Inoue Tetsujiro

Nanzan University
The Civil Theology of Inoue Tetsujirō

Author(s): Winston Davis
Source: Japanese Journal of Religious Studies, Vol. 3, No. 1 (Mar., 1976), pp. 5-40
Published by: Nanzan University
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The Civil Theology of Inoue Tetsujiro
Winston DAVIS
At the height of the controversyover the balance of trade between

Japan and the United States in the autumn of 1971, Kobayashi
Koji, president of the Nippon Electric Company, prefaced a
speech on behalf of Japanese industry with the words: "While
the Americans, by and large, take a pragmatic way of thinking
and think in terms of power relations, the Japanese tend to em-
phasize 'morality and principles.""' Questions of bias and bloat
aside, what is interesting about a remark like this is the way it
expresses,in moral terms, what it means to be Japanese.
To account for the widespread permeation of such moral
self-images throughout Japanese culture, many scholars have
turned their attention to the "moral education" taught in the
prewar schools. In this paper I shall examine the "national
morality thought" of the Confucian philosopher Inoue Tetsujir6
(1855-1944) as an example of the kind of civil theology2 that
gave this instruction its basic rationale. Seeking to develop a
philosophy of education that would rest on First Principles,
Inoue actually based his work on a ratherfacile, pseudo-Hegelian
identification of the Ideal with the Reality of Japanese history.
Though he claimed to be the greatest philosopher east of Suez,
his logic was tendentious, his arguments forced and artificial.
In fact his philosophy was little more than a smorgasbordspread
1. Japan times, 13 September 1971, p. 11. Identical sentiments were expressed as
early as 1842 when Sakuma Sh5zan wrote in his Kaib3 hassaku: "The barbar-
ians show no discernment about things like morality, benevolence, and justice.
They are sagacious only about gain." Cited in Kosaka 1969, p. 20.
2. Because of its religious nature, Inoue's work is better characterized as a "civil
theology" than as an "ideology." By using the former term I also seek to
avoid some of the pitfalls of the concept of ideology which, as Clifford Geertz
points out, has itself become "thoroughly ideologized" (1964, p. 47).
Japanes.eJournal of Religious Studies 3/1 March 1976 5
Winston DAVIS
with the leftovers of former ideological feasts, East and West.

Nevertheless, his thinking is instructive as an example of the im-
manentalstyle of civil theology that dominated the thinking of
the National Morality Movement.3
3. A theoretical dichotomy between "civil religion" and "civil theology" under-
lies my interpretation of Inoue's work. By "civil religion" I mean a system-
atic network of moods, values, thoughts, rituals, and symbols that establishes
the meaning of nationhood within an overarching hierarchy of significance.
While civil religions are the precipitates of traditional religious communities,
they transcend specific religious communities and dogmas. The symbols and
suasions of the civil religion must speak to "all sorts and conditions of men."
"Civil theology," on the other hand, is the articulation of civil religion by the
elite. One could say that civil religion-a reticulation of implicit sentiment
-is "thought in." Civil theology is "thought out."
There are obviously different styles that can be adopted in both civil reli-
gion and civil theology. By "immanentalcivil theology" I mean a religious
understanding of society in which the Ideals toward which that society strives
are believed to be present, at least in a latent way, in the Reality of its history
or institutions (what Hegel called the "social substance"). Though modern
political theories aiming at the total conquest of "alienation" are almost inevi-
tably suffused with the aroma of theological immanence, immanental civil
theology, in its more archaic forms, seems closely related to what David Apter
calls the "theocratic system." By this is meant a political culture in which
there is "no sharp distinction between the natural universe and the state, that
is, between the kingdom of man and the kingdom of God" (Apter 1967, p. 72).
The ideal-typical opposite of such a "system" is one in which the Ideals
society sets before itself are never completely embodied in its "social sub-
stance." Apter, for example, juxtaposes the "theocratic system" to what he
calls the "reconciliation system," e.g., the philosophical orientation of liberal,
constitutional states. In this system, church and state are separated, as are
divine and natural law. More important, since in them "secular ends can
never really become sacred" (Apter 1967, p. 67), "what there is of the sacred
in Western secular government is the framework itself" (Apter 1967, p. 76).
Along similar lines, Robert Bellah has suggested that in some societies, the
symbols of civil religion can be self-transcending (1970, pp. 185-186).
It is my view that since all religious symbols are both "ideological" (reflect-
ing the "social substance") and "cybernetic" (guiding the "social substance"
to higher levels of spiritual excellence), civil theology generally is a blendingof
immanental and transcendental themes. One should therefore make a com-
parative study of civil religions and theologies not in terms of an absolute
either/or, but by plotting them, as political cultures, along a continuum rang-
ing from the relativelymost "immanental" to the most "transcendental."
6 Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 3/1 March 1976
The Civil Theology of Inoue Tetsujir6
INOUE'S ACADEMIC CAREER

Inoue was born in Kyushu, the son of a physician named Tomita
Shuntatsu (conjecturalreading for personal name). (It was only
in 1878 that he was adopted into the Inoue family.) A bright
child, he was learning Chinese poetry, history, and the Nine
Chinese Classics by the age of seven. By thirteen he was at
work on the English language and before long was studying
arithmetic, geography, and history with American teachers and
English textbooks. In 1875 he enrolled in the Tokyo Kaisei
Gakk6, the successor of two schools founded by the Tokugawa
government for the advancement of Western studies. There he
completed a three-year program in two years. In 1880 he grad-
uated from Tokyo Imperial University (together with Okakura
Tenshin) and began to teach philosophy, giving lectures on "the
principles of morality," publishing essayson Western philosophy,
and collaborating with Ariga Nagao on a dictionary of philos-
ophy. In 1882 he was made assistantprofessorin the College of
Literatureat Tokyo Imperial University.
The most formative period of Inoue's youth was the six years
(1884-1890) he spent in Europe at the orderof the Department of
Education. There, while studying German, French, Italian,
Greek, Sanskrit, Latin, science, and philosophy, he sat at the feet
of Eduard von Hartmann, Kuno Fischer, Wilhelm Wundt,
Eduard Zeller, and even met Dilthey and Spencer. On return-
ing to Japan, he boasted that he had not only heard the opinions
of these giants, but presented his own to them! He was most
deeply impressed by the strength of German nationalism which
at that time was still flushed with the success of the Franco-
Prussian War.
It was while he was still in Europe being overwhelmed daily
by the superiorityof Western culture that the question of "mixed
residence" (naichizakkyo)arose in Japan. This was the problem
whether to allow foreigners to live in Japan without the tradi-
tional restrictions,particularly that of living in a foreigners'set-
tlement. Inoue was horrifiedat the proposal of mixed residence
Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 3/1 March 1976 7
Winston DAVIS
and sent a letter to Japan stating his case. Arguing along the
lines of Spencerian evolutionism, Inoue stated that the Japanese
were still at a lower stage of development than the Europeansand
Americans, and that they would be at a disadvantage, therefore,
were foreigners allowed the right of mixed residence. Specifi-
cally, he argued that mixed residence, if allowed, would lead to
the following results: (1) the Japanese would lose their land, (2)
legal difficulties would arise, (3) there would be a mixing of the
races which would weaken the solidarity of the Japanese people
and cause physiological changes which, in turn, would reduce
the population, and (4) if things truly came to a head, the Japa-
nese might be completely overwhelmed by the foreigners and
become extinct.
Soon after returning to Japan, Inoue gave a lecture in which
he pointed out the inferiority of the Japanese to Western peoples
in nearly all areas-arts, crafts, physiology, character, and
scholarship. As Minamoto points out, this conviction he had held
as a student in Europe, namely, that the Japanese were in an in-
ferior and thereforedangerousposition vis-a-vis the West, became
the emotional basis of Inoue's nationalism. His attitude toward
the mixed residence problem was evidently quite different from
the exclusionist policy of the Tokugawa period. Far from look-
ing down on foreigners as barbarians, he looked up to them as
beings on a higher rung of the ladder of evolution (Minamoto
1968, pp. 179-183; Pyle 1969, p. 110). Only after Japan had
been modernized and her people unified could the country take
the risk of mixed residence. In the meantime Inoue favored a
firm government policy that would promote "enlightenment"
without mixing the races. In short, his nationalism was, at least
initially, a defensiveposture.
It was in 1890 that Inoue returned to Japan to become the first
Japanese to be made professorof philosophy at Tokyo Imperial
University. Until his retirement in 1923 he dominated the
Japanese philosophical world from this chair-and from count-
less other positions of prestige and power.
The Civil Theology of Inoue Tetsujir&
It was also in 1890 that the Imperial Rescript on Education

was proclaimed, a document he later called the "quintessence
of national morality" (Inoue 1912, p. 13). In the following
year he was commissioned by the Department of Education to
write a commentary on the Rescript. This work, the Chokugo
engi, was the first installment on what was to become a lifelong
endeavor to set forth a "national morality."
Towarda theoryof nationalmorality. In the Chokugo engiInoue bases

all morality on a privatemorality of filial piety, brotherly sub-
ordination, loyalty, and sincerity (kJ-tei-chzi-shin)and a public
morality of a common or shared love of country (kyJdJaikoku).
Also of importance was his acceptance of the organic theory of
sovereignty, a viewpoint which regardedthe emperor as the mind
and will of the nation, the people as his body and limbs. In this
work Inoue tried to go beyond the traditionalists who posited
loyalty as an absolute obligation. He liked to boast that he had
been able to lay down the reasonsfor loyalty. Nationalism, he
felt, could no longer be defended by simple traditionalism. Con-
fucianism itself was too closely bound to the Gemeinschaft of an
earlier day to provide solutions to the moral questions posed by
the exigencies of modernization. In the Chokugo engihe argues,
therefore, not on behalf of a sacred Confucian state, but for the
promotion of a national morality that would enable Japan to
resist the political, economic, and intellectual pressurefrom the
West (Minamoto 1968, p. 189). Under such circumstances,
morality needed to be buttressed by new "arguments," new
'"reasons.'"
The "reasons" proposed by Inoue, however, turn out to be
merely utilitarian considerations. He argues, for example, that
unless children witness their parents showing respect to their
grandparents, parents will have no hope of being treated with
respect in theirold age. In the same way he argues on behalf of
loyalty and obedience to the state on the ground that disobedi-
ence would only harm the people. Disloyalty would be the first
Winston DAVIS
step toward social confusion and the disruption of the hierarchi-

cal ordering of society (Minamoto 1968, p. 192). These practi-
cal, utilitarian "reasons"he advanced on behalf of the Rescript
do not seem to sit well with his incessant warnings against the
dangers of utilitarianism as a theory. But consistency was not
his forte.
His views were regarded as being generally "progressive"
at the time, especially his recognition of the rights of women.
Nevertheless, he clearly made the family an instrument of the
state, arguing that domestic tranquility must be maintained
not merely for the family itself, but for the sake of the state.
Unlike some nationalists, such as Miyake Setsurei, Inoue never
argued for nationalism on internationalist principles. Though
he clearly stood in the tradition of "Eastern morality, Western
technology," he was also open, in addition to Westerntechnology,
to the gradual but controlled importation of Western culture
(Minamoto 1968, pp. 194-196).
Inoue'scritics. Though the Chokugoengi was influential (being

widely used as a textbook and selling over four million copies), it
was not universally accepted. Some criticized it for being too
"Western." Miyake Setsurei criticized Inoue for presuming to
explain the "why" of loyalty. Together with Kashiwagi Yoshi-
maru, Miyake believed that only the emperor could "explain"
such a thing. No one could assume that Inoue spoke for the em-
peror. According to Miyake, Inoue's "explanation" of loyalty
marked no great advance over the arguments of the traditional
absolutists. Moreover, the emphasis on bushidiand filial piety
found in the Chokugo engi were, he believed, simply out of step
with the times (Minamoto 1968, pp. 194-196).
Another critic was Onishi Hajime, who feared that the Chokugo
engi would become an exclusive catechism of Japanese national-
ism or a form of thought-control. He also objected to making
filial piety and loyalty the basis of all ethical behavior (Mina-
moto 1968, pp. 196-198).
Initial attitudetowardChristianity. In 1891 Uchimura Kanz5 was

accused of not showing proper respect to the Imperial Rescript
on Education, an incident that led to a nasty confrontation
between Christianity and Japanese nationalism. Just as the
polemics began to die down, Inoue, miffed by an attack made by
Kashiwagi on his Chokugo engi,rekindledthe flames of controversy.
In all franknessit must be pointed out that, except for Uemura
Masahisa, Japanese Christiansin general did not seem to object
to the Rescript as such (though some did warn that if the Rescript
were interpreted as nullifying the power of conscience or reason
vis-a-vis the state, such an interpretation would be contrary both
to the spirit of Christianity and to the Constitution). It was at
this juncture, however, that Inoue took up the cudgels to argue
that "the basis of the Rescript is, in short, nationalism, and Chris-
tianity not only lacks this spirit to a great degree but is actually
contrary to it" (Kyjikujiron27 [November 1892], no. 272 as cited
in Yamazaki and Miyakawa 1966, p. 122). Christianity, with
its belief in a Heavenly Father, contradicts the spirit of loyalty
and filial piety. Because of its asceticism and otherworldliness,
Christianity can make no contribution to the progress and im-
provement ofJapan. Unlike the Rescript, which is based on the
"discriminating benevolence" of Confucius and Mencius, an
obligation that gradually radiates outward from the nearest of
kin, Christianity strikes an ethical posture similar to Mo Tsu's
"indiscriminate benevolence" (Yamazaki and Miyakawa 1966,
p. 122).4 According to Inoue, Christianity,because of its radical
monotheistic position, could not recognize the divinity of the im-
perial ancestors and their scion, the reigning emperor. Though
he himself showed some hesitation about accepting literally the
imperial mythology, Inoue did believe in the "divinity" of the
emperor. In fact, as Minamoto points out, he invested both the
nation and the emperorwith one absolute and religious-likevalue
(1968, pp. 207-208). Later, in his Kokumind6tokugairon (here-
4. This is indeed a clear statement of the importance of "particularistic" com-
mitments in Japanese ethical behavior.
Winston DAvis
after referred to as the Outlineof the nationalmoralityor, more

briefly, as the Outline),Inoue would argue that though Con-
fucianism and Buddhism have generally assistedthe national mo-
rality, Christianity,because of its doctrines of transcendence and
equality, was unable to take into account Japan's unique history
and environment and had thereforedone damage to the national
morality. A religion that harms a race can be dispensed with.
As a shoe must fit the foot, so he reasons,religion must fit a nation.
Ever since the writing of the Chokugo engiit had been clear that
the "rationality" and modernizing stance Inoue took were of a
sort that could easily be compromised with radical nationalism.
His attack on Christianity in the 1893 book Kyjiku to shaikyjno
shototsu[The collision of education and religion] was the firststep
in this direction. In this book he joined hands with traditional-
ists, modernizing nationalists, and militarists in the face of the
"threat" posed byJapanese Christianity.
Philosophicalstance. Inoue liked to distinguish between the

"thought of national morality" (kokumindotokushiso) and "pure
philosophy" (junsui tetsugaku). In 1897, in an article entitled
"Gensh6 sokujitsuzai ron no y6ry6" [A sketch of the philosophy
of phenomenon-reality identity], he presented to the Japanese
intellectual community a statement of his own "purely philoso-
phical" position. He distinguishes three stages in the develop-
ment of philosophy: (1) "monistic, superficialrealism" (including
naive realism) that takes the phenomenon itself for reality, (2)
"dualistic realism" which, mistakenly, "considers reality only
in the abstract," and (3) the "philosophy of phenomenon-reality
identity."5' According to his own philosophical stance, "the
distinguishable aspect of the world is called Phenomenon, and its
5. According to Yamazaki and Miyakawa (1966, p. 118), the first stage probably
represents the theories of Ernst H. Haeckel and Katb Hiroyuki, the second the
theories of Eduard von Hartmann and Kant, while the third and ultimate
level, bringing together and correcting all previous positions, was represented
by Inoue himself.
similar (non-distinguishable)aspect is called Reality.... Phenom-

enon and Reality are two aspects of the same thing, actually
inseparable" (Yamazaki and Miyakawa 1966, p. 119). While
the phenomenon is "dynamic" (katsuditeki),reality is "static"
(seishiteki). Both intelligence (eichi) and purposeful activity
(mokutekikodi) arise from this fundamental identity of phenom-
enon and reality "in the Logos" (sic!).
Writings. In 1900 Inoue began to compile materials for a study

of Eastern moral thought. The purpose of this project was to
make as available as the works of Western moralists the writings
of the East's own Confucian tradition. Among the fruits of these
labors were: Nihonyjmeigakuhanotetsugaku [The philosophy of the
Japanese Wang Yang-ming school], 1900; Nihonkogakuha notetsu-
gaku[The philosophy of the Japanese school of classicallearning],
1902; and NihonShushigakuhano tetsugaku[The philosophy of the
Japanese Chu Hsi school], 1905.
His next notable work (postponing for later consideration his
Outlineof the nationalmorality)was Wagakokutaito kokumind6toku
[The national essence of our country and the national morality]
(1926). This work had the rare distinction of being condemned
by the ultranationalistsbecause of its rationalistic explanation of
the imperial regalia. Though as a result of this insult Inoue
resigned his seat in the House of Peers, he continued to give his
support to the government. In 1932 he wrote an articlejustify-
ing Japan's activities in Manchoukuo on the grounds of the wang
tao ("way of true kingship") (Smith 1959, p. 196). The banality
of his political thought was especially clear during the period of
ultranationalism. In his Saisei itchi to kannagarano michi[Unity
of religion and politics and the way of the gods] (1937), he treats
politics as the process whereby a society realizes its moral ideals.
Japan's "purity of heart," he maintained, was due to the reality
of her National Essence. While the Way of the Gods is univer-
sal, it has been "realized" only in Japan. Other countries must
take Japan as their model in order to overcome their instability
Winston DAVIS
(Inoue 1937, p. 8). The spread of liberalism, equality, democ-

racy, and individualism in Europe necessitated the rise of such
"great men" and "heroes" as Mussolini and Hitler. Yet only by
force could they restore unity (Inoue 1937, pp. 7-8). Japan,
however, is neither a "state based on force" nor a "state based on
consent." Rather, because of its principle of saisei itchi, it is a
country of "spiritualism" or "moralism." Accordingly, Japan
differs both from the Western fascist nations and from the liberal
democracies. He cites Mencius with approval, arguing that the
"aim of politics" is first to cultivate oneself and then to govern
the state well. Of course, he adds, one cannot stop at this point,
but must go on to work for the peace and advancement of the
entire human race (Inoue 1937, p. 20).
Later views on religion. In the 1930s Inoue seemed to grow softer

on organized religion than he had been in his earlier days. By
this time he had come to accept without qualification the support
of Christianity, Buddhism, and Confucianism for his principle of
"purity of heart." There is also more emphasis on worship and
the importance of festivals than in his earlier writings.
In 1939 Inoue published a book called TJyo bunka to shina no
shirai [Eastern culture and the future of China], an apology for
Japan's military activities on the mainland. Once again he
sought to promote Confucianism for the "pacification" of the
Chinese. The realization of a "culture of new East Asia" (shin
tia no bunka) in Japan seemed to be the fulfilment of an ideal he
had made the lodestar of his life-the unification of the best in
the cultures of East and West.
In an essay entitled "Kannagara no michi to tokuiku" [The
way of the gods and moral education] (Inoue 1933a) he describes
a religious and philosophical principle supporting Japanese insti-
tutions that comes close to what today is called "civil religion."
The Way of the Gods, he says, is a kind of religion (isshu no shiikyj).
At the same time, it is ethics and politics. It is an inheritance
from an archaic period when no such divisions were made in
Japanese culture, when religion, ethics, and politics were un-

differentiated. Because this principle is more fundamental and
inclusive than Shinto, the ceremonies of Shinto "depend" on it.
The Way of the Gods is also the Way of Nature. Consequently,
he feels that Hegel's dictum "the Real is the Ideal and the Ideal,
the Real" is perfectly exemplified in Japan, the Country of the
Gods. For Inoue, it was a matter of historical fact (rekishiteki
jijitsu) that Japan was the Country of the Way. Because the
Japanese state had been founded on this Way, there was no ten-
sion or distance between the Real and the Ideal. The god Ame-
no-Minaka Nushi is the Natural Way, the original cause of all
things, but was later refracted into countless kami and is imma-
nent in them and in all men today. On the ethical level this deity
is "conscience," the aim of which is to cause men to grow toward
the Absolute (or kami-nature). According to Inoue, Japan's
Way of the Gods obliges one to become a person of "good charac-
ter" and, finally, to become a kami himself.
Throughout this essay Inoue characterizes the Way of the Gods
with some rather revealing adjectives. It is pure, refined, great
or powerful, wholesome, influential, vast, eternal or remote, and
displays an all-encompassing magnanimity (subeteo irerugary5 o
yiishite oru). (An Englishman might call it "broad church.")
While its beliefs are powerful, he thinks it a bit thin (tanpaku)as a
religion. Still, compared with the richness of Buddhism or
Christianity, this "thinness," he finds, is not a "weakness."
Since it is synonymous with the Way of Nature, Japan's Way of
the Gods is a possibility for all nations. Greek philosophers and
German intellectuals have explained it in the West. Confucius
and Mencius revealed it to the Chinese. But nowhere,save in
Japan, has it everbeenpracticedor madethefoundation of the state. In
other countries it has ceased to operate because of strife and ethi-
cal deterioration. Today (1933) Japan is in a position to be the
teacher of the Way for the rest of the world, thereby uniting the
world in peace. If other countries would adopt the Way of Na-
ture, they would find it identical with Japan's Way of the Gods.
Winston DAVIS
Inoue considered Buddhism and Christianity as lacking in

political savoirfaire. Confucianism, on the other hand, was
mainly ethics and politics. As a religion, Confucianism,like the
Way of the Gods itself, was a bit thin (kihaku). But only in Japan
was Confucianism ever put to use (sic!). Only there was its
essence preserved, its good parts maintained intact. Buddhism
too was preserved only in Japan, that is, those aspects of Bud-
dhism that coincided with the Way of the Gods. Even Chris-
tianity, while withering away in the West, has left behind its
essence in Japan. Without a Way of the Gods to guide them, the
other countriesof the world have sufferedconstantlyfrom the ups
and downs of history. Only Japan, with its Way, has risen
above history with its revolutions and wars. For Inoue, it was a
"historical fact" that Japan had continued to exist in peace and
security for over 2,000 years by basing her life on the Way. And
since this was a fact, it was also rational-at least in Hegelian
terms.
Inoue's 1933 essay provides a remarkable outline of the fea-
tures of "civil religion" in Japan: its inclusiveness, ethical gener-
ality, dogmatic simplicity, and structural ambiguity, as well as
the overall function of providing a religious foundation for the
ideals, legitimation, and theodicy of the nation.
I should like to turn now to a more detailed discussion of the

contribution Inoue made to the creation of a national self-
identity among the Japanese, to what he calls "national morality
thought." The focus will be on his "masterpiece," the Outline
of the nationalmorality-with occasional side-glances at passages
from various other essays. The line of thought contained in these
sources forms the basis of that brand of nationalism which de-
veloped within the context of Japanese public education. Since
scholars have recently shown considerable interest in the text-
books used in Japan before the war to inculcate moral education,
it is only fitting that we should investigate more carefully the
"theory" behind these books.
"OUTLINE OF THE NATIONAL MORALITY"

The National Morality Movement (kokumindotokuundo) was one
of the religious and ideological measures taken by the govern-
ment to remedy the moral breakdown of the Meiji system follow-
ing the war with Russia. Put simply, it was an attempt to up-
date Confucian morality in order to ward off social and political
unrest. Nishimura Shigeki, for example, had suggested that the
weaknesses of Confucianism be overcome by adopting the strong
points of Western philosophy. In a series of lectures entitled "A
theory of Japanese morals," Nishimura maintained that Japan
needed a new morality that would include the ideals of self-
development, harmony and assistance to one's family, peace and
cooperation in villages and towns, the safety of the nation, "as-
sisting" the world, and peace for all men. As Warren Smith
points out, these ideals were congruent with the aims of one of the
most important National Morality societies, the Nippon K6d6-
kai, namely:
to strengthen filial piety and honor the gods; to revere the Im-
perial House and stress the importance of the nation; to protect
national laws and plan for the nation's well-being; to promote
harmony in the household and mutual assistance among vil-
lages; to guard sincerity and carry out the good and the merci-
ful (Smith 1959, p. 66).
What is striking about these moral manifestos is their insistence

upon both self-development (that is, the new, Western-style
rhetoric of motivation) and community-centered values.
The treason trial of K6toku Sh-isui and others in 1910 caused a
deep reaction among bureaucrats and intellectuals. The Home
Ministry appointed Inoue Tetsujir6 a leader of the National
Morality Movement. The purpose of its rather unstructured
program was to give inspiration and guidance to the moral edu-
cation curriculum of the public schools and to give the govern-
ment's family-state ideology intellectual respectability. The
Movement was largely confined to lectures presented before
WinstonDAVIS
educatorsand to various publications, usually related to problems

of national education. The two basic premisesof the Movement
were: (1) the existence of national moralities which alone can
actualize the ideals of universal morality, and (2) the uniqueness
and superiorityofJapan's national morality among the nations of
the world.
In the Outlineof thenationalmoralityInoue makes a distinction
between individual education and group or national education.
Individual education is concerned with specific subjects such as
mathematics, biology, etc. National education, on the other
hand, is a program for educating citizens as citizens. It is a
manifestation of a racial spirit that aims at the preservationand
defense of the people. Ethics, however, is a Westernimport and
must not be confused with national moral education. National
morality is what infuses a living spirit (iki-ikito shitaseishin)into
national education (Inoue 1912, p. 6). Its essenceis found in the
Imperial Rescript on Education, the "scripture"of Meiji Japan.
Inoue compared this document with Sh6toku Taishi's Seventeen-
Article Constitution which, he believed, was also a hortatory
addresson education.
Abstract ethical principles do not change. They are the same
East and West, past and present. The national morality, how-
ever, is an ethos peculiar to a specific nationality. It aims at
actualizing the abstract generalities of ethics. This presupposes
particularsituations and relationships,that is, a nationallife. En-
vironment, the disposition of the race, and the effects of history
all contribute to the shaping of each specific national morality.
Thus it was largely due to a remote geographical location that
Japan developed her unique national ethos. A national moral-
ity is not the work of individuals. It is an unconscious, instinc-
tual, spiritual creation seething and bubbling up within a race.
Ethics, on the other hand, being more "advanced," develops
consciously. It is inferential, universalistic, non-instinctual,
unemotional, and intellectual. While the national morality is
determined by history (and is therefore conservative), ethics is
open to the future.

Historical investigation of the national morality must be sup-
plemented by a criticalinvestigation of the national morality that
will bring forth a plan for the people's future moral development.
In other words, the study of the national morality must rely on
ethics per se since it is ethics that is oriented toward the future.
Thus critical research in the history of national morality must
throw light on today's principles through weighing those of the
past. It must be critical as well as historical, practical as well as
normative.
At this point Inoue introduces his notion of selectivity. Cer-
tain elements are incompatible with the national morality and
must be carefully screened out. He cites as an example the
Chinese theory of the change of the Mandate (ekiseikakumei)and
various Western political theories that condone regicide. These
are not compatible with Japan's national morality. A "healthy"
ethics will assist in the selection of appropriate elements and in
this way guide the national morality toward the future. This he
thought could already be seen in Japanese history in the role
played by Neo-Confucianism as it shaped the national morality
of his own generation.
Inoue made a fundamental distinction between "national
character" and "national morality." National character points
to the de facto characteristicsof a people, national morality to the
way citizens shouldbehave. The national character of the Japa-
nese isjissaiteki,which is to say that they are concerned with em-
pirical reality and not with abstract reasoning. They are op-
timistic, unostentatious, and feel at one with nature. Among
their other natural virtues are their mental acumen, simplicity,
and purity. The Japanese, who take frequent hot baths and
wash before entering shrine precincts, are extremely pure in
their bodily habits, especially, he thought, when compared with
other Asians. In contrastto the Chinese, who are dull and slow,
the Japanese are emotionally susceptible and respond quickly
to stimuli. This means, however, that they are easily taken in
Winston DAVIS
by foreign thought and risk losing their own traditions. On the

other hand, the Japanese, because they have been sedentary
agriculturalistsfor so long, have developed many "continuitive
concepts." This feature contrasts strongly with the customs of
Western peoples who were originally nomads. (This nomadic
influence, he believed, can be seen even today in the diet of
Westerners [meat and milk] and in their clothing, footwear, and
constant movement.) Like the French (but unlike the Germans),
the Japanese are impatient and cannot bear monotony. This,
he felt, was a weaknessin the national character. The Japanese
are also prone to shallowness,narrowness,and vanity. Progress
in the national morality consists of correcting such faults in the
national characterwhile affirmingthe good.
The nationalessence(kokutai). Although the word kokutaiorigi-

nated in China, Inoue believed it had a deeper meaning for the
Japanese. In Japan it refers, specifically, to the eternal lineage
of the imperial family. Yet while the eternal lineage of the im-
perial family (banseiikkei)constitutes the essence of kokutai,there
are other characteristicsas well. (1) It is predicated on a funda-
mental distinction between the national essence and political
forms (seitai). Seitaiobviously change during the course of his-
tory; kokutaidoes not. Other countries identify their kokutai
with a specific historical regime. China, for example, has
no permanent kokutaibecause of her many dynastic changes.
(2) Kokutaiin Japan is based on the unity of loyalty and patriotism
(chaikunaikokuno itchi) (Inoue 1912, p. 45). Though in the West
one's loyalty to the ruler and love for country do not necessarily
coincide, in Japan exerting oneself for the nation meanslaboring
for the imperial family. (3) Kokutaimeans the "priority"of this
imperial family. Japan is a nation founded by its imperial
family. Since this family first ruled and thencreated the nation
(according to Japanese mythology), the line of emperors has al-
ways been abovethe law (Inoue 1912, p. 48). In Europe and
America, where nations came into existence beforetheir rulers,
rulers have not been able to transcend law and history. (4) The
National Essence of Japan is closely related to ancestor worship,
National morality and education are ways in which the Japanese
execute the "will" of the imperial ancestors. (5) Closely related
to ancestor worship is the entire family system (kazokuseido). In
the case of an ordinary family (ie), the head of the house (kach/)
represents the ancestors and continues the work they left behind
(igyj). By extension the emperor is the kachoof the whole nation,
while the nation, united in him, becomes a "comprehensive
family system" (sig6 kazoku seido). (6) In order for the National
Essence to be preserved, it has been necessary always to distin-
guish clearly between ruler and ruled. No rebellion in Japan
has succeeded in putting a rebel on the throne. No immi-
grations or invasion has interrupted the continuity of the
Japanese blood-line.
Religion and the nation. Inoue liked to distinguish between es-

tablished or historical religions and "real religion" (jissai shfikyJ).
Established religions such as Buddhism and Christianity are his-
torical distortions of the messages of their founders. Because
established, historical religion tends toward sectarianism. It can
have no legitimate place in a program of national education that
aims at overcoming factionalism.
Inoue was often irritated by those followers of the established
religions (especially Christians) who contended that moral edu-
cation had had no appreciable effect on Japan. Christianity, he
felt, could adopt such an outrageous position only because it was
backed by the power of Western countries. Historical religion,
however, is in a state of decline, not least in the Christian West.
It is largely the religious prejudice and racial emotions fostered
by these religions which prevent the union of the human race.
Needless to say, he regarded specific revelations as both super-
stitious and unfair. A god who manifested himself in special
revelations would be a god of favorites.
.In spite of the shortcomings of the historical religions,
Winston DAVIS
"religion, like all social phenomena, cannot avoid the laws of

evolution" (Inoue 1912, p. 61). The movement of evolution was
from religion to morality (or real religion). Without real religion
one is a "spiritual cripple" (seishinj#o no fugusha) (Inoue 1912,
p.29). Real religion, he thought, is "a kind of emotion in one's
heart toward the universe" (Inoue 1912, p. 30) and is the one
and only source of the varieties of religion that appear in history.
National education can be associated only with real religion.
Because of their personal relationship with the "universe,"
teachers of moral education will inevitably advance certain reli-
gious elements in their lectures.
As a "spiritual evolutionist," Inoue regarded the course of
religious history as a movement from ancient to civilized religion
(bunmeikyj). In ancient times religion dominated morality, hav-
ing the power of life or death over the individual (as in human
sacrifice). Civilized religions like Christianity, Buddhism, and
Zoroastrianismare more advanced than the ancient religionssince
they include numerous moral elements. As one approaches
the modern period, however, religion and morality become
formally divided, with morality sometimes taking a critical stance
toward religion. Not surprisingly, Inoue did not like to hear
people refer to Christianity and Buddhism as "ethical religions."
The ethical views of these religions are often inadequate or irrele-
vant. Inoue declared that religious ethics have never given sup-
port to scientific research or economic development. Although
the assertion of "rights" had become important during the Meiji
period, Inoue felt that neither Buddhism nor Christianity had
had any influence in this area.6 Both slight the present life in
favor of a future life. They also neglect the body and fail to
teach "hygiene."
One must learn not to to depend on religion, just as the child
must learn not to depend on its parents. Like children's toys,
religion was necessaryonly during the infancy of the race. Dis-
6. Christianity, he felt, was more concerned with charity than with human rights.
tinguishing between the essence (hontai)and the form (keitai)of

religion, Inoue felt that professionalreligionists were concerned
only with the latter. The essence of religion is in the "mind"
(zunj). The need for, or defensibility of, a religion depends on
its contribution to the national morality. A religion that does
not contribute something positive should be abolished. (Inoue
rules out, however, both the outright destruction of religion and
high-pressureconversions. Believing or not believing, he held,
is a private matter.)
The final stage of religious evolution will be a "religion of
ideals." To realize this stage in one's own life, the individual
must rely on himself (jiriki), since relying on supernaturalsources
of power (tariki)is childish. One must perfect his own character.
This is what it means to realize ideals as a humanbeing. His
argument at this point becomes rather abstract. Character, he
says, is always incomplete, differing only in levels of perfection.
What is called "good" and "evil" in society refersto what is ap-
propriateand inappropriatefor the perfectingof character. The
perfection of character, however, is an open-ended goal, since it
cannot be realized absolutely. What characterizes the perfect
personality? As an abstraction from human nature, it cannot
be characterized. It has no finite limitations. Personality
would seem to entail individuality, the differentiation of one be-
ing from others, but in perfection there can be only "one thing."
(If there were "two things," the result would be relativity and not
perfection, since relativity implies mutual limitation.) This,
however, leaves us in a theoretical dilemma, for personalitywith-
out individuality cannot be recognized. At this point we observe
that the individual personality (including its aim of infinite per-
fection) transcends the world of discrimination and enters the
world of non-discriminating equality (musabetsubyidd) (Inoue
1912, p. 77). Here we enter the realm of ideals. This is not to
say, however, that ideals are merely subjective. For as one ad-
vances to the point where he "makes the reality of the universe
his aim," this reality in turn "casts its shadow into the heart of
Winston DAVIS
the individual" (Inoue 1912, p. 77). In short, the search for

perfection ends, inevitably, in the identification with the Ideal,
which is simultaneously a "reflection of the Real."7
In his collected essays of 1903 Inoue falls back on other philoso-
phical arguments to make the same point. There he argues that
the individual is merely a part of nature, a "cell" out of which a
society is constructed. "The individual is not a true individual."
Evolutionists from Hegel to Huxley have stressed the unity of the
principles of nature. Within this unity, the individual is to na-
ture what a microcosm is to its macrocosm. The self is the power
of cognition, a spirit above all forms and relations of time, space,
and causality. It belongs to a realm of non-discrimination, to a
subjective world based on empathy. Both religion and ethics
are based on this realm of subjective empathy. It is from the
point of view of this subjective ego that we see that individuals
as such do not exist. Like his classmate Okakura Tenshin,
Inoue discovered a unitary Absolute beyond all plurality and
individuation. At this level god, self, and world interpenetrate.
The ultimate ground of religion has been variously described.
It is spoken of as Lao-tse's "Nameless," Christianity's "Kingdom
of God within," Buddhism's "True Mind," and the internal
"T'ien" of Confucianism, not to mention the transcendental
"Absolute" of Western philosophy. (In connection with the
last category he refers to Plato, Spinoza, Schopenhauer, Hart-
mann, and Spencer.) Ethics must start from here, from the
True Self. Heteronomous ethics is impossible. Moral prin-
ciples must spring from within (Inoue 1903, p. 212).
Shinto, which held a special place in the ideology of the Meiji
state, was treated with reverence by the bureaucrat-intellectuals.
According to Inoue, Shinto as a religion is still juvenile (yjchi no
mono) and cannot be compared with Buddhism or Christianity.
Shinto developed together with the Japanese race. While its
myths contain many absurdities, their special feature is a constant
7. Here we have an obvious application of his ontological view of "Phenomenon-
Reality identity" to the problem of ethics.
insistence on the "spirit of ancestor-posteritysuccession." All

Shinto gods are related to the principle of lineage. Descendants
carry out the work of their ancestors so that family enterprises
are actually transgenerational. Inoue believed that Ancient or
Pure Shinto was nothing but ancestorworship.
The worship of the imperial ancestors was not, however, ori-
ented simply to the past. It was also associated with a peculiar
type of "prophecy." Comparing the "prophecy" of Japan with
that of other nations, Inoue found that in Indian religion pro-
phecies of the coming of Kalki and Maitreya were vague and
uncertain. Since these prophecies are "religious" but lack a
"national" meaning, they are nonsensical. Israel's prophets,
on the other hand, started out with "nationalism." Neverthe-
less, since their words were fulfilled in Christ, Israel's prophecy
also ended in "religion." Japan's prophecy, however, is being
fulfilled year by year in the "great principle of the race" (Inoue
1912, p. 97). This prophecy is positive and non-religious (at
least in the ordinarysense of the word). It is the prophecy of the
eternity of imperial rule, a prophecy constantly being realized
throughout the history of Japan. This could be called a "real-
ized eschatology."8 Thus while Greek mythology is "social"
and Indian and Christian mythology "religious," the mythology
of Japanese Shinto is "nationalistic."
In his thinking about religion Inoue always gave priorityto the
principle of compatibility with the central tradition. Con-
fucianism, he believed, was easily absorbed by Japan's unique
racial spirit since its stress on ancestor worship and the family
system was compatible with the indigenous tradition. Bud-
dhism, however, was less compatible and even caused civil wars
when introduced to Japan. Yet it too has been almost com-
pletely assimilated. Much later, Western elements, Chris-
8. Inouc actually used the English word "realize" (in kana fornim (1912, p. 98).
One is struck anew by the appropriateness of the characterization of the im-
perial system as an "immanentaltheocracy" (Kitagawa 1966, p. 267, italics
added).
Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 3/1 M arch 1976 25
Winston DAVIS
tianity among them, were introduced. Though some elements

are disruptive, unhealthy, dangerous, and even poisonous, other
elements of the Western tradition can, he believed, make a con-
tribution to Japan's own spirit.
Before going on with this synopsis of the Outlineof the national

morality,we will find it of interest to see how Inoue treated Shinto
in the 1930s. It has already been indicated that he seems to
grow more tolerant of ritual in his later years. Perhaps this was
a belated recognitionon his part of the importanceof government-
sponsored national festivals. In his essay "Shint6 no tokuch6 ni
tsuite" [Concerning the strong points of Shinto] (1933b), Inoue
describes Shinto as the positive driving force behind the pros-
perity and development of the race. Other would-be racial reli-
gions such as Taoism, Hinduism, and Judaism never really sup-
ported the peoples or states of China, India, and Israel. India
was united only under Buddhism and, later, under Islam. The
fact that India could fall to the English shows that Hinduism had
no political power. Nor did Judaism prevent the Jews from be-
ing driven into the Diaspora. The case of Shinto is quite differ-
ent. It has enhanced the national power of Japan throughout
the world. The spirit of Shinto has promoted an expectation of
the expansion of the Japanese race. Still, Shinto aims not at an
actual invasion of other countries but at an ethical and spiritual
unification of the world. Influenced by Shinto's conscience
(ryishin),other nations will develop into "splendid human socie-
ties." Nevertheless, the traditional ideals associatedwith Shinto
can be realized only if the nations of the world are caused to sub-
mit to the ideals of "humanity" and "justice" emphasized in
Japan.9
Shinto not only affirms that one can become a kami after
death, it even teaches that one can become a kami while still
9. The self-deception of Inoue's idealism need not be belabored. Suffice it to
say that what we have here is a clear echo of the rhetoric of Japanese militarism,
by this time already committed to a fatal adventure on the Chinese mainland.
The Civil Theologyof InoueTetsujir6
alive. For this reason, avers Inoue, one should cultivate the
divine essencewithinhimself. BecauseShintois a religionthat
stressesthe humanpersonalityand its compatibilitywith divin-
ity, it regardsmanas "god-with-form" andgod as "man-without-
form."(Christianity, he allowed,alsoemphasizespersonality,but
at the expenseof separatingGodandman.)
The change in tone in this essayis remarkable. Shinto, no
longermerely"positive,"is now on the offensive,spreadingthe
idealsofJapanthroughoutthe world.
BushidJ: The way of the warrior. Returning to the Outlineof the
nationalmorality,we must now look at another topic central to
Inoue's "national morality thought": the Way of the Warrior,or
bushido.
Inoue divided the history of bushidointo four periods: (1) from
Jinmu Tenn6 to the Kamakura period [660 B.C. - A.D. 1184],
(2) from the Kamakura to the Tokugawa period [1185-1602],
(3) the Tokugawa period [1603-1868], and (4) the Meiji period
[1868- ]. Bushidois found in the earliest period of Japanese
history, but it was first revealed not in war but in literature.
During the Tokugawa period, bushidowas transmitted no longer
by warfare, but by education. Needless to say, the meaning of
bushidoduring this period was greatly expanded. Only with the
Meiji period, however, was bushidoextended to encompass the
entire nation. Though bushiddwas advanced by feudalism, it
was not essentially tied to feudalism and could therefore be
adopted by the anti-feudalistic Meiji regime. Actually, it was
due to the destructionof feudalism that bushidowas able to spread
through the whole culture.
As might have been supposed, Inoue regarded the Way of the
Warrior, together with national education, as the bulwark of
national defense. Without it, Japan risked eternal humiliation
and ruin.
Thefamily systemand ancestorworship. The Japanese family sys-
tem, Inoue held, cannot be conceived of without its ancestors.
Winston DAVIS
"One might say that while ancestorworship is the spiritual aspect

of the family system, the family system is the formal aspect of
ancestor worship" (Inoue 1912, pp. 205-206).
In the West, though there may be general family principles
(kateishugi), there is no kazokuseidoor family system (Inoue 1912,
p. 211). Inoue points out that there used to be a family system
in the West, especially in Greece and Rome. It was the family
system, in fact, that was the secret of Rome's success and power.
The barbarianswho, with the help of Christianity,conquered the
Roman Empire had unfortunately lost their ancestor worship in
the course of their migrations. In this state of weakness (that is,
without the support of their ancestors), the barbarianscame into
contact with Christianity and were converted. This was the
end of ancestorworshipin the West.
Because in Japan the emperor acts as the kachoor household
head of the whole nation, the nation can be regarded as one
"comprehensive family system." The emperor represents the
ancestors, continues their blood-line, carriesout their "last wish"
and perpetuates the ancestral cult (Inoue 1912, p. 213). Such
"continuative concepts" (keizokutekikannen)are the source of
Japan's strength (Inoue 1912, p. 213). The emperor serves as
a "template"'c for the family state. Civil law is merely a re-
flection of the reality of this family system.
The ruler and ruled in Japan enjoy a close relationship (Inoue
1912, p. 214). The ruler is both father and mother to his people.
Unlike Motoori Norinaga, Inoue does not reject the principlesof
righteousness or other Chinese ideals. He feels, rather, that
Japan has supplemented the relationshipbetween ruler and ruled
based on righteousness(gi) with an emotionally fulfilling parental
relationship. The proclamations of the ancient emperors show
the deep concern and benevolence they extended even to the
humblest farmer. On Kigensetsu, the Japanese Empire Day,"
the emperor still paid medical bills for the people, though not
10. Here I use Clifford Geertz's word "template" to translate Inoue's term tenpan
(Inoue 1912, p. 213).
11. Inoue believed England's Empire Day was an imitation of Kigensetsu.
The Civil Theology of Inoue Tetsujir&
required to do so by the Constitution. In the West, however,

while much money goes from the state to support churches, there
is little direct support given by the monarch to the people which
could match this example.
In Japan good relations between the emperor and his subjects
are a matter of historical record. As examples Inoue cites: (1)
The story of how Okuninushi gave Izumo to the Heavenly
Grandson. Though this is a myth, he maintained the story was
"true." (2) The Taika Reforms, during which the people gladly
gave all their land to the ruler without resistance. (3) The Meiji
Restoration, during which the daimyo ceded their estates to the
throne. The action of these daimyo, he says, was exactly like
that of Okuninushi (Inoue 1912, p. 219)! The relationship
between them and the ruler was based on a deep "friendship"
that transcended eventhe law. For this there is no parallel in the
West. The intimacy of this relationship is also demonstratedin
the way the Japanese people are "allowed" to share in the festi-
vals of the imperial ancestors.
Western morality stressesrighteousness(seigi),charity (hakuai),
independence (dokuritsu),and faithfulness (shingi), but Japan's
"comprehensive family system" rests primarily on loyalty and
filial obedience (Inoue 1912, p. 226). Since the Chinese had
traditionally given priority to filial obedience, it was important
for the Meiji bureaucrat-intellectualsto make clear the unity of
these ideals and the priority of loyalty within this unity. Ac-
cording to Inoue, there are five basic argumentsthat can be used
to explain the unity of these values. The artificiality of these
argumentsis apparent today, but because of the way they homol-
ogize the values of the traditionalfamily with the imperial system,
their importance cannot be exaggerated. The first three are as
follows:
(1) Both loyalty and filial piety come from the same subjective
source, namely, sincerity (magokoro). Only in regard to their
object (that is, householder or ruler) do they differ. (This was
the position of the Mito School.)
JapaneseJournal of Religious Studies 3/1 March 1976 29
Winston DAVIS
(2) Since the state is only an enlarged family, loyalty and filial
obedience, whether directed toward householderor ruler, are the
same. One could thereforesay that to the householderis owed
a "small loyalty" and to the ruler a "large filial piety."
(3) Because of physical distance, one cannot show his loyalty
to the ruler directly. Filial piety therefore becomes a substitute
form of loyalty, and vice versa.
There follow two arguments Inoue calls "historical":
(4) Loyalty to the emperor is the will of our ancestors,12
Therefore one's filial piety toward his ancestorsis transformedby
theirwill into loyalty.
(5) The Japanese people are actually branch families (bunke)
of the imperial family. According to this argument, loyalty is
literallyfilial obedience (Inoue 1912, pp. 269-274).
FLIES IN THE OINTMENT: PHILOSOPHICAL PROBLEMS
From a philosophical point of view, Inoue's "national morality
thought" abounds with difficulties. In the first place, it was
based on postulates that made it nearly impossible to deal with
politics in a critical way from within his "system." Inoue di-
vided morality into the "private" sphere, that is, the "narrow
world" (semai han'i) of family and friends, and the "public"
sphere-the "broad world" (hiroi seken) of society. Political
morality is thus merely the "public" morality of individual
government officials.'3 Inoue regarded these two moral spheres
as inseparable. He believed that if one were a good person in
12. Because of the way dynasties changed during Chinese history, the will of the
ancestors in that country was ultimately frustrated. If one's ancestors were
loyal to the Ming, giving loyalty to the Manchus would make one incapable of
respecting and carrying out his ancestors' will. Thus the historical situation of
China, Inoue believed, prevented the realization of "the unity of loyalty and
filial obedience" (chuk&ippon).
13. He also subdivided public morality into "positive" and "negative" types,
depending on whether an act promoted or obstructed public affairs. All
citizens have their own duties. For example, the negative public morality of
children includes: (1) not walking on the plants in public parks, (2) not over-
turning gravestones, (3) not writing on the school fence or carving with their
penknives on the sides of their desks at school, (4) not tipping over the statues of
Jiz6 that stand along the road, and (5) not pushing people around in public
(Inoue 1903, p. 274).
the private shere, it wouldbe impossibleto be evil in public (Inoue

1912, p. 277).
Another equally misguided axiom of his "national morality
thought" was the idea that in order to "actualize" ethical norms
one need only "particularize"them, that is, nationalize the uni-
versal. Inoue was never troubled by the question of man's
ability or willingness to realize his ideals (Sakurai 1971, p. 172).
A third questionable element in Inoue's thinking was the
"rationality" that characterizes his works beginning with the
Chokugoengi. As previously observed, this was a rationality
that could easily compromise with the most extreme forms of
nationalism (Minamoto 1968, pp. 191-194). Indeed, we have
already seen that, toward the end of his life, Inoue became the
apologist for Japan's military adventures in mainland China.
But in what other ways did he try to "illuminate" specific politi-
cal problemsfaced by Japan ?
Throughout his writings, Inoue maintainsa mind-bogglingam-
biguity toward concrete problems. For example, he claimed to
go along with imperialism since it is "the same thing as national-
ism" (Inoue 1903, p. 360). At the same time, he felt that an
imperialism based on individualism was insufficient as a basis for
moral education. His own ethical position, he maintained,
went deeper than nationalism since it grounded morality in the
True Self and thus in the Universe itself. True religion is "im-
perialism on the spiritual level" (Inoue 1903, p. 374). This
concluding bon mot completely obfuscates his entire discussion,
leaving the reader mystified as to his real position vis-a-vis im-
perialismand nationalism.
In the face of seriousethical dilemmas Inoue was often content
to remark: "X and Y (non-X) must be brought together."
Actually, the form of argumentation was slightly more complex.
It usually went this way:
(1) X and Y are incompatible.
(2) But actually X and Y only seem to be incompatible.
(3) X and Y cannot simply be blended together.
Winston DAVIS
(4) ThereforeX and Y must be brought together by selectively

and judiciously supplementing the weaknesses of X with the
strengths of Y. By the time he reaches step 4, the reader has
forgotten the initial premise.
At times Inoue's "syntheses"are brought off simply by a clever
fafon de parler. Take, for example, another concrete problem:
Can democracy coexist with monarchy? Inoue's answer is,
"Yes, on the basis of 'reciprocity.'" Working for the people is
the same as working for the emperor. The pains and anxiety
(kushin)of His Majesty must be "reciprocated" by the sincerity
(magokoro) of his people (Inoue 1912, p. 284).
One problem entailed by his immanental style of civil theology
is: How can one uphold the separation of kokutaiand seitai and
at the same time maintain that in Japan the Real and the Ideal
coalesce? Another is that of how ethics can be "autonomous"
when there is no "true individual" in whom autonomy can be
grounded. With this problem unresolved, Inoue's attempt to
reconcile "individualism" with Japanese "familism" is little
more than a house of cards. Though his idealistic synthesis of
"the best in East and West" may have delighted the ears of his
audiences, those who heard him would have been wiser had they
heard the chilling words of Sumiya Mikio written some decades
later: "Familism fused with individualism is nothing but pater-
nalism" (1972, p. 19).
In view of the foregoing it will be evident that Inoue's works can

best be understood as civil theology and not as philosophy per se.
He seems to make little use of his epistemological and ontological
theories when he turns to the problems of ethics.14 Though he
boasted that "East of Suez, there is no philosopher who can out-
rival me" (Yamazaki and Miyakawa 1966, p. 120), his epistemol-
ogy is little more than a philosophical exercise with scissorsand
14. Generally speaking, Inoue's ethical theories were an easy mix of Sedgwick's
theory of happiness, Spencer's evolutionism, and the traditional Oriental ideal
of the sage. See Kosaka 1969, p. 242.
The Civil Theology of Inoue Tetsujir>
paste. Often personalintereststook precedence over intellectual

integrity. Thus with regard to Inoue's espousal of "spiritual
evolutionism" (seishintekishinka)against the social evolutionism
of Kat6 Hiroyuki, Yamazaki and Miyakawa bitterly remark:
"In retrospect it appears, however, that this entire episode was
nothing more than an internal struggle for leadership within the
bureaucratic, academic circle, and it indicated the appearanceof
a new type of governmental ideologue perfectly suited for the
more advanced stage of national development" (1966, p. 122).
THE WORK OF CIVIL THEOLOGY
What we lacktodayin ideologyis creativepower.... by which

we can stand firmly,withoutshame,in the world of the nine-
teenthcentury.... Arise,Poet! Arise,you trulygreatIdeolo-
gist! --Kitamura T6koku (Scheiner 1970, pp. 223-224)
The influence of Inoue Tetsujir5 on the cultural life of prewar

Japan can hardly be overestimated. At that time his books,
unimaginative as they are, sold in the millions. As a commis-
sioner in charge of compiling books for teaching moral education
in the public schools and as an educator of educators, his impact
on the Japanese school system was deep and longlasting. From
his position at Tokyo Imperial University, where at one time he
had over ten thousand students, he dominated the Japanese aca-
demic world politically, despite the fact that the National Mo-
rality clique was merely one of many academic factions (Oshima
1968, pp. 94-110). Because a number of his workswere commis-
sioned by the government, his thought was as official as any in-
dividual's could be. Written long before Japanese politics be-
came overtly pathological, his works actually represented a
relatively sane and central point on the ideological spectrum.
Though for this very reason his books may be tedious to read
today, one must remember that when they were written, he was
helping to createthat center.
Winston DAVIS
Watsuji Tetsur6, who treats him strictly as a scholar, rightly

points out Inoue's academic weaknesses, but fails to see that
where he was weakest academically, he was strongest ideologi-
cally. Watsuji indicates, for example, that although Inoue set
out to understand the national morality of the people (kokumin),
at that time scholarshipdealing with national identity was "slop-
py" (sorJ). Yet without an adequate concept of kokumin,there
could be no understandingof kokumin ditokuor national morality,
he argues (Watsuji 1971, pp. 787-788). Here Watsujiis treating
Inoue simply as a historian of Japanese ethical thought. When
one looks at his work as civil theology, however, it becomes
evident that Inoue aimed at nothing less than the creationof a
kokumin. As he painfully delineated the National Morality, he
was seeking to bring that kokumininto existence.
Watsuji also points out that Inoue's reconstruction of bushidJ
as an emperor-centeredphenomenon and as an ethic peculiar to
Japan is completely unhistorical (Watsuji 1971, pp. 784-785).
Inoue therefore willfully-but sub rosa--changed the content of
Japan's medieval bushido(loyalty to one's feudal lord), making it
conform to the emperor-loyalty of the Meiji period. Further-
more, Watsuji insists, Inoue, like other National Morality schol-
ars, failed to recognize the existence of a plurality of "countries"
(kuni) in Japanese history. He also observes that Inoue disre-
garded the essential difference between historical research and
the discovery of ethical norms, so that in his writing one finds
"a confusion of the problems of principle with the problems of
history" (Watsuji 1971, p. 787).
Again we must emphasize, however, that Inoue was not merely
a historian. On the contrary, he deliberately used and misused
history to create the images and templates of civil theology.
History, for him, was the source of "continuative ideas"-bansei
ikkei,bushido,saiseiitchi,and kannagara nomichi. Symbolizing the
immanence of the Ideal in Japanese history, these concepts gave
Japan her identity. In effect they elevated the National Essence
above the flux and "terror of history" (Eliade). Thus despite
34 JapaneseJournal of Religious Studies 3/1 March 1976
his wide knowledge of Japan's past, history was not Inoue's real
concern. History was important only insofar as it provided him
with the elements for constructing a trans-historical national
identity. He was concerned not with what happened in history,
but with what happened rightlyin Japan'shistory. For this there
were two criteria: (1) the consistency of an event with the domi-
nant imperial tradition, and (2) the harmony of all elements
taken together. Ultimately, of course, the National Essence
transcendedthe dialectic of history. It was thought of as eternal.
On this eternal and immanent National Essence, Inoue Tetsujir6
sought to create both a nation (kokumin)and a national morality
(kokumindotoku).
Neither civil religion nor civil theology is a simple "given."

Both are socially constructed. Like the Little and Great Tra-
ditions they grow out of, civil religion and civil theology, though
closely related, differ in their relative degree of sophisticationand
rationality.
Civil religion is a pre- or semiconscious creation of rather in-
genuous, collective sentiments and often includes quite contradic-
tory notions. It constitutes, nevertheless,an implicit network of
ideas and feelings, a networkthat generatessome sense of national
identity, however illusory. The most important elements that
went into the making of the civil religion of modern Japan were
precipitates of the religion of family and village. SomeJapanese
scholars have rightly referredto the ideology embedded in these
primary institutions as nascent forms of saisei itchi. Yet there
were also some aspects of the folk tradition which, had they been
nurtured, might have given rise to a more humane and construc-
tive political and social order. From the point of view of the
official culture-bearersof prewar Japan, the civil religious sen-
timents of the folk were too diffuse and multivalent to guide the
nation through the exigencies of modern times. After all, popu-
lar religion does not tell the politician whether to open his coun-
try or keep it closed to the outside world. It does not tell him
Winston DAVIS
whether, or when, his country should take up arms or lay them

down. In short, civil religion does not instruct government in
the specifics of polity.
Civil theology, to be sure, does not do so either-though it
often comes closer. The civil theologian labors in the nebulous
and ofttimes vacuous area between the popular climate of opin-
ion (where civil religion has its home) and the explicit articu-
lation of this sentiment as politics. It is he who grafts political
action into the stock of national sentiment so that, finally, the one
seems to grow naturally out of the other. In spite of the cultural
and political significance of his work, the civil theologian is often
maligned. Because he gropes his way toward a social and spiri-
tual reality not yet embodied in language, logic, or history, his
work is especially irritating to the professional historian and
philosopher. From their critical perspective, an immanental
style of civil theology-one that claims to disclose Ideals already
made Real and Rational in the course of history-proves to be
the most vexing of all. In this paper, however, I have suggested
that civil theologians be treated not as academicians, but as in-
dividuals with their own goals and unique mode of discourse.
Some may even be blessed with a creative genius of their own.
Whether the "truly great ideologist" Kitamura called for turns
out to be "truly great" depends not on the consistency of his
thought, nor on the accuracy of his historical reconstructions, but
on the kind of nation he is able to build out of the fragments of
tradition.
Glossary
bansei ikkei Miyake Setsurei

!~t~--'M musabetsuby3do 6 c _--T
bushido c~~i jRIrJ
chak5ippon naichi zakkyo j f:
fr----;z
chaikunaikokuno itchi 6 Nippon Kad6kai H tLS
, Nishimura Shigeki TNi&n, t'P
ekisei kakumei Y@gt 4 Onishi Hajime ,-i&NR
hontai4~44 saisei itchi MR--M R
jiriki $l Sakuma Sh6zan fX[AFIIl
t D seishintekishinka V?$19iftR
kannagarano michij4 ft 6c
Kashiwagi Yoshimaru }lcRF1 seitai it
Kat6 Hiroyuki tariki fthJ
JI,~i2
kokumindatokuundo H Tomita Shuntatsu '{2E~i
kokutai {[t 3AjiM~_iJUchimura Kanz6 c c
K6toku Shuisui :f7IjkkJ Uemura Masahisa tit1Ef
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Inoue Tetsujiro

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Nanzan University

The Civil Theology of Inoue Tetsujirō

At the height of the controversyover the balance of trade between

Japanes.eJournal of Religious Studies 3/1 March 1976 5

with the leftovers of former ideological feasts, East and West.

6 Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 3/1 March 1976

INOUE'S ACADEMIC CAREER

It was also in 1890 that the Imperial Rescript on Education

Towarda theoryof nationalmorality. In the Chokugo engiInoue bases

step toward social confusion and the disruption of the hierarchi-

Inoue'scritics. Though the Chokugoengi was influential (being

Initial attitudetowardChristianity. In 1891 Uchimura Kanz5 was

Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 3/1 March 1976 11

after referred to as the Outlineof the nationalmoralityor, more

Philosophicalstance. Inoue liked to distinguish between the

12 Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 3/1 March 1976

similar (non-distinguishable)aspect is called Reality.... Phenom-

Writings. In 1900 Inoue began to compile materials for a study

(Inoue 1937, p. 8). The spread of liberalism, equality, democ-

Later views on religion. In the 1930s Inoue seemed to grow softer

Japanese culture, when religion, ethics, and politics were un-

Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 3/1 March 1976 15

Inoue considered Buddhism and Christianity as lacking in

I should like to turn now to a more detailed discussion of the

"OUTLINE OF THE NATIONAL MORALITY"

What is striking about these moral manifestos is their insistence

Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 3/1 March 1976 17

educatorsand to various publications, usually related to problems

open to the future.

by foreign thought and risk losing their own traditions. On the

The nationalessence(kokutai). Although the word kokutaiorigi-

Religion and the nation. Inoue liked to distinguish between es-

"religion, like all social phenomena, cannot avoid the laws of

22 Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 3/1 March 1976

tinguishing between the essence (hontai)and the form (keitai)of

the individual" (Inoue 1912, p. 77). In short, the search for

24 Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 3/1 March 1976

insistence on the "spirit of ancestor-posteritysuccession." All

Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 3/1 M arch 1976 25

tianity among them, were introduced. Though some elements

Before going on with this synopsis of the Outlineof the national

26 Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 3/1 March 1976

"One might say that while ancestorworship is the spiritual aspect

28 Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 3/1 March 1976

required to do so by the Constitution. In the West, however,

30 Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 3/1 March 1976

the private shere, it wouldbe impossibleto be evil in public (Inoue

(4) ThereforeX and Y must be brought together by selectively

In view of the foregoing it will be evident that Inoue's works can

32 Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 3/1 March 1976

paste. Often personalintereststook precedence over intellectual

THE WORK OF CIVIL THEOLOGY

What we lacktodayin ideologyis creativepower.... by which

The influence of Inoue Tetsujir5 on the cultural life of prewar

Watsuji Tetsur6, who treats him strictly as a scholar, rightly

Neither civil religion nor civil theology is a simple "given."

whether, or when, his country should take up arms or lay them

36 JapaneseJournal of Religious Studies 3/1 March 1976

bansei ikkei Miyake Setsurei

Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 3/1 March 1976 37

religionin a post-traditionalworld,pp. 168-189. New York:

ern culture and the future of China]. Tokyo: Risasha.

JapaneseJournalof ReligiousStudies3/1 March 1976 39