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Third Edition
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9
Third Edition
Gregory J. Privitera
St. Bonaventure University
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FOR INFORMATION:
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Printed in the United States of America
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Privitera, Gregory J., author.
11
Title: Statistics for the behavioral sciences / Gregory J. Privitera, St. Bonaventure University.
Description: Third Edition. | Thousand Oaks : SAGE Publications, [2017] | Revised edition of the author’s Statistics
for the behavioral sciences, [2015] | Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2017011485 | ISBN 9781506386256 (hardcover : alk. paper)
Subjects: LCSH: Social sciences—Statistical methods. | Psychology—Statistical methods.
Classification: LCC HA29.P755 2017 | DDC 519.5—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017011485
This book is printed on acid-free paper.
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Brief Contents
1. About the Author
2. Acknowledgments
3. Preface to the Instructor
4. To the Student—How to Use SPSS With This Book
5. PART I. INTRODUCTION AND DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS
1. 1. Introduction to Statistics
2. 2. Summarizing Data: Frequency Distributions in Tables and Graphs
3. 3. Summarizing Data: Central Tendency
4. 4. Summarizing Data: Variability
6. PART II. PROBABILITY AND THE FOUNDATIONS OF INFERENTIAL
STATISTICS
1. 5. Probability
2. 6. Probability, Normal Distributions, and z Scores
3. 7. Probability and Sampling Distributions
7. PART III. MAKING INFERENCES ABOUT ONE OR TWO MEANS
1. 8. Hypothesis Testing: Significance, Effect Size, and Power
2. 9. Testing Means: One-Sample and Two-Independent-Sample t Tests
3. 10. Testing Means: The Related-Samples t Test
4. 11. Estimation and Confidence Intervals
8. PART IV. MAKING INFERENCES ABOUT THE VARIABILITY OF TWO
OR MORE MEANS
1. 12. Analysis of Variance: One-Way Between-Subjects Design
2. 13. Analysis of Variance: One-Way Within-Subjects (Repeated-Measures)
Design
3. 14. Analysis of Variance: Two-Way Between-Subjects Factorial Design
9. PART V. MAKING INFERENCES ABOUT PATTERNS, FREQUENCIES,
AND ORDINAL DATA
1. 15. Correlation
2. 16. Linear Regression and Multiple Regression
3. 17. Nonparametric Tests: Chi-Square Tests
4. 18. Nonparametric Tests: Tests for Ordinal Data
10. Afterword
11. Appendix A. Basic Math Review and Summation Notation
12. Appendix B. SPSS General Instructions Guide
13. Appendix C. Statistical Tables
14. Appendix D. Chapter Solutions for Even-Numbered Problems
15. Glossary
16. References
17. Index
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Detailed Contents
About the Author
Acknowledgments
Preface to the Instructor
To the Student—How to Use SPSS With This Book
PART I. INTRODUCTION AND DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS
Chapter 1. Introduction to Statistics
1.1 The Use of Statistics in Science
1.2 Descriptive and Inferential Statistics
Descriptive Statistics
Inferential Statistics
MAKING SENSE—Populations and Samples
1.3 Research Methods and Statistics
Experimental Method
MAKING SENSE—Experimental and Control Groups
Quasi-Experimental Method
Correlational Method
1.4 Scales of Measurement
Nominal Scales
Ordinal Scales
Interval Scales
Ratio Scales
1.5 Types of Variables for Which Data Are Measured
Continuous and Discrete Variables
Quantitative and Qualitative Variables
1.6 Research in Focus: Evaluating Data and Scales of Measurement
1.7 SPSS in Focus: Entering and Defining Variables
Chapter Summary
Key Terms
End-of-Chapter Problems
Factual Problems
Concept and Application Problems
Problems in Research
Chapter 2. Summarizing Data: Frequency Distributions in Tables and Graphs
2.1 Why Summarize Data?
2.2 Frequency Distributions for Grouped Data
Simple Frequency Distributions
Cumulative Frequency
Relative Frequency
Relative Percent
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Cumulative Relative Frequency and Cumulative Percent
2.3 Identifying Percentile Points and Percentile Ranks
2.4 SPSS in Focus: Frequency Distributions for Quantitative Data
2.5 Frequency Distributions for Ungrouped Data
2.6 Research in Focus: Summarizing Demographic Information
2.7 SPSS in Focus: Frequency Distributions for Categorical Data
2.8 Pictorial Frequency Distributions
2.9 Graphing Distributions: Continuous Data
Histograms
Frequency Polygons
Ogives
Stem-and-Leaf Displays
2.10 Graphing Distributions: Discrete and Categorical Data
Bar Charts
Pie Charts
MAKING SENSE—Deception Due to the Distortion of Data
2.11 Research in Focus: Frequencies and Percents
2.12 SPSS in Focus: Histograms, Bar Charts, and Pie Charts
Chapter Summary
Key Terms
Factual Problems
Chapter 3. Summarizing Data: Central Tendency
3.1 Introduction to Central Tendency
3.2 Measures of Central Tendency
The Mean
The Weighted Mean
MAKING SENSE—Making the Grade
The Median
The Mode
3.3 Characteristics of the Mean
Changing an Existing Score
Adding a New Score or Removing an Existing Score
Adding, Subtracting, Multiplying, or Dividing Each Score by a
Constant
Summing the Differences of Scores From Their Mean
Summing the Squared Differences of Scores From Their Mean
3.4 Choosing an Appropriate Measure of Central Tendency
Using the Mean to Describe Data
Using the Median to Describe Data
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Using the Mode to Describe Data
3.5 Research in Focus: Describing Central Tendency
3.6 SPSS in Focus: Mean, Median, and Mode
Chapter Summary
Key Terms
Factual Problems
Chapter 4. Summarizing Data: Variability
4.1 Measuring Variability
4.2 The Range
4.3 Research in Focus: Reporting the Range
4.4 Quartiles and Interquartiles
4.5 The Variance
Population Variance
Sample Variance
4.6 Explaining Variance for Populations and Samples
The Numerator: Why Square Deviations From the Mean?
The Denominator: Sample Variance as an Unbiased Estimator
The Denominator: Degrees of Freedom
4.7 The Computational Formula for Variance
4.8 The Standard Deviation
4.9 What Does the Standard Deviation Tell Us?
MAKING SENSE—Standard Deviation and Nonnormal Distributions
4.10 Characteristics of the Standard Deviation
4.11 SPSS in Focus: Range, Variance, and Standard Deviation
Chapter Summary
Key Terms
Factual Problems
PART II. PROBABILITY AND THE FOUNDATIONS OF INFERENTIAL
STATISTICS
Chapter 5. Probability
5.1 Introduction to Probability
5.2 Calculating Probability
5.3 Probability and Relative Frequency
5.4 The Relationship Between Multiple Outcomes
Mutually Exclusive Outcomes
Independent Outcomes
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Complementary Outcomes
Conditional Outcomes
5.5 Conditional Probabilities and Bayes’s Theorem
5.6 SPSS in Focus: Probability Tables
Construct a Probability Table
Construct a Conditional Probability Table
5.7 Probability Distributions
5.8 The Mean of a Probability Distribution and Expected Value
MAKING SENSE—Expected Value and the “Long-Term Mean”
5.9 Research in Focus: When Are Risks Worth Taking?
5.10 The Variance and Standard Deviation of a Probability Distribution
5.11 Expected Value and the Binomial Distribution
The Mean of a Binomial Distribution
The Variance and Standard Deviation of a Binomial Distribution
5.12 A Final Thought on the Likelihood of Random Behavioral
Outcomes
Chapter Summary
Key Terms
Factual Problems
Chapter 6. Probability, Normal Distributions, and z Scores
6.1 The Normal Distribution in Behavioral Science
6.2 Characteristics of the Normal Distribution
6.3 Research in Focus: The Statistical Norm
6.4 The Standard Normal Distribution
6.5 The Unit Normal Table: A Brief Introduction
6.6 Locating Proportions
Locating Proportions Above the Mean
Locating Proportions Below the Mean
Locating Proportions Between Two Values
6.7 Locating Scores
6.8 SPSS in Focus: Converting Raw Scores to Standard z Scores
MAKING SENSE—Standard Deviation and the Normal Distribution
6.9 Going From Binomial to Normal
6.10 The Normal Approximation to the Binomial Distribution
Chapter Summary
Key Terms
Factual Problems
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Chapter 7. Probability and Sampling Distributions
7.1 Selecting Samples From Populations
Inferential Statistics and Sampling Distributions
Sampling and Conditional Probabilities
7.2 Selecting a Sample: Who’s In and Who’s Out?
Sampling Strategy: The Basis for Statistical Theory
Sampling Strategy: Most Used in Behavioral Research
7.3 Sampling Distributions: The Mean
Unbiased Estimator
Central Limit Theorem
Minimum Variance
Overview of the Sample Mean
7.4 Sampling Distributions: The Variance
Unbiased Estimator
Skewed Distribution Rule
No Minimum Variance
MAKING SENSE—Minimum Variance Versus Unbiased Estimator
Overview of the Sample Variance
7.5 The Standard Error of the Mean
7.6 Factors That Decrease Standard Error
7.7 SPSS in Focus: Estimating the Standard Error of the Mean
7.8 APA in Focus: Reporting the Standard Error
7.9 Standard Normal Transformations With Sampling Distributions
Chapter Summary
Key Terms
Factual Problems
PART III. MAKING INFERENCES ABOUT ONE OR TWO MEANS
Chapter 8. Hypothesis Testing: Significance, Effect Size, and Power
8.1 Inferential Statistics and Hypothesis Testing
8.2 Four Steps to Hypothesis Testing
MAKING SENSE—Testing the Null Hypothesis
8.3 Hypothesis Testing and Sampling Distributions
8.4 Making a Decision: Types of Error
Decision: Retain the Null Hypothesis
Decision: Reject the Null Hypothesis
8.5 Testing for Significance: Examples Using the z Test
Nondirectional Tests (H1: ≠)
Directional Tests (H1: > or H1: <)
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8.6 Research in Focus: Directional Versus Nondirectional Tests
8.7 Measuring the Size of an Effect: Cohen’s d
8.8 Effect Size, Power, and Sample Size
The Relationship Between Effect Size and Power
The Relationship Between Sample Size and Power
8.9 Additional Factors That Increase Power
Increasing Power: Increase Effect Size, Sample Size, and Alpha
Increasing Power: Decrease Beta, Standard Deviation (σ), and
Standard Error
8.10 SPSS in Focus: A Preview for Chapters 9 to 18
8.11 APA in Focus: Reporting the Test Statistic and Effect Size
Chapter Summary
Key Terms
Factual Problems
Chapter 9. Testing Means: One-Sample and Two-Independent-Sample t Tests
9.1 Going From z to t
9.2 The Degrees of Freedom
9.3 Reading the t Table
9.4 One-Sample t Test
9.5 Effect Size for the One-Sample t Test
Estimated Cohen’s d
Proportion of Variance
9.6 SPSS in Focus: One-Sample t Test
9.7 Two-Independent-Sample t Test
MAKING SENSE—The Pooled Sample Variance
9.8 Effect Size for the Two-Independent-Sample t Test
9.9 SPSS in Focus: Two-Independent-Sample t Test
9.10 APA in Focus: Reporting the t Statistic and Effect Size
Chapter Summary
Key Terms
Factual Problems
Chapter 10. Testing Means: The Related-Samples t Test
10.1 Related and Independent Samples
The Repeated-Measures Design
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The Matched-Pairs Design
10.2 Introduction to the Related-Samples t Test
The Test Statistic
Degrees of Freedom
Assumptions
10.3 The Related-Samples t Test: Repeated-Measures Design
MAKING SENSE—Increasing Power by Reducing Error
10.4 SPSS in Focus: The Related-Samples t Test
10.5 The Related-Samples t Test: Matched-Pairs Design
10.6 Measuring Effect Size for the Related-Samples t Test
10.7 Advantages for Selecting Related Samples
10.8 APA in Focus: Reporting the t Statistic and Effect Size for Related
Samples
Chapter Summary
Key Terms
Factual Problems
Chapter 11. Estimation and Confidence Intervals
11.1 Point Estimation and Interval Estimation
11.2 The Process of Estimation
11.3 Estimation for the One-Sample z Test
MAKING SENSE—Estimation, Significance, and Effect Size
11.4 Estimation for the One-Sample t Test
11.5 SPSS in Focus: Confidence Intervals for the One-Sample t Test
11.6 Estimation for the Two-Independent-Sample t Test
11.7 SPSS in Focus: Confidence Intervals for the Two-Independent-
Sample t Test
11.8 Estimation for the Related-Samples t Test
11.9 SPSS in Focus: Confidence Intervals for the Related-Samples t Test
11.10 Characteristics of Estimation: Precision and Certainty
11.11 APA in Focus: Reporting Confidence Intervals
Chapter Summary
Key Terms
Factual Problems
PART IV. MAKING INFERENCES ABOUT THE VARIABILITY OF TWO
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OR MORE MEANS
Chapter 12. Analysis of Variance: One-Way Between-Subjects Design
12.1 Analyzing Variance for Two or More Groups
12.2 An Introduction to Analysis of Variance
Identifying the Type of ANOVA
Two Ways to Select Independent Samples
Changes in Notation
12.3 Sources of Variation and the Test Statistic
12.4 Degrees of Freedom
12.5 The One-Way Between-Subjects ANOVA
MAKING SENSE—Mean Squares and Variance
12.6 What Is the Next Step?
12.7 Post Hoc Comparisons
Fisher’s Least Significant Difference (LSD) Test
Tukey’s Honestly Significant Difference (HSD) Test
12.8 SPSS in Focus: The One-Way Between-Subjects ANOVA
12.9 Measuring Effect Size
Eta-Squared (η2 or R2)
Omega-Squared (ω2)
12.10 APA in Focus: Reporting the F Statistic, Significance, and Effect
Size
Chapter Summary
Key Terms
Factual Problems
Chapter 13. Analysis of Variance: One-Way Within-Subjects (Repeated-
Measures) Design
13.1 Observing the Same Participants Across Groups
The One-Way Within-Subjects ANOVA
Selecting Related Samples: The Within-Subjects Design
13.2 Sources of Variation and the Test Statistic
Between-Groups Variation
Error Variation
MAKING SENSE—Sources of Error
13.3 Degrees of Freedom
13.4 The One-Way Within-Subjects ANOVA
MAKING SENSE—Mean Squares and Variance
13.5 Post Hoc Comparisons: Bonferroni Procedure
13.6 SPSS in Focus: The One-Way Within-Subjects ANOVA
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Partial Eta-Squared ( η P 2 )
Partial Omega-Squared ( ω P 2 )
13.8 The Within-Subjects Design: Consistency and Power
13.9 APA in Focus: Reporting the F Statistic, Significance, and Effect
Size
Chapter Summary
Key Terms
Factual Problems
Chapter 14. Analysis of Variance: Two-Way Between-Subjects Factorial
Design
14.1 Observing Two Factors at the Same Time
14.2 New Terminology and Notation
14.3 Designs for the Two-Way ANOVA
The 2-Between or Between-Subjects Design
The 1-Between 1-Within or Mixed Design
The 2-Within or Within-Subjects Design
14.4 Describing Variability: Main Effects and Interactions
Sources of Variability
Testing Main Effects
Testing the Interaction
MAKING SENSE—Graphing Interactions
Outcomes and Order of Interpretation
14.5 The Two-Way Between-Subjects ANOVA
14.6 Analyzing Main Effects and Interactions
Interactions: Simple Main Effect Tests
Main Effects: Pairwise Comparisons
Eta-Squared (η 2 or R2)
Omega-Squared (ω2)
14.8 SPSS in Focus: The Two-Way Between-Subjects ANOVA
14.9 APA in Focus: Reporting Main Effects, Interactions, and Effect Size
Chapter Summary
Key Terms
Factual Problems
PART V. MAKING INFERENCES ABOUT PATTERNS, FREQUENCIES,
AND ORDINAL DATA
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Chapter 15. Correlation
15.1 The Structure of a Correlational Design
15.2 Describing a Correlation
The Direction of a Correlation
The Strength of a Correlation
15.3 Pearson Correlation Coefficient
MAKING SENSE—Understanding Covariance
Effect Size: The Coefficient of Determination
Hypothesis Testing: Testing for Significance
15.4 SPSS in Focus: Pearson Correlation Coefficient
15.5 Assumptions of Tests for Linear Correlations
Homoscedasticity
Linearity
Normality
15.6 Limitations in Interpretation: Causality, Outliers, and Restrictions
of Range
Causality
Outliers
Restriction of Range
15.7 Alternative to Pearson r: Spearman Correlation Coefficient
15.8 SPSS in Focus: Spearman Correlation Coefficient
15.9 Alternative to Pearson r: Point-Biserial Correlation Coefficient
15.10 SPSS in Focus: Point-Biserial Correlation Coefficient
15.11 Alternative to Pearson r: Phi Correlation Coefficient
15.12 SPSS in Focus: Phi Correlation Coefficient
15.13 APA in Focus: Reporting Correlations
Chapter Summary
Key Terms
Factual Problems
Chapter 16. Linear Regression and Multiple Regression
16.1 From Relationships to Predictions
16.2 Fundamentals of Linear Regression
16.3 What Makes the Regression Line the Best-Fitting Line?
16.4 The Slope and y-Intercept of a Straight Line
16.5 Using the Method of Least Squares to Find the Best Fit
MAKING SENSE—SP, SS, and the Slope of a Regression Line
16.6 Using Analysis of Regression to Determine Significance
16.7 SPSS in Focus: Analysis of Regression
16.8 Using the Standard Error of Estimate to Measure Accuracy
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16.9 Introduction to Multiple Regression
16.10 Computing and Evaluating Significance for Multiple Regression
16.11 The β Coefficient for Multiple Regression
16.12 Evaluating Significance for the Relative Contribution of Each
Predictor Variable
Relative Contribution of x1
Relative Contribution of x2
16.13 SPSS in Focus: Multiple Regression Analysis
16.14 APA in Focus: Reporting Regression Analysis
Chapter Summary
Key Terms
Factual Problems
Chapter 17. Nonparametric Tests: Chi-Square Tests
17.1 Tests for Nominal Data
17.2 The Chi-Square Goodness-of-Fit Test
The Test Statistic
MAKING SENSE—The Relative Size of a Discrepancy
The Degrees of Freedom
MAKING SENSE—Degrees of Freedom
Hypothesis Testing for Goodness of Fit
17.3 SPSS in Focus: The Chi-Square Goodness-of-Fit Test
17.4 Interpreting the Chi-Square Goodness-of-Fit Test
Interpreting a Significant Chi-Square Goodness-of-Fit Test
Using the Chi-Square Goodness-of-Fit Test to Support the Null
Hypothesis
17.5 Independent Observations and Expected Frequency Size
17.6 The Chi-Square Test for Independence
Determining Expected Frequencies
The Test Statistic
The Degrees of Freedom
Hypothesis Testing for Independence
17.7 The Relationship Between Chi-Square and the Phi Coefficient
17.8 Measures of Effect Size
Effect Size Using Proportion of Variance: Φ 2 = χ 2 N
Effect Size Using the Phi Coefficient: Φ = χ 2 N
Effect Size Using Cramer’s V: = V : = χ 2 N × d f s m a l l e r
17.9 SPSS in Focus: The Chi-Square Test for Independence
17.10 APA in Focus: Reporting the Chi-Square Test
Chapter Summary
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Key Terms
Factual Problems
Chapter 18. Nonparametric Tests: Tests for Ordinal Data
18.1 Tests for Ordinal Data
Scales of Measurement and Variance
MAKING SENSE—Reducing Variance
Minimizing Bias: Tied Ranks
18.2 The Sign Test
The One-Sample Sign Test
The Related-Samples Sign Test
The Normal Approximation for the Sign Test
18.3 SPSS in Focus: The Related-Samples Sign Test
18.4 The Wilcoxon Signed-Ranks T Test
Interpretation of the Test Statistic T
The Normal Approximation for the Wilcoxon T
18.5 SPSS in Focus: The Wilcoxon Signed-Ranks T Test
18.6 The Mann-Whitney U Test
Interpretation of the Test Statistic U
Computing the Test Statistic U
The Normal Approximation for U
18.7 SPSS in Focus: The Mann-Whitney U Test
18.8 The Kruskal-Wallis H Test
Interpretation of the Test Statistic H
18.9 SPSS in Focus: The Kruskal-Wallis H Test
18.10 The Friedman Test
Interpretation of the Test Statistic χ R 2
18.11 SPSS in Focus: The Friedman Test
18.12 APA in Focus: Reporting Nonparametric Tests
Chapter Summary
Key Terms
Factual Problems
Afterword: A Final Thought on the Role of Statistics in Research Methods
Appendix A. Basic Math Review and Summation Notation
A.1 Positive and Negative Numbers
A.2 Addition
A.3 Subtraction
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A.4 Multiplication
A.5 Division
A.6 Fractions
A.7 Decimals and Percents
A.8 Exponents and Roots
A.9 Order of Computation
A.10 Equations: Solving for x
A.11 Summation Notation
Key Terms
Review Problems
Appendix B. SPSS General Instructions Guide
Appendix C. Statistical Tables
Table C.1 The Unit Normal Table
Table C.2 Critical Values for the t Distribution
Table C.3 Critical Values for the F Distribution
Table C.4 The Studentized Range Statistic (q)
Table C.5 Critical Values for the Pearson Correlation
Table C.6 Critical Values for the Spearman Correlation
Table C.7 Critical Values of Chi-Square (χ2)
Table C.8 Distribution of Binomial Probabilities When p = .50
Table C.9 Wilcoxon Signed-Ranks T Critical Values
Table C.10A Critical Values of the Mann-Whitney U for ρ = .05
Table C.10B Critical Values of the Mann-Whitney U for ρ = .01
Appendix D. Chapter Solutions for Even-Numbered Problems
Glossary
References
Index
26
About the Author
Gregory J. Privitera
is a professor and chair of the Department of Psychology at St. Bonaventure
University, where he is a recipient of their highest teaching honor, the Award for
Professional Excellence in Teaching, and their highest honor for scholarship, the
Award for Professional Excellence in Research and Publication. Dr. Privitera received
his PhD in behavioral neuroscience in the field of psychology at the State University
of New York at Buffalo and continued to complete postdoctoral research at Arizona
State University. He is an author of multiple books on statistics, research methods,
and health psychology, in addition to authoring more than three dozen peer-reviewed
scientific articles aimed at advancing our understanding of health and well-being. He
oversees a variety of undergraduate research projects at St. Bonaventure University,
where dozens of undergraduate students, many of whom are now earning graduate
degrees at various institutions, have coauthored research in his laboratories. For his
work with students and fruitful record of academic and research advisement, Dr.
Privitera was honored as Advisor of the Year by St. Bonaventure University in 2013.
In addition, he is the award-winning author of Research Methods for the Behavioral
Sciences, for which he received the Most Promising New Textbook Award from the
Textbook & Academic Authors Association in 2014. In addition to his teaching,
research, and advisement, Dr. Privitera is a veteran of the U.S. Marine Corps and is
married with two children: a daughter, Grace Ann, and a son, Aiden Andrew.
27
Acknowledgments
I want to take a moment to thank all those who have been supportive and endearing
throughout my career. To my family, friends, acquaintances, and colleagues—thank you
for contributing to my perspective in a way that is indubitably recognized and appreciated.
In particular to my son, Aiden Andrew, and daughter, Grace Ann—every moment I am
with you I am reminded of what is truly important in my life. As a veteran, I also want to
thank all those who serve and have served—there is truly no greater honor than to serve
something greater than yourself.
To all those at SAGE Publications, know that I am truly grateful to be able to share and
work with all of you. It is your vital contributions that have made this book possible and so
special to me. Thank you.
I especially want to thank the thousands of statistics students across the country who will
use this book. It is your pursuit of education that has inspired this contribution. My hope is
that you take away as much from reading this book as I have from writing it.
Last, but certainly not least, I would also like to thank the many reviewers who gave me
feedback during the development process.
Jeff Adams, Trent University

Melissa S. Atkins, Marshall University
Josh Averbeck, Western Illinois University
Kristen T. Begosh, University of Delaware
Chloe G. Bland, College of Saint Elizabeth
Julia J. C. Blau, SUNY College at Oneonta
Scott D. Bradshaw, Elizabeth City State University
Shannon Claxton, Morningside College
Alexander O. Crenshaw, University of Utah
Barry D. Davis, South Florida Bible College & Theological Seminary
Diana M. Elliot, Belmont Abbey College
Robert Franklin, Anderson University
Steven M. Specht, Utica College
Sarah Strand, California State University, Sacramento
Whitney Alicia Zimmerman, The Pennsylvania State University
28
Preface to the Instructor
29
Philosophical Approach
On the basis of years of experience and student feedback, I was inspired to write a book
that professors could truly teach from—one that would relate statistics to science using
current, practical research examples and one that would be approachable (and dare I say
interesting!) to students. I wrote this book in that spirit to give the reader one clear
message: Statistics is not something static or antiquated that we used to do in times past;
statistics is an ever-evolving discipline with relevance to our daily lives. This book is
designed not only to engage students in using statistics to summarize data and make
decisions about behavior but also to emphasize the ongoing spirit of discovery that emerges
when using today’s technologies to understand the application of statistics to modern-day
research problems. How does the text achieve this goal? It exposes students to statistical
applications in current research, tests their knowledge using current research examples,
gives them step-by-step instruction for using IBM® SPSS® Statistics® with examples, and
makes them aware of how statistics is important for their generation—all through the use
of the following key themes, features, and pedagogy.
* SPSS is a registered trademark of International Business Machines Corporation.
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Themes, Features, and Pedagogy
31
Emphasis on Student Learning
Conversational writing style. I write in a conversational tone that speaks to the
reader as if he or she is the researcher. It empowers students to view statistics as
something they are capable of understanding and using. It is a positive psychology
approach to writing that involves students in the process of statistical analysis and
making decisions using statistics. The goal is to motivate and excite students about
the topic by making the book easy to read and follow without “dumbing down” the
information they need to be successful.
Learning objectives. Clear learning objectives are provided at the start of each
chapter to get students focused on and thinking about the material they will be
learning. At the close of each chapter, the chapter summaries reiterate these learning
objectives and then summarize the key chapter content related to each objective.
Learning Checks are inserted throughout each chapter (for students to review what
they learn, as they learn it), and many figures and tables are provided to illustrate
statistical concepts and summarize statistical procedures.
Making Sense sections support critical and difficult material. In many years of
teaching statistics, I have found certain areas of statistics where students struggle the
most. To address this, I include Making Sense sections in each chapter to break down
difficult concepts, review important material, and basically “make sense” of the most
difficult material taught in this book. These sections are aimed at easing student stress
and making statistics more approachable. Again, this book was written with student
learning in mind.
Review problems. At least 32 review problems are included at the end of each
chapter. They include Factual Problems, Concept and Application Problems, and
Problems in Research. Unlike the questions in most statistics textbooks, these
questions are categorized for you so that you can easily identify and specifically test
the type of knowledge you want to assess in the classroom. This format tests student
knowledge and application of chapter material while also giving students more
exposure to how current research applies to the statistics they learn.
Additional features. Additional features in each chapter are aimed at helping
students pull out key concepts and recall important material. For example, key terms
are bolded, boxed, and defined as they are introduced to make it easier for students to
find these terms when reviewing the material and to grab their attention as they read
the chapters. At the end of the book, each key term is summarized in a glossary. Also,
margin notes are placed throughout each chapter for students to review important
material. They provide simple explanations and summaries based on those given in
detail in the text.
32
Focus on Current Research
Research in Focus. To introduce the context for using statistics, Chapters 1 to 6 and
8 include Research in Focus sections that review pertinent research that makes sense
of or illustrates important statistical concepts discussed in the chapter. Giving
students current research examples can help them “see” statistical methods as they are
applied today, not as they were done 20 years ago.
APA in Focus. As statistical designs are introduced in Chapters 7 to 18, I present
APA in Focus sections that explain how to summarize statistical results for each
inferential statistic taught. Together, these sections support student learning by
putting statistics into context with research and also explaining how to read and
report statistical results in research journals that follow American Psychological
Association (APA) style.
Current research examples. Many of the statistics computed in this book are based
on or use data from published research. This allows students to see the types of
questions that behavioral researchers ask while learning about the statistics researchers
use to answer research questions. Students do not need a background in research
methods to read through the research examples, which is important because most
students have not taken a course in research methods prior to taking a statistics
course.
Problems in Research. The end-of-chapter review questions include a section of
Problems in Research that come straight from the literature. These classroom-tested
problems use the data or conclusions drawn from published research to test
knowledge of statistics and are taken from a diverse set of research journals and
behavioral disciplines. The problems require students to think critically about
published research in a way that reinforces statistical concepts taught in each chapter.
Balanced coverage of recent changes in the field of statistics. I take into account
recent developments in the area of statistics. For example, while eta-squared is still
the most popular estimate for effect size, there is a great deal of research showing that
it overestimates the size of an effect. That being said, a modification to eta-squared,
called omega-squared, is considered a better estimate for effect size and is being used
more and more in published articles. I teach both, giving students a full appreciation
for where statistics currently stands and where it is likely going in the future. Other
examples include a full chapter on confidence intervals and detailed reviews of factors
that influence power (a key requirement for obtaining grant money and conducting
an effective program of research).
33
Integration of SPSS
Guide to using SPSS with this book. For professors who teach statistics and SPSS, it
can be difficult to teach from a textbook and a separate SPSS manual. The manual
often includes different research examples or language that is inconsistent with what
appears in the textbook and overall can be difficult for students to follow. This book
changes all that by nesting SPSS coverage into the textbook. It begins with the guide
at the front of the book, “How to Use SPSS With This Book,” which provides
students with an easy-to-follow, classroom-tested overview of how SPSS is set up,
how to read the Data View and Variable View screens, and how to use the SPSS in
Focus sections in the book.
SPSS in Focus. Many statistics textbooks for the behavioral sciences omit SPSS,
include it in an appendix separate from the main chapters in the book, include it at
the end of chapters with no useful examples or context, or include it in ancillary
materials that often are not included with course content. In this edition of Statistics
for the Behavioral Sciences, SPSS is included in each chapter as statistical concepts are
taught. This instruction is given in the SPSS in Focus sections. These sections
provide step-by-step, classroom-tested instruction using practical research examples
for how the concepts taught in each chapter can be applied using SPSS. Screenshot
figures and explanations provide support for how to read SPSS outputs. In Appendix
B, a guide for using SPSS is given for each SPSS in Focus section in the book, with
page number references given to make it simple for students to find where those
SPSS sections are taught in the book.
In addition, there is one more overarching feature that I refer to as teachability. While this
book is comprehensive and a great reference for any undergraduate student, it is often too
difficult for instructors to cover every topic in this book. For this reason, the chapters are
organized into sections, each of which can largely stand alone. This gives professors the
ability to more easily manage course content by assigning students particular sections in
each chapter when they do not want to teach all topics covered in the entire chapter. So this
book was not only written with the student in mind; it was also written with the professor
in mind. Here are some brief highlights of what you will find in each chapter:
34
Chapter Overviews
35
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
DANCE ON STILTS AT THE GIRLS’ UNYAGO, NIUCHI
Newala, too, suffers from the distance of its water-supply—at least

the Newala of to-day does; there was once another Newala in a lovely
valley at the foot of the plateau. I visited it and found scarcely a trace
of houses, only a Christian cemetery, with the graves of several
missionaries and their converts, remaining as a monument of its
former glories. But the surroundings are wonderfully beautiful. A
thick grove of splendid mango-trees closes in the weather-worn
crosses and headstones; behind them, combining the useful and the
agreeable, is a whole plantation of lemon-trees covered with ripe
fruit; not the small African kind, but a much larger and also juicier
imported variety, which drops into the hands of the passing traveller,
without calling for any exertion on his part. Old Newala is now under
the jurisdiction of the native pastor, Daudi, at Chingulungulu, who,
as I am on very friendly terms with him, allows me, as a matter of
course, the use of this lemon-grove during my stay at Newala.
FEET MUTILATED BY THE RAVAGES OF THE “JIGGER”
(Sarcopsylla penetrans)
The water-supply of New Newala is in the bottom of the valley,

some 1,600 feet lower down. The way is not only long and fatiguing,
but the water, when we get it, is thoroughly bad. We are suffering not
only from this, but from the fact that the arrangements at Newala are
nothing short of luxurious. We have a separate kitchen—a hut built
against the boma palisade on the right of the baraza, the interior of
which is not visible from our usual position. Our two cooks were not
long in finding this out, and they consequently do—or rather neglect
to do—what they please. In any case they do not seem to be very
particular about the boiling of our drinking-water—at least I can
attribute to no other cause certain attacks of a dysenteric nature,
from which both Knudsen and I have suffered for some time. If a
man like Omari has to be left unwatched for a moment, he is capable
of anything. Besides this complaint, we are inconvenienced by the
state of our nails, which have become as hard as glass, and crack on
the slightest provocation, and I have the additional infliction of
pimples all over me. As if all this were not enough, we have also, for
the last week been waging war against the jigger, who has found his
Eldorado in the hot sand of the Makonde plateau. Our men are seen
all day long—whenever their chronic colds and the dysentery likewise
raging among them permit—occupied in removing this scourge of
Africa from their feet and trying to prevent the disastrous
consequences of its presence. It is quite common to see natives of
this place with one or two toes missing; many have lost all their toes,
or even the whole front part of the foot, so that a well-formed leg
ends in a shapeless stump. These ravages are caused by the female of
Sarcopsylla penetrans, which bores its way under the skin and there
develops an egg-sac the size of a pea. In all books on the subject, it is
stated that one’s attention is called to the presence of this parasite by
an intolerable itching. This agrees very well with my experience, so
far as the softer parts of the sole, the spaces between and under the
toes, and the side of the foot are concerned, but if the creature
penetrates through the harder parts of the heel or ball of the foot, it
may escape even the most careful search till it has reached maturity.
Then there is no time to be lost, if the horrible ulceration, of which
we see cases by the dozen every day, is to be prevented. It is much
easier, by the way, to discover the insect on the white skin of a
European than on that of a native, on which the dark speck scarcely
shows. The four or five jiggers which, in spite of the fact that I
constantly wore high laced boots, chose my feet to settle in, were
taken out for me by the all-accomplished Knudsen, after which I
thought it advisable to wash out the cavities with corrosive
sublimate. The natives have a different sort of disinfectant—they fill
the hole with scraped roots. In a tiny Makua village on the slope of
the plateau south of Newala, we saw an old woman who had filled all
the spaces under her toe-nails with powdered roots by way of
prophylactic treatment. What will be the result, if any, who can say?
The rest of the many trifling ills which trouble our existence are
really more comic than serious. In the absence of anything else to
smoke, Knudsen and I at last opened a box of cigars procured from
the Indian store-keeper at Lindi, and tried them, with the most
distressing results. Whether they contain opium or some other
narcotic, neither of us can say, but after the tenth puff we were both
“off,” three-quarters stupefied and unspeakably wretched. Slowly we
recovered—and what happened next? Half-an-hour later we were
once more smoking these poisonous concoctions—so insatiable is the
craving for tobacco in the tropics.
Even my present attacks of fever scarcely deserve to be taken
seriously. I have had no less than three here at Newala, all of which
have run their course in an incredibly short time. In the early
afternoon, I am busy with my old natives, asking questions and
making notes. The strong midday coffee has stimulated my spirits to
an extraordinary degree, the brain is active and vigorous, and work
progresses rapidly, while a pleasant warmth pervades the whole
body. Suddenly this gives place to a violent chill, forcing me to put on
my overcoat, though it is only half-past three and the afternoon sun
is at its hottest. Now the brain no longer works with such acuteness
and logical precision; more especially does it fail me in trying to
establish the syntax of the difficult Makua language on which I have
ventured, as if I had not enough to do without it. Under the
circumstances it seems advisable to take my temperature, and I do
so, to save trouble, without leaving my seat, and while going on with
my work. On examination, I find it to be 101·48°. My tutors are
abruptly dismissed and my bed set up in the baraza; a few minutes
later I am in it and treating myself internally with hot water and
lemon-juice.
Three hours later, the thermometer marks nearly 104°, and I make
them carry me back into the tent, bed and all, as I am now perspiring
heavily, and exposure to the cold wind just beginning to blow might
mean a fatal chill. I lie still for a little while, and then find, to my
great relief, that the temperature is not rising, but rather falling. This
is about 7.30 p.m. At 8 p.m. I find, to my unbounded astonishment,
that it has fallen below 98·6°, and I feel perfectly well. I read for an
hour or two, and could very well enjoy a smoke, if I had the
wherewithal—Indian cigars being out of the question.
Having no medical training, I am at a loss to account for this state
of things. It is impossible that these transitory attacks of high fever
should be malarial; it seems more probable that they are due to a
kind of sunstroke. On consulting my note-book, I become more and
more inclined to think this is the case, for these attacks regularly
follow extreme fatigue and long exposure to strong sunshine. They at
least have the advantage of being only short interruptions to my
work, as on the following morning I am always quite fresh and fit.
My treasure of a cook is suffering from an enormous hydrocele which
makes it difficult for him to get up, and Moritz is obliged to keep in
the dark on account of his inflamed eyes. Knudsen’s cook, a raw boy
from somewhere in the bush, knows still less of cooking than Omari;
consequently Nils Knudsen himself has been promoted to the vacant
post. Finding that we had come to the end of our supplies, he began
by sending to Chingulungulu for the four sucking-pigs which we had
bought from Matola and temporarily left in his charge; and when
they came up, neatly packed in a large crate, he callously slaughtered
the biggest of them. The first joint we were thoughtless enough to
entrust for roasting to Knudsen’s mshenzi cook, and it was
consequently uneatable; but we made the rest of the animal into a
jelly which we ate with great relish after weeks of underfeeding,
consuming incredible helpings of it at both midday and evening
meals. The only drawback is a certain want of variety in the tinned
vegetables. Dr. Jäger, to whom the Geographical Commission
entrusted the provisioning of the expeditions—mine as well as his
own—because he had more time on his hands than the rest of us,
seems to have laid in a huge stock of Teltow turnips,[46] an article of
food which is all very well for occasional use, but which quickly palls
when set before one every day; and we seem to have no other tins
left. There is no help for it—we must put up with the turnips; but I
am certain that, once I am home again, I shall not touch them for ten
years to come.
Amid all these minor evils, which, after all, go to make up the
genuine flavour of Africa, there is at least one cheering touch:
Knudsen has, with the dexterity of a skilled mechanic, repaired my 9
× 12 cm. camera, at least so far that I can use it with a little care.
How, in the absence of finger-nails, he was able to accomplish such a
ticklish piece of work, having no tool but a clumsy screw-driver for
taking to pieces and putting together again the complicated
mechanism of the instantaneous shutter, is still a mystery to me; but
he did it successfully. The loss of his finger-nails shows him in a light
contrasting curiously enough with the intelligence evinced by the
above operation; though, after all, it is scarcely surprising after his
ten years’ residence in the bush. One day, at Lindi, he had occasion
to wash a dog, which must have been in need of very thorough
cleansing, for the bottle handed to our friend for the purpose had an
extremely strong smell. Having performed his task in the most
conscientious manner, he perceived with some surprise that the dog
did not appear much the better for it, and was further surprised by
finding his own nails ulcerating away in the course of the next few
days. “How was I to know that carbolic acid has to be diluted?” he
mutters indignantly, from time to time, with a troubled gaze at his
mutilated finger-tips.
Since we came to Newala we have been making excursions in all
directions through the surrounding country, in accordance with old
habit, and also because the akida Sefu did not get together the tribal
elders from whom I wanted information so speedily as he had
promised. There is, however, no harm done, as, even if seen only
from the outside, the country and people are interesting enough.
The Makonde plateau is like a large rectangular table rounded off
at the corners. Measured from the Indian Ocean to Newala, it is
about seventy-five miles long, and between the Rovuma and the
Lukuledi it averages fifty miles in breadth, so that its superficial area
is about two-thirds of that of the kingdom of Saxony. The surface,
however, is not level, but uniformly inclined from its south-western
edge to the ocean. From the upper edge, on which Newala lies, the
eye ranges for many miles east and north-east, without encountering
any obstacle, over the Makonde bush. It is a green sea, from which
here and there thick clouds of smoke rise, to show that it, too, is
inhabited by men who carry on their tillage like so many other
primitive peoples, by cutting down and burning the bush, and
manuring with the ashes. Even in the radiant light of a tropical day
such a fire is a grand sight.
Much less effective is the impression produced just now by the
great western plain as seen from the edge of the plateau. As often as
time permits, I stroll along this edge, sometimes in one direction,
sometimes in another, in the hope of finding the air clear enough to
let me enjoy the view; but I have always been disappointed.
Wherever one looks, clouds of smoke rise from the burning bush,
and the air is full of smoke and vapour. It is a pity, for under more
favourable circumstances the panorama of the whole country up to
the distant Majeje hills must be truly magnificent. It is of little use
taking photographs now, and an outline sketch gives a very poor idea
of the scenery. In one of these excursions I went out of my way to
make a personal attempt on the Makonde bush. The present edge of
the plateau is the result of a far-reaching process of destruction
through erosion and denudation. The Makonde strata are
everywhere cut into by ravines, which, though short, are hundreds of
yards in depth. In consequence of the loose stratification of these
beds, not only are the walls of these ravines nearly vertical, but their
upper end is closed by an equally steep escarpment, so that the
western edge of the Makonde plateau is hemmed in by a series of
deep, basin-like valleys. In order to get from one side of such a ravine
to the other, I cut my way through the bush with a dozen of my men.
It was a very open part, with more grass than scrub, but even so the
short stretch of less than two hundred yards was very hard work; at
the end of it the men’s calicoes were in rags and they themselves
bleeding from hundreds of scratches, while even our strong khaki
suits had not escaped scatheless.
NATIVE PATH THROUGH THE MAKONDE BUSH, NEAR

MAHUTA
I see increasing reason to believe that the view formed some time
back as to the origin of the Makonde bush is the correct one. I have
no doubt that it is not a natural product, but the result of human
occupation. Those parts of the high country where man—as a very
slight amount of practice enables the eye to perceive at once—has not
yet penetrated with axe and hoe, are still occupied by a splendid
timber forest quite able to sustain a comparison with our mixed
forests in Germany. But wherever man has once built his hut or tilled
his field, this horrible bush springs up. Every phase of this process
may be seen in the course of a couple of hours’ walk along the main
road. From the bush to right or left, one hears the sound of the axe—
not from one spot only, but from several directions at once. A few
steps further on, we can see what is taking place. The brush has been
cut down and piled up in heaps to the height of a yard or more,
between which the trunks of the large trees stand up like the last
pillars of a magnificent ruined building. These, too, present a
melancholy spectacle: the destructive Makonde have ringed them—
cut a broad strip of bark all round to ensure their dying off—and also
piled up pyramids of brush round them. Father and son, mother and
son-in-law, are chopping away perseveringly in the background—too
busy, almost, to look round at the white stranger, who usually excites
so much interest. If you pass by the same place a week later, the piles
of brushwood have disappeared and a thick layer of ashes has taken
the place of the green forest. The large trees stretch their
smouldering trunks and branches in dumb accusation to heaven—if
they have not already fallen and been more or less reduced to ashes,
perhaps only showing as a white stripe on the dark ground.
This work of destruction is carried out by the Makonde alike on the
virgin forest and on the bush which has sprung up on sites already
cultivated and deserted. In the second case they are saved the trouble
of burning the large trees, these being entirely absent in the
secondary bush.
After burning this piece of forest ground and loosening it with the
hoe, the native sows his corn and plants his vegetables. All over the
country, he goes in for bed-culture, which requires, and, in fact,
receives, the most careful attention. Weeds are nowhere tolerated in
the south of German East Africa. The crops may fail on the plains,
where droughts are frequent, but never on the plateau with its
abundant rains and heavy dews. Its fortunate inhabitants even have
the satisfaction of seeing the proud Wayao and Wamakua working
for them as labourers, driven by hunger to serve where they were
accustomed to rule.
But the light, sandy soil is soon exhausted, and would yield no
harvest the second year if cultivated twice running. This fact has
been familiar to the native for ages; consequently he provides in
time, and, while his crop is growing, prepares the next plot with axe
and firebrand. Next year he plants this with his various crops and
lets the first piece lie fallow. For a short time it remains waste and
desolate; then nature steps in to repair the destruction wrought by
man; a thousand new growths spring out of the exhausted soil, and
even the old stumps put forth fresh shoots. Next year the new growth
is up to one’s knees, and in a few years more it is that terrible,
impenetrable bush, which maintains its position till the black
occupier of the land has made the round of all the available sites and
come back to his starting point.
The Makonde are, body and soul, so to speak, one with this bush.
According to my Yao informants, indeed, their name means nothing
else but “bush people.” Their own tradition says that they have been
settled up here for a very long time, but to my surprise they laid great
stress on an original immigration. Their old homes were in the
south-east, near Mikindani and the mouth of the Rovuma, whence
their peaceful forefathers were driven by the continual raids of the
Sakalavas from Madagascar and the warlike Shirazis[47] of the coast,
to take refuge on the almost inaccessible plateau. I have studied
African ethnology for twenty years, but the fact that changes of
population in this apparently quiet and peaceable corner of the earth
could have been occasioned by outside enterprises taking place on
the high seas, was completely new to me. It is, no doubt, however,
correct.
The charming tribal legend of the Makonde—besides informing us
of other interesting matters—explains why they have to live in the
thickest of the bush and a long way from the edge of the plateau,
instead of making their permanent homes beside the purling brooks
and springs of the low country.
“The place where the tribe originated is Mahuta, on the southern
side of the plateau towards the Rovuma, where of old time there was
nothing but thick bush. Out of this bush came a man who never
washed himself or shaved his head, and who ate and drank but little.
He went out and made a human figure from the wood of a tree
growing in the open country, which he took home to his abode in the
bush and there set it upright. In the night this image came to life and
was a woman. The man and woman went down together to the
Rovuma to wash themselves. Here the woman gave birth to a still-
born child. They left that place and passed over the high land into the
valley of the Mbemkuru, where the woman had another child, which
was also born dead. Then they returned to the high bush country of
Mahuta, where the third child was born, which lived and grew up. In
course of time, the couple had many more children, and called
themselves Wamatanda. These were the ancestral stock of the
Makonde, also called Wamakonde,[48] i.e., aborigines. Their
forefather, the man from the bush, gave his children the command to
bury their dead upright, in memory of the mother of their race who
was cut out of wood and awoke to life when standing upright. He also
warned them against settling in the valleys and near large streams,
for sickness and death dwelt there. They were to make it a rule to
have their huts at least an hour’s walk from the nearest watering-
place; then their children would thrive and escape illness.”
The explanation of the name Makonde given by my informants is
somewhat different from that contained in the above legend, which I
extract from a little book (small, but packed with information), by
Pater Adams, entitled Lindi und sein Hinterland. Otherwise, my
results agree exactly with the statements of the legend. Washing?
Hapana—there is no such thing. Why should they do so? As it is, the
supply of water scarcely suffices for cooking and drinking; other
people do not wash, so why should the Makonde distinguish himself
by such needless eccentricity? As for shaving the head, the short,
woolly crop scarcely needs it,[49] so the second ancestral precept is
likewise easy enough to follow. Beyond this, however, there is
nothing ridiculous in the ancestor’s advice. I have obtained from
various local artists a fairly large number of figures carved in wood,
ranging from fifteen to twenty-three inches in height, and
representing women belonging to the great group of the Mavia,
Makonde, and Matambwe tribes. The carving is remarkably well
done and renders the female type with great accuracy, especially the
keloid ornamentation, to be described later on. As to the object and
meaning of their works the sculptors either could or (more probably)
would tell me nothing, and I was forced to content myself with the
scanty information vouchsafed by one man, who said that the figures
were merely intended to represent the nembo—the artificial
deformations of pelele, ear-discs, and keloids. The legend recorded
by Pater Adams places these figures in a new light. They must surely
be more than mere dolls; and we may even venture to assume that
they are—though the majority of present-day Makonde are probably
unaware of the fact—representations of the tribal ancestress.
The references in the legend to the descent from Mahuta to the
Rovuma, and to a journey across the highlands into the Mbekuru
valley, undoubtedly indicate the previous history of the tribe, the
travels of the ancestral pair typifying the migrations of their
descendants. The descent to the neighbouring Rovuma valley, with
its extraordinary fertility and great abundance of game, is intelligible
at a glance—but the crossing of the Lukuledi depression, the ascent
to the Rondo Plateau and the descent to the Mbemkuru, also lie
within the bounds of probability, for all these districts have exactly
the same character as the extreme south. Now, however, comes a
point of especial interest for our bacteriological age. The primitive
Makonde did not enjoy their lives in the marshy river-valleys.
Disease raged among them, and many died. It was only after they
had returned to their original home near Mahuta, that the health
conditions of these people improved. We are very apt to think of the
African as a stupid person whose ignorance of nature is only equalled
by his fear of it, and who looks on all mishaps as caused by evil
spirits and malignant natural powers. It is much more correct to
assume in this case that the people very early learnt to distinguish
districts infested with malaria from those where it is absent.
This knowledge is crystallized in the
ancestral warning against settling in the
valleys and near the great waters, the
dwelling-places of disease and death. At the
same time, for security against the hostile
Mavia south of the Rovuma, it was enacted
that every settlement must be not less than a
certain distance from the southern edge of the
plateau. Such in fact is their mode of life at the
present day. It is not such a bad one, and
certainly they are both safer and more
comfortable than the Makua, the recent
intruders from the south, who have made USUAL METHOD OF
good their footing on the western edge of the CLOSING HUT-DOOR
plateau, extending over a fairly wide belt of
country. Neither Makua nor Makonde show in their dwellings
anything of the size and comeliness of the Yao houses in the plain,
especially at Masasi, Chingulungulu and Zuza’s. Jumbe Chauro, a
Makonde hamlet not far from Newala, on the road to Mahuta, is the
most important settlement of the tribe I have yet seen, and has fairly
spacious huts. But how slovenly is their construction compared with
the palatial residences of the elephant-hunters living in the plain.
The roofs are still more untidy than in the general run of huts during
the dry season, the walls show here and there the scanty beginnings
or the lamentable remains of the mud plastering, and the interior is a
veritable dog-kennel; dirt, dust and disorder everywhere. A few huts
only show any attempt at division into rooms, and this consists
merely of very roughly-made bamboo partitions. In one point alone
have I noticed any indication of progress—in the method of fastening
the door. Houses all over the south are secured in a simple but
ingenious manner. The door consists of a set of stout pieces of wood
or bamboo, tied with bark-string to two cross-pieces, and moving in
two grooves round one of the door-posts, so as to open inwards. If
the owner wishes to leave home, he takes two logs as thick as a man’s
upper arm and about a yard long. One of these is placed obliquely
against the middle of the door from the inside, so as to form an angle
of from 60° to 75° with the ground. He then places the second piece
horizontally across the first, pressing it downward with all his might.
It is kept in place by two strong posts planted in the ground a few
inches inside the door. This fastening is absolutely safe, but of course
cannot be applied to both doors at once, otherwise how could the
owner leave or enter his house? I have not yet succeeded in finding
out how the back door is fastened.
MAKONDE LOCK AND KEY AT JUMBE CHAURO

This is the general way of closing a house. The Makonde at Jumbe
Chauro, however, have a much more complicated, solid and original
one. Here, too, the door is as already described, except that there is
only one post on the inside, standing by itself about six inches from
one side of the doorway. Opposite this post is a hole in the wall just
large enough to admit a man’s arm. The door is closed inside by a
large wooden bolt passing through a hole in this post and pressing
with its free end against the door. The other end has three holes into
which fit three pegs running in vertical grooves inside the post. The
door is opened with a wooden key about a foot long, somewhat
curved and sloped off at the butt; the other end has three pegs
corresponding to the holes, in the bolt, so that, when it is thrust
through the hole in the wall and inserted into the rectangular
opening in the post, the pegs can be lifted and the bolt drawn out.[50]
MODE OF INSERTING THE KEY
With no small pride first one householder and then a second

showed me on the spot the action of this greatest invention of the
Makonde Highlands. To both with an admiring exclamation of
“Vizuri sana!” (“Very fine!”). I expressed the wish to take back these
marvels with me to Ulaya, to show the Wazungu what clever fellows
the Makonde are. Scarcely five minutes after my return to camp at
Newala, the two men came up sweating under the weight of two
heavy logs which they laid down at my feet, handing over at the same
time the keys of the fallen fortress. Arguing, logically enough, that if
the key was wanted, the lock would be wanted with it, they had taken
their axes and chopped down the posts—as it never occurred to them
to dig them out of the ground and so bring them intact. Thus I have
two badly damaged specimens, and the owners, instead of praise,
come in for a blowing-up.
The Makua huts in the environs of Newala are especially
miserable; their more than slovenly construction reminds one of the
temporary erections of the Makua at Hatia’s, though the people here
have not been concerned in a war. It must therefore be due to
congenital idleness, or else to the absence of a powerful chief. Even
the baraza at Mlipa’s, a short hour’s walk south-east of Newala,
shares in this general neglect. While public buildings in this country
are usually looked after more or less carefully, this is in evident
danger of being blown over by the first strong easterly gale. The only
attractive object in this whole district is the grave of the late chief
Mlipa. I visited it in the morning, while the sun was still trying with
partial success to break through the rolling mists, and the circular
grove of tall euphorbias, which, with a broken pot, is all that marks
the old king’s resting-place, impressed one with a touch of pathos.
Even my very materially-minded carriers seemed to feel something
of the sort, for instead of their usual ribald songs, they chanted
solemnly, as we marched on through the dense green of the Makonde
bush:—
“We shall arrive with the great master; we stand in a row and have
no fear about getting our food and our money from the Serkali (the
Government). We are not afraid; we are going along with the great
master, the lion; we are going down to the coast and back.”
With regard to the characteristic features of the various tribes here
on the western edge of the plateau, I can arrive at no other
conclusion than the one already come to in the plain, viz., that it is
impossible for anyone but a trained anthropologist to assign any
given individual at once to his proper tribe. In fact, I think that even
an anthropological specialist, after the most careful examination,
might find it a difficult task to decide. The whole congeries of peoples
collected in the region bounded on the west by the great Central
African rift, Tanganyika and Nyasa, and on the east by the Indian
Ocean, are closely related to each other—some of their languages are
only distinguished from one another as dialects of the same speech,
and no doubt all the tribes present the same shape of skull and
structure of skeleton. Thus, surely, there can be no very striking
differences in outward appearance.
Even did such exist, I should have no time
to concern myself with them, for day after day,
I have to see or hear, as the case may be—in
any case to grasp and record—an
extraordinary number of ethnographic
phenomena. I am almost disposed to think it
fortunate that some departments of inquiry, at
least, are barred by external circumstances.
Chief among these is the subject of iron-
working. We are apt to think of Africa as a
country where iron ore is everywhere, so to
speak, to be picked up by the roadside, and
where it would be quite surprising if the
inhabitants had not learnt to smelt the
material ready to their hand. In fact, the
knowledge of this art ranges all over the
continent, from the Kabyles in the north to the
Kafirs in the south. Here between the Rovuma
and the Lukuledi the conditions are not so
favourable. According to the statements of the
Makonde, neither ironstone nor any other
form of iron ore is known to them. They have
not therefore advanced to the art of smelting
the metal, but have hitherto bought all their
THE ANCESTRESS OF
THE MAKONDE
iron implements from neighbouring tribes.
Even in the plain the inhabitants are not much
better off. Only one man now living is said to
understand the art of smelting iron. This old fundi lives close to
Huwe, that isolated, steep-sided block of granite which rises out of
the green solitude between Masasi and Chingulungulu, and whose
jagged and splintered top meets the traveller’s eye everywhere. While
still at Masasi I wished to see this man at work, but was told that,
frightened by the rising, he had retired across the Rovuma, though
he would soon return. All subsequent inquiries as to whether the
fundi had come back met with the genuine African answer, “Bado”
(“Not yet”).
BRAZIER
Some consolation was afforded me by a brassfounder, whom I

came across in the bush near Akundonde’s. This man is the favourite
of women, and therefore no doubt of the gods; he welds the glittering
brass rods purchased at the coast into those massive, heavy rings
which, on the wrists and ankles of the local fair ones, continually give
me fresh food for admiration. Like every decent master-craftsman he
had all his tools with him, consisting of a pair of bellows, three
crucibles and a hammer—nothing more, apparently. He was quite
willing to show his skill, and in a twinkling had fixed his bellows on
the ground. They are simply two goat-skins, taken off whole, the four
legs being closed by knots, while the upper opening, intended to
admit the air, is kept stretched by two pieces of wood. At the lower
end of the skin a smaller opening is left into which a wooden tube is
stuck. The fundi has quickly borrowed a heap of wood-embers from
the nearest hut; he then fixes the free ends of the two tubes into an
earthen pipe, and clamps them to the ground by means of a bent
piece of wood. Now he fills one of his small clay crucibles, the dross
on which shows that they have been long in use, with the yellow
material, places it in the midst of the embers, which, at present are
only faintly glimmering, and begins his work. In quick alternation
the smith’s two hands move up and down with the open ends of the
bellows; as he raises his hand he holds the slit wide open, so as to let
the air enter the skin bag unhindered. In pressing it down he closes
the bag, and the air puffs through the bamboo tube and clay pipe into
the fire, which quickly burns up. The smith, however, does not keep
on with this work, but beckons to another man, who relieves him at
the bellows, while he takes some more tools out of a large skin pouch
carried on his back. I look on in wonder as, with a smooth round
stick about the thickness of a finger, he bores a few vertical holes into
the clean sand of the soil. This should not be difficult, yet the man
seems to be taking great pains over it. Then he fastens down to the
ground, with a couple of wooden clamps, a neat little trough made by
splitting a joint of bamboo in half, so that the ends are closed by the
two knots. At last the yellow metal has attained the right consistency,
and the fundi lifts the crucible from the fire by means of two sticks
split at the end to serve as tongs. A short swift turn to the left—a
tilting of the crucible—and the molten brass, hissing and giving forth
clouds of smoke, flows first into the bamboo mould and then into the
holes in the ground.
The technique of this backwoods craftsman may not be very far
advanced, but it cannot be denied that he knows how to obtain an
adequate result by the simplest means. The ladies of highest rank in
this country—that is to say, those who can afford it, wear two kinds
of these massive brass rings, one cylindrical, the other semicircular
in section. The latter are cast in the most ingenious way in the
bamboo mould, the former in the circular hole in the sand. It is quite
a simple matter for the fundi to fit these bars to the limbs of his fair
customers; with a few light strokes of his hammer he bends the
pliable brass round arm or ankle without further inconvenience to
the wearer.
SHAPING THE POT
SMOOTHING WITH MAIZE-COB
CUTTING THE EDGE

FINISHING THE BOTTOM
LAST SMOOTHING BEFORE

BURNING
FIRING THE BRUSH-PILE

LIGHTING THE FARTHER SIDE OF
THE PILE
TURNING THE RED-HOT VESSEL
NYASA WOMAN MAKING POTS AT MASASI

Pottery is an art which must always and everywhere excite the
interest of the student, just because it is so intimately connected with
the development of human culture, and because its relics are one of
the principal factors in the reconstruction of our own condition in
prehistoric times. I shall always remember with pleasure the two or
three afternoons at Masasi when Salim Matola’s mother, a slightly-
built, graceful, pleasant-looking woman, explained to me with
touching patience, by means of concrete illustrations, the ceramic art
of her people. The only implements for this primitive process were a
lump of clay in her left hand, and in the right a calabash containing
the following valuables: the fragment of a maize-cob stripped of all
its grains, a smooth, oval pebble, about the size of a pigeon’s egg, a
few chips of gourd-shell, a bamboo splinter about the length of one’s
hand, a small shell, and a bunch of some herb resembling spinach.
Nothing more. The woman scraped with the
shell a round, shallow hole in the soft, fine
sand of the soil, and, when an active young
girl had filled the calabash with water for her,
she began to knead the clay. As if by magic it
gradually assumed the shape of a rough but
already well-shaped vessel, which only wanted
a little touching up with the instruments
before mentioned. I looked out with the
MAKUA WOMAN closest attention for any indication of the use
MAKING A POT. of the potter’s wheel, in however rudimentary
SHOWS THE a form, but no—hapana (there is none). The
BEGINNINGS OF THE embryo pot stood firmly in its little
POTTER’S WHEEL
depression, and the woman walked round it in
a stooping posture, whether she was removing
small stones or similar foreign bodies with the maize-cob, smoothing
the inner or outer surface with the splinter of bamboo, or later, after
letting it dry for a day, pricking in the ornamentation with a pointed
bit of gourd-shell, or working out the bottom, or cutting the edge
with a sharp bamboo knife, or giving the last touches to the finished
vessel. This occupation of the women is infinitely toilsome, but it is
without doubt an accurate reproduction of the process in use among
our ancestors of the Neolithic and Bronze ages.
There is no doubt that the invention of pottery, an item in human
progress whose importance cannot be over-estimated, is due to
women. Rough, coarse and unfeeling, the men of the horde range
over the countryside. When the united cunning of the hunters has
succeeded in killing the game; not one of them thinks of carrying
home the spoil. A bright fire, kindled by a vigorous wielding of the
drill, is crackling beside them; the animal has been cleaned and cut
up secundum artem, and, after a slight singeing, will soon disappear
under their sharp teeth; no one all this time giving a single thought
to wife or child.
To what shifts, on the other hand, the primitive wife, and still more
the primitive mother, was put! Not even prehistoric stomachs could
endure an unvarying diet of raw food. Something or other suggested
the beneficial effect of hot water on the majority of approved but
indigestible dishes. Perhaps a neighbour had tried holding the hard
roots or tubers over the fire in a calabash filled with water—or maybe
an ostrich-egg-shell, or a hastily improvised vessel of bark. They
became much softer and more palatable than they had previously
been; but, unfortunately, the vessel could not stand the fire and got
charred on the outside. That can be remedied, thought our
ancestress, and plastered a layer of wet clay round a similar vessel.
This is an improvement; the cooking utensil remains uninjured, but
the heat of the fire has shrunk it, so that it is loose in its shell. The
next step is to detach it, so, with a firm grip and a jerk, shell and
kernel are separated, and pottery is invented. Perhaps, however, the
discovery which led to an intelligent use of the burnt-clay shell, was
made in a slightly different way. Ostrich-eggs and calabashes are not
to be found in every part of the world, but everywhere mankind has
arrived at the art of making baskets out of pliant materials, such as
bark, bast, strips of palm-leaf, supple twigs, etc. Our inventor has no
water-tight vessel provided by nature. “Never mind, let us line the
basket with clay.” This answers the purpose, but alas! the basket gets
burnt over the blazing fire, the woman watches the process of
cooking with increasing uneasiness, fearing a leak, but no leak
appears. The food, done to a turn, is eaten with peculiar relish; and
the cooking-vessel is examined, half in curiosity, half in satisfaction
at the result. The plastic clay is now hard as stone, and at the same
time looks exceedingly well, for the neat plaiting of the burnt basket
is traced all over it in a pretty pattern. Thus, simultaneously with
pottery, its ornamentation was invented.
Primitive woman has another claim to respect. It was the man,
roving abroad, who invented the art of producing fire at will, but the
woman, unable to imitate him in this, has been a Vestal from the
earliest times. Nothing gives so much trouble as the keeping alight of
the smouldering brand, and, above all, when all the men are absent
from the camp. Heavy rain-clouds gather, already the first large
drops are falling, the first gusts of the storm rage over the plain. The
little flame, a greater anxiety to the woman than her own children,
flickers unsteadily in the blast. What is to be done? A sudden thought
occurs to her, and in an instant she has constructed a primitive hut
out of strips of bark, to protect the flame against rain and wind.
This, or something very like it, was the way in which the principle
of the house was discovered; and even the most hardened misogynist
cannot fairly refuse a woman the credit of it. The protection of the
hearth-fire from the weather is the germ from which the human
dwelling was evolved. Men had little, if any share, in this forward
step, and that only at a late stage. Even at the present day, the
plastering of the housewall with clay and the manufacture of pottery
are exclusively the women’s business. These are two very significant
survivals. Our European kitchen-garden, too, is originally a woman’s
invention, and the hoe, the primitive instrument of agriculture, is,
characteristically enough, still used in this department. But the
noblest achievement which we owe to the other sex is unquestionably
the art of cookery. Roasting alone—the oldest process—is one for
which men took the hint (a very obvious one) from nature. It must
have been suggested by the scorched carcase of some animal
overtaken by the destructive forest-fires. But boiling—the process of
improving organic substances by the help of water heated to boiling-
point—is a much later discovery. It is so recent that it has not even
yet penetrated to all parts of the world. The Polynesians understand
how to steam food, that is, to cook it, neatly wrapped in leaves, in a
hole in the earth between hot stones, the air being excluded, and
(sometimes) a few drops of water sprinkled on the stones; but they
do not understand boiling.
To come back from this digression, we find that the slender Nyasa
woman has, after once more carefully examining the finished pot,
put it aside in the shade to dry. On the following day she sends me
word by her son, Salim Matola, who is always on hand, that she is
going to do the burning, and, on coming out of my house, I find her
already hard at work. She has spread on the ground a layer of very
dry sticks, about as thick as one’s thumb, has laid the pot (now of a
yellowish-grey colour) on them, and is piling brushwood round it.
My faithful Pesa mbili, the mnyampara, who has been standing by,
most obligingly, with a lighted stick, now hands it to her. Both of
them, blowing steadily, light the pile on the lee side, and, when the
flame begins to catch, on the weather side also. Soon the whole is in a
blaze, but the dry fuel is quickly consumed and the fire dies down, so
that we see the red-hot vessel rising from the ashes. The woman
turns it continually with a long stick, sometimes one way and
sometimes another, so that it may be evenly heated all over. In
twenty minutes she rolls it out of the ash-heap, takes up the bundle
of spinach, which has been lying for two days in a jar of water, and
sprinkles the red-hot clay with it. The places where the drops fall are
marked by black spots on the uniform reddish-brown surface. With a
sigh of relief, and with visible satisfaction, the woman rises to an
erect position; she is standing just in a line between me and the fire,
from which a cloud of smoke is just rising: I press the ball of my
camera, the shutter clicks—the apotheosis is achieved! Like a
priestess, representative of her inventive sex, the graceful woman
stands: at her feet the hearth-fire she has given us beside her the
invention she has devised for us, in the background the home she has
built for us.
At Newala, also, I have had the manufacture of pottery carried on
in my presence. Technically the process is better than that already
described, for here we find the beginnings of the potter’s wheel,
which does not seem to exist in the plains; at least I have seen
nothing of the sort. The artist, a frightfully stupid Makua woman, did
not make a depression in the ground to receive the pot she was about
to shape, but used instead a large potsherd. Otherwise, she went to
work in much the same way as Salim’s mother, except that she saved
herself the trouble of walking round and round her work by squatting
at her ease and letting the pot and potsherd rotate round her; this is
surely the first step towards a machine. But it does not follow that
the pot was improved by the process. It is true that it was beautifully
rounded and presented a very creditable appearance when finished,
but the numerous large and small vessels which I have seen, and, in
part, collected, in the “less advanced” districts, are no less so. We
moderns imagine that instruments of precision are necessary to
produce excellent results. Go to the prehistoric collections of our
museums and look at the pots, urns and bowls of our ancestors in the
dim ages of the past, and you will at once perceive your error.
MAKING LONGITUDINAL CUT IN
BARK
DRAWING THE BARK OFF THE LOG
REMOVING THE OUTER BARK

BEATING THE BARK
WORKING THE BARK-CLOTH AFTER BEATING, TO MAKE IT

SOFT
MANUFACTURE OF BARK-CLOTH AT NEWALA

To-day, nearly the whole population of German East Africa is
clothed in imported calico. This was not always the case; even now in
some parts of the north dressed skins are still the prevailing wear,
and in the north-western districts—east and north of Lake
Tanganyika—lies a zone where bark-cloth has not yet been
superseded. Probably not many generations have passed since such
bark fabrics and kilts of skins were the only clothing even in the
south. Even to-day, large quantities of this bright-red or drab
material are still to be found; but if we wish to see it, we must look in
the granaries and on the drying stages inside the native huts, where
it serves less ambitious uses as wrappings for those seeds and fruits
which require to be packed with special care. The salt produced at
Masasi, too, is packed for transport to a distance in large sheets of
bark-cloth. Wherever I found it in any degree possible, I studied the
process of making this cloth. The native requisitioned for the
purpose arrived, carrying a log between two and three yards long and
as thick as his thigh, and nothing else except a curiously-shaped
mallet and the usual long, sharp and pointed knife which all men and
boys wear in a belt at their backs without a sheath—horribile dictu!
[51]
Silently he squats down before me, and with two rapid cuts has
drawn a couple of circles round the log some two yards apart, and
slits the bark lengthwise between them with the point of his knife.
With evident care, he then scrapes off the outer rind all round the
log, so that in a quarter of an hour the inner red layer of the bark
shows up brightly-coloured between the two untouched ends. With
some trouble and much caution, he now loosens the bark at one end,
and opens the cylinder. He then stands up, takes hold of the free
edge with both hands, and turning it inside out, slowly but steadily
pulls it off in one piece. Now comes the troublesome work of
scraping all superfluous particles of outer bark from the outside of
the long, narrow piece of material, while the inner side is carefully
scrutinised for defective spots. At last it is ready for beating. Having
signalled to a friend, who immediately places a bowl of water beside
him, the artificer damps his sheet of bark all over, seizes his mallet,
lays one end of the stuff on the smoothest spot of the log, and
hammers away slowly but continuously. “Very simple!” I think to
myself. “Why, I could do that, too!”—but I am forced to change my
opinions a little later on; for the beating is quite an art, if the fabric is
not to be beaten to pieces. To prevent the breaking of the fibres, the
stuff is several times folded across, so as to interpose several
thicknesses between the mallet and the block. At last the required
state is reached, and the fundi seizes the sheet, still folded, by both
ends, and wrings it out, or calls an assistant to take one end while he
holds the other. The cloth produced in this way is not nearly so fine
and uniform in texture as the famous Uganda bark-cloth, but it is
quite soft, and, above all, cheap.
Now, too, I examine the mallet. My craftsman has been using the
simpler but better form of this implement, a conical block of some
hard wood, its base—the striking surface—being scored across and
across with more or less deeply-cut grooves, and the handle stuck
into a hole in the middle. The other and earlier form of mallet is
shaped in the same way, but the head is fastened by an ingenious
network of bark strips into the split bamboo serving as a handle. The
observation so often made, that ancient customs persist longest in
connection with religious ceremonies and in the life of children, here
finds confirmation. As we shall soon see, bark-cloth is still worn
during the unyago,[52] having been prepared with special solemn
ceremonies; and many a mother, if she has no other garment handy,
will still put her little one into a kilt of bark-cloth, which, after all,
looks better, besides being more in keeping with its African
surroundings, than the ridiculous bit of print from Ulaya.
MAKUA WOMEN

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* SPSS is a registered trademark of International Business Machines Corporation.

Newala, too, suffers from the distance of its water-supply—at least

The water-supply of New Newala is in the bottom of the valley,

NATIVE PATH THROUGH THE MAKONDE BUSH, NEAR

MAKONDE LOCK AND KEY AT JUMBE CHAURO

MODE OF INSERTING THE KEY

With no small pride first one householder and then a second

Some consolation was afforded me by a brassfounder, whom I

SMOOTHING WITH MAIZE-COB

CUTTING THE EDGE

LAST SMOOTHING BEFORE

FIRING THE BRUSH-PILE

TURNING THE RED-HOT VESSEL

NYASA WOMAN MAKING POTS AT MASASI

DRAWING THE BARK OFF THE LOG

REMOVING THE OUTER BARK

WORKING THE BARK-CLOTH AFTER BEATING, TO MAKE IT

MANUFACTURE OF BARK-CLOTH AT NEWALA

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