Furthermore, the introduction of the "triangle of life" facilitates the placement of the
The equilateral nature of this triangle helps demonstrate that although different rituals
form the different sides of the triangle, all sides are equal and therefore, all rituals
are equally important. The effect is that rituals can be placed along the three axes
depending on why lgbo rituals exist, and where they feature in the lives of the
individuals that are involved in them. This placement also demonstrate that rituals
exist because they fulfil the Earth, Religious and/or Cultural (Chapter 3) needs of the
people.
varied and as symbolic as the rituals in which they are used. Thus, ritual agents can
be classified into the animate and the inanimate while the latter can be further be
further broken down into the organic and the inorganic categories. For example,
divination rituals make use of mostly inanimate inorganic ritual agents while burial
228
and ascendency rites use mostly animate agents. However, these agents are used
because they are either psychic inducers or conductors, and because they enhance
The completion of this work makes possible the comparative and performance
analyses of rituals from different parts of Igboland. A couple of things become clear
(a) that rituals may sometimes have different names (depending on the region or
locality), and (b) that the structure of any two given rituals from different areas of
The implications of this study are that it may encourage many others who, until now,
may have been ambivalent about the worth of works such as this to come forward
with their own contributions. It is hoped that this study (or the ideas it present) will
important is the possibility that performance artists and playwrights may fmd the
symbols, icons and indices that they may come across their own work.
points to help illustrate some complex ideas that may otherwise prove too elusive.
It also enables us to draw up a list of some of the parameters common to most Igbo
First, the diviners are most times instrumental to the nature of the rituals that ensue
and the role and intensity of performers depend on whether the rituals are passive,
Second, the audience/spectamrs are panicipative and would often get actively
involved in the on-going action and their level of involvement depend on their
disposition and on the ability of the main performer to get them involved in his/her
229
experience. Their involvement has the effect of prolonging the entire performance
and giving a flavour mostly derive from the spontaneity of play within plays. The
study has raises the question about whether lgbo performance will be the same, or
even be in existence without its participative audience/observer.
Third, the performance space or arena can be as diverse as the rituals- moving from
the home to the village squares, shrines, forests, streams, etc. Hence, lgbo
performance is a proof that space was made for performance, and not performance
for space. lgbo performance is flexible and as such they can be experienced
anywhere with maximum results - even if it is in the middle of the night.
Fourth, text in lgbo performance is learnt over the years as the individuals go through
the various rites of passage. It is an active text and how effectively it is understood
depends on the physical and mental disposition of the performer at the time, level of
exposition and experience, participative audience-spectator response, time of day,
space, occasion being celebrated etc. Ritual scripts are varied and are in the form of
incantations, songs, libations, proverbs, chants and invocations etc.
The following are areas of further work stemming from the completion of this study:
More investigation needs to be carried out into the nature of peer and community
rituals as well as the marriage ritual between deities and humans, as in the cases of
Ukehe and Ala Uno communities.
There is also a need for further investigation into lgbo healing rituals, and exactly
where they fit on the "triangle of life" - if at all they do. If not, can another model
be used for the study of other yet unclassified lgbo rituals?
Further research work can be carried out into cult, craft and guild rituals, for
example. initiation into the egbenuoba (hunters' guild) and dibia (traditional medicine
cult), and the possibility of adopting another classificatory method
Finally, it is hoped that this work on lgbo rituals inspires an understanding and thus
fulfils the yearning for rituals that may lie latent in every human being, especially,
all those who may chance across this work.
230
·~
231
-.
MAP OF NIGERIA
30 States and the
Federal Capital Territory.
Bight of
S.nin
Nigeria
50 100 150
--
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--..
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APPENDIX B: MYTH OF ORIGIN
(Translated by M.Angulu Onwuejeugwo)
232
APPENDIX C: SA.\VIPLES AND INTERPRETATION OF NSffiiDI
233
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234
APPENDIX D
(Excerpts from interview with Rev. Dr. Raymond Arazu (FRA) in November
1995. Interviewed by M-B Chinyelum Okafor (MB). This is a verbatim
transcription of an audio interview, and the only inclusions are indicate with [
] mark, added by the researcher to make some sections of the interview clearer.
FRA: ... the old man/woman will usually say "uwam ga ano, agam abu orrye di
otua (when I come to the world again, I will be that kind of person). He
or she is very conscious of rebirth and is doing what is called obibi uwa -
in other words declaring what he or she would want to be when he/she
comes again. Because in these kind of assenions/afflTOlations about
"when I come I will be ... " he is trying to influence his nature by these
assenions. We also hear that the old woman that commits crimes will
have to suffer for those crimes when she comes again "Nwa agadi nwarryi
mesia alu, onokwa uwa o kpuchaa yal" (when an old woman commits an
abomination, when she re-incarnates, she will undo it). So that embedded
in the tradition itself is this idea that people are born, people come back
to the world again. Usually you come back in your own ancestral home.
The ancestors are always coming back, but those who earn the title of
ancestor when they come back, they are still over here.
This is the only mystery we have in the lgbo type of re-incarnation. That
the person who has re-incarnated, can reincarnate in more than one
person and at the same time. When you are breaking the kolanut, or
when you are drinking the wine - doing the libation, you are still
referring to him as "Nna ha taa oji" (my fathers eat the kolanut). Even
though you may be calling your son your father, believing that your
father has reincarnated in your son, you are still praying to your [dead]
father when you are pouring out the wine or when you are breaking the
kolanut. So that we want to be faithful to the tradition itself - the
tradition is not as simple as some people want us to believe. Not just a
question of a person coming and being incarnated in the son, No! We
believe that the person can incarnate in the son of this daughter, in the
son of that son, in the son of that daughter. The same person can
reincarnate more than once at the same time. The same person is still
235
over there in the spiritland, even after reincarnation.
The ogbanje is a group soul. They are souls that come in groups, they
are born, they die young, they go back and they are born again. These
are the only group that come completely. The same individual is reborn
and stays, does not get to adulthood, goes back and comes back again-
play this prank, breaking the hearts of the parents as a kind of enjoyment
for their group. That is why they are regarded as evil and that is why
you have to get ogbanje dibia to see whether you can stop them from
playing this kind of pranks that is very disturbing for the family. These
are the only group ... you fmd this ... the Yorubas call it Abiku. You
have this phenomenon all through West Africa- this ogbanje issue. Now
these are the two types - if you call it reincarnation then that's what we
have. But I don't think it does correspond to ....
236
·,
So when you talk about reincarnation, which body are you talking about?
So that is the problem. Which body? Because when you slug off the
physical body, you still have three bodies. Somebody who has shoved off
the physical body has still three bodies. That is why atimes you can see
somebody who has died.
237
·~
OK, at that stage I stopped him - this happened, I can call the witnesses.
In this case, the son - independent witness saw the man - the son saw him
here. The nephew in America saw him in America - within a space of
twelve hours. The problems is that after the phone call when be goes to
the room, he won't fmd him. (Laughs)
I have bad some ... I have investigated some cases like this and it is very
common. Why I used this is that this one I know about. Because the
man took the son to me and sat him down and said "tell Father what
happened", and when we ftnished, be was completely confused.
I told him not to worry that the problem is that we got the wrong kind of
training as we were told just body and soul, That was all. There are
other bodies. When you lose the physical body, you still have three other
bodies. So you can still move around with them.
FRA: Sure! You can move around with all your bodies, it takes
sometime. In fact, because there are some desires the person has,
that is why he continues visiting - because of their relations and
so on, because of attachment That is why we are usually warned
about attachments.
But these are ... I am glad parapsychology is now moving into these areas
even at the University level - the area of clairvoyance, the area of being
able to get information from the dead- but the Orientals, they knew these
things for so long.
Now when you talk about re-incarnation, now which body are you talking
about that the person is taking on because the Orientals have again told
us which science is now realising that you have a brand new body every
seven years. They have known that for over ftve thousand years ago.
We are only recognising it now- the cells in the body are multiplying and
238
they are being replaced by new cells, so that over a period of seven
years, most of the cells in the body are brand new. Now that means, re-
incarnation is already taking place in one life time. Every seven years
you have reincarnated, you have a new body. This is not the body with
which you came out of your mother's womb. And in the next seven
years, you won't have this body.
MB: Regeneration and reincarnation ...
FRA: You don't generate a new body except through regeneration. To generate
is by birth. You don't regenerate yourself. It is in-built in the system -
that the system shrugs the old when the new is always coming, so that the
body with which I came inw this earth is no longer there.
So I was asking them when they talk about reincarnation, the final
resurrection isn't that reincarnation? To say there is not reincarnation
why should we take on the body again at your fmal resurrection - that is
reincarnation. And moreover, the reincarnation, if you live up to 70
years, you have used 7 brand new bodies or 10 brand new bodies- every
seven years you change. Now when you are going to rise again, which
of them are you going to rise in? If you lived to 70, you have 10 brand
new bodies you've made use of and which one are you going you use
when you rise up?
What is actually happening is that the theological questions were put there
where the philosophical thinking was crude. Now that you have refined
the philosophical thinking a bit, you may have to get rid of some of those
theological questions. They are no longer valid - like reincarnation, I
don't know what it means any more. What people have in their minds is
their physical body, I don't know which physical body you are talking
about, I've had so many of them. So that what you are saying doesn't
make sense to me
239
MB: Father, let me say it in lgbo, 'probably you will shed more light. What
does this mean: na mmadu nolu mmadu uwa? (that someone has re-
incarnated [that is speaking re-incarnation the lgbo way])?
FRA: Na mmadu nolu mmadu uwa (pause), your father may say to you that
nagam anolu gi uwa n[I will come back to you] and then one of your
children is born and may have his characteristics. If you disbelieve, and
go to afa usually to perform the igba agu ceremony. Every child born
must have this done. When afa starts igba agu, he will ask questions
until he declare the person who the child is. This is done before the
naming of the child. Sometimes after igba agu, problems may develop
due to misunderstanding. To avoid this situation, three different afa
would perform igba agu simultaneously. If they all agree who it is that
is revisiting, then it becomes final. So that to say na mmadu nolu mmadu
uwa in the lgbo system, the person is still over there.
But in the Hindu system, the person can always take on a new body, in
fact, it is the Jaw of karma that dictates reincarnation. You failed a class,
you come and repeat it - you did not arrive at God realisation, so you
have to continue coming, and if you Jive like an animal you will come
back as an animal. Because all the animal kingdom are on their way to
becoming man, anyway. Because there is only one ATMAJV- the spirit-
soul, it is in the plant, in the tree, in fish, in man and so on. It's a
question of the kind of awareness it develops, it becomes this or that, but
it is one.
MB: Father let me take you back to the ogbanje, so instead of looking at them
as evil spirits, they should be pitied.
FRA: They are shame selfishness, absolute selfishness. That is what they are.
They are enjoying themselves at the expense of other people, and that is
sin.
MB: But do they understand what they are doing, because that soul does not
understand it is in static motion.
240
FRA: They are very near the animal kingdom.
MB: Can a living person reincarnate (for want of a better English word)
FRA: We have some cases, very old people. I know one of my landlords who
had a son: the ring on the man's father's head is on the child's.
Immediately he was born, the child's grandfather sent a message that no
one should bring this child to him. So the grandfather never saw the
baby.
IVIB: Why?
FRA: I don't know
IviB: He didn't want to see himself
FRA: No!
241
..
BmLIOGRAPHY
Bharucha, Rustom (1993) Theatre and the World: Performance and the
Politics of Culture. London, Routledge.
Basden, G. T. (1966) The Niger lbos, London, Frank Cass & Co. Ltd.
Dike, Azuka (1985) The Resilience of lgbo Culture: A Case Study of Awka
Town, Enugu, Founh Dimension Publishers.
Echeruo, M.J.C. (1981) "The dramatic limits of Igbo ritual" in Drama and
Theatre in Nigeria: a critical source book.
Elam, Keir (1980) The Semiotics of Theatre and Drama, London, Methuen.
Eliade, Mircea (1956) Mairet, P. (trans.) The Sacred and the Profane, London,
Collins.
Enekwe, Ossie (1981) "Myth, Ritual and Drama in Igboland" in Drama and
Theatre in Nigeria: a critical source book.
Enekwe, Onuora Ossie (1987) lgbo Masks: The Oneness of Ritual and
Theatre, Lagos, Nigeria Magazine.
242
..
llogu, Edmund (1974) Christianity and lgbo Culture, New York, NOK
Publishers.
lsichei, Elizabeth (1973) The mo people and the Europeans: The Genesis of
a Relationship - to 1906, London, Faber and Faber.
Levi-Strauss, C. (1978) Myth and Meaning, London, Routledge & Keegan Paul
Led
Ogunba, Oyin & lrele Abiola (eds.) (1978) Theatre in Africa, Ibadan, Ibadan
University Press.
Soyinka, Wole (1976) Myth. Literature and the African World, Cambridge,
Cambridge University Press.
Werbner, Richard P. (1989) Ritual Passage Sacred Journey: The Process and
Organisation of Religious Movement, Manchester,
Manchester University Press.
243
Journals. Magazines. Theses, Conference and Workshop Papers:
Alien, R. F.(1988) Through the Bamboo Thicket: The Social Process of Tabwa
Ritual Performance, The Drama Review., Vol. 32, No. 2 (T118).
Cookey, S.J.S. (1982) An lgbo Slave Story of the Late Nineteenth Century and
its implications, Ikenga: Journal of African Studies, Vol. I, No
2.
Nkala, N.O. (1980) The God Concept in lgbo: Apres Father Arazu, Letter to the
Producer, Patterns of our life, Anambra Broadcasting Service, 25
November.
Roben, Alien F. (1988) "Through the Bamboo Thicket: The Social Process of
Tabwa, The Drama Review, Vol. 32, No. 2 (Tll8).
Ukaegbu, V.l. (1996) The Composite Scene: The Aesthetics of Igbo Mask
Theatre, Unpublished Ph.D Thesis, University of Plymouth.
244
Interviews:
Akukwe, Michael
Ejiofor, Munachimso
Nwankwo, Comfon
Okpara, Maudline
Arazu, Raymond
Agbasi, Goddy
245
GLOSSARY OF SOME IGBO WORDS
Ajali]
A/or]
Ala Uno]
Enugu}
Eziowe/e]
Nkpor]
Nkpologu] All lgbo towns
Ukehe]
Umuawulu]
Umuoji]
Afor third Igbo market day
Aha}iokullfeojioku The god of farming
Ala/Ani: The Earth Goddess
A!TUUlioha:
Igbo God of Thunder, one of the attributes of
Chukwu
Anyawu: Sun/sun god
Ayaka/Abare: choral night masquerade and social controller
clzi:
personal god responsible for an individual's fate
and character
Chukwu-Okike: God, the Creator
Eke: the first out of four Igbo market days
Ezechitoke: name used in Nsukka and environs for Chukwu
lgba: skin drum
lchaka: musical instruments - a gourd covered with netted
beads
Mmanwu: masquerades
Muo: name for spirit also used for masquerade
Nkwo: the last of the four Igbo market days
Nzu: white chalk also has the yellow variety called edo
Odu: elephant tusk worn by titled women
Ogene metal gong
Ogo: in-law
Oji: kolanut
Omu: virgin palm frond
Oye: second of the four Igbo market days
Uli: henna
246