State

Osmanlı Devleti’nin son zamanlarına kadar mevcudiyetini kendiliğinden ve neredeyse mensuplarından habersizce sürdürmekte olan bir olgu olarak değerlendirilen Türk-İslam Sentezi, 19. yüzyılın sonlarında devletin beka sorunu çerçevesinde bilinçli bir kimlik seçimi ve vurgusu olarak ortaya çıkmaya başlamıştır. O zamandan beri Türk fikir ve siyaseti üzerinde etkisini gösteren Türk-İslam Sentezcileri, doğrudan veya dolaylı biçimde devlet yönetiminde az ya da çok yer almaya devam etmişlerdir. Günümüzde ise “Cumhur İttifakı”, Türk-İslam Sentezinin özgün bir örneği olarak devleti fiilen yönetmektedir. Devlet politikalarını, din-devlet ilişkilerini, hukuk üretimi ve uygulamalarını kurumsal birikim ve hatta teamüllerden ziyade devleti yönetenlerin kişisel tercihlerinin belirlediği Türkiye ve benzeri “doğu” toplumlarında, devlet idarecilerinin bu konulardaki genel kabullerinin ve görüşlerinin kökenlerini incelemek ve araştırmak bundan dolayı büyük önem taşımaktadır. Türk-İslam Sentezcileri, devlet olgusunu, insanlar için sosyolojik ve hukuki açıdan gerekli olan bir kurumdan daha çok, kutsal bir varlık olarak değerlendirdikleri için, sözünü ettiğimiz inceleme ve araştırma Türkiye özelinde daha üst bir düzeyde öneme sahiptir. İşte bu çalışmada Türk-İslam Sentezinin belki de en merkezi kavramlarından biri olan devlet olgusu, dinsel açıdan ve özellikle Türk-İslam Sentezcilerinin dine bakışları doğrultusunda incelenmiştir.

Customer Satisfaction has become an important dimension for performance measurement particularly for banking and finance industry. As most banks and finance organizations offer similar products and services, improving customer satisfaction and loyalty is the most important factor in maintaining as well as increasing market share for these organizations. Customer satisfaction is grossly neglected area for performance measurement in most Least Developed Countries (LDCs) including Bangladesh. Like most LDCs, Bangladesh is also facing external pressures from IMF, World Bank, ADB etc for reforming incompetent financial sector. The purpose of the paper is to identify the factors that affect and explain customer satisfactions in state-owned commercial banks (SCBs) in comparison with private banks of Bangladesh. This study has focused on how customer satisfaction indicators can direct the policy measures in shaping and reforming the currently loss staggering, bureaucratic, poor quality and ...

Sobreponiéndose al ideal que se impone a la teoría política que circunscribe a su actividad a la búsqueda del bien común y se detiene, por esa razón, en la investigación de los principios capaces de viabilizar la instauración del buen gobierno, la perspectiva de Maquiavel, a través del fundamento de la experiencia y de las ejemplificaciones de la historialidad, converge para la descubierta de leyes que posibiliten la fundación de un Estado, la obtención del poder y la conservación, la institución de la ciencia empírica de la política, que, caracterizada por la objetividad y realismo, demanda, en el ámbito de la relación que envuelve ética y política, una distinción entre la moral privada y la moral pública, implicando una correspondencia con la interpretación de Weber, qua analiza los fundamentos del poder e imputa al Estado la condición de detentor de la violencia “legítima”, identificando la política como una relación de dominación y la posibilidad del ejercicio de dos éticas, el saber, la “ética de las ultimas finalidades” (“ética de la convicción”) y la “ética de la responsabilidad”.

Forced migration is a global issue.
About 34 million of the world's inhabitants were identified in 2010 by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees as either refugees, internally displaced persons, asylum seekers or stateless people. Systematic inquiries are urgently needed to understand and improve the circumstances in which these people live, and to guide national and international policies and programs.
However, there are many ethical complications in conducting research with uprooted people, who have often been exposed to persecution and marginalisation in conflict situations, refugee camps, immigration detention settings, and following resettlement. This book brings together for the first time key scholars across a range of disciplines including anthropology, bioethics, public health, criminology, psychology, socio-linguistics, philosophy, psychiatry, social policy and social work to discuss the ethical dimensions, challenges and tensions of such research.
It encompasses the theoretical, conceptual, practical, and applied aspects of research ethics, while integrating different disciplinary perspectives. It is intended as a resource not only for researchers, students and practitioners but also for those conducting cross-cultural research more broadly. Many of its arguments, examples and concerns are pertinent to research with other vulnerable or marginalised populations.

The process of accession of the immigrant population has passed of form parallel to the creation of his own associations. This fact can be considered in a beginning one more step in the configuration of a multicultural model, but also he presents an intercultural component in power, across spaces of interaction this one can turn into a reality. The present study shows intercultural spaces in neighborhoods that have been protagonists of the social and demographic change, who have implied the entry of an important number of foreign population. It is a question of socially vulnerable spaces, in ∗ Universidad de las Islas Baleares y sociologo del Proyecto de Desarrollo Comunitario del Ayuntamiento de Palma (Islas

RESUMEN
A partir de una mirada panorámica a la acción pública estatal colombiana relativa a las mujeres, el artículo pretende describir y analizar la forma en la cual la problemática de las mujeres víctimas del conflicto armado entra a hacer parte de las políticas públicas en el país. Además de llamar la atención sobre las dificultades para que dicha problemática fuera considerada un problema de interés público, este análisis permite apreciar procesos más amplios de orden institucional y jurídico. Y, más concretamente, aportar al estudio de fenómenos tales como la construcción de un “feminismo de Estado”, así como la adopción de una perspectiva de género dentro de las políticas de derechos humanos y de justicia transicional.

ABSTRACT
Parting from a panoramic point of view on the Colombian state public policies on women issues, this paper aims to describe and analyze the process through which the problems of women victims of armed conflict became part of public policy in the country. The analysis is also focusing on identifying the difficulties that surrounded the emergence of this problem as a problem of public interest, and therefore allows to appreciate and discuss other processes of institutional and legal order. More specifically, the article looks forward to contribute to the study of the construction of a “State feminism”, and also to the discussion concerning the adoption of a gender perspective in human rights policies and transitional justice.

Kardeş. M. E. (2016). "Thomas Bernhard Edebiyatında Dünyanın Halleri:  İçimizdeki Düşman ve Yurt" [Bildiri]

Felsefe ve Sanat Sempozyumu
İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Felsefe Bölümü Etkinliği

İstanbul Üniversitesi Felsefe Bölümü bünyesinde 28 Nisan 2016 tarihinde “Felsefe ve Sanat” temalı bir sempozyum düzenlenecektir. Bu sempozyum Türkiye’de felsefe ve sanat alanında çalışmış önemli akademisyenlerin bir araya gelip tartışabilmelerine bir olanak sunmayı amaçlamaktadır.

İÜEF Felsefe Bölümü / İstanbul Felsefe Günleri: Felsefe ve Sanat
Tarih: 28 Nisan 2016
Yer: İstanbul Üniversitesi Avrasya Enstitüsü Konferans Salonu
Web: http://felsefevesanat.istanbulfelsefe.org
E-posta: [email protected]
Facebook Etkinlik Sayfası: https://www.facebook.com/events/966958780051771/

Zwischen 1975 und 1980 hat Louis Althusser seine Position gegenüber dem Staat radikalisiert, indem er offene Kritik gegenüber den in der Kommunistischen Partei Frankreichs (KPF) dominierenden Tendenzen übte. Die Diskussion gewann an Brisanz, als
die KPF den Begriff der ,Diktatur des Proletariats’ 1976 aus ihrem Programm entfernte. Étienne Balibar und Althusser betrachteten dies als einen Fehler, so, als ob etwas aus dem ,Herzen’ des Marxismus entfernt wurde. Die Streichung des Begriffs schien ein Zugeständnis
an Forderungen nach einer stärker demokratischen Form kommunistischer Politik zu sein, wie sie von den in Italien und Spanien einflussreichen Tendenzen des Eurokommunismus gefordert wurde. Für Althusser und Balibar jedoch öffnete die Streichung dem Einfluss von
sozialdemokratischen und kleinbürgerlichen Ideologien innerhalb der KPF die Türen. Die Diskussion brach in den frühen 1980er Jahren abrupt ab, wurde aber in den letzten Jahren von einigen Autoren wieder aufgenommen. In diesem Artikel diskutiere ich die Argumente, die Althusser dazu hervorbrachte, warum er
den Begriff der ,Diktatur des Proletariats’ als Kernstück des Marxismus betrachtete und wie dieser Begriff mit Althussers Kritik des Staates in den späten 1970er Jahren in Verbindung steht.

Objetivos: contribuir a la investigación sobre la vinculación entre la política sanitaria de profilaxis venérea y el proceso de producción, importación y circulación de medicamentos para el tratamiento de los “males secretos” durante el siglo xx en Argentina. Desarrollo: desde 1936 el Estado desplegó una política de profilaxis venérea que otorgó prerrogativas a los grupos privados para la producción e importación de fármacos. Mientras el Departamento Nacional de Higiene promovió un tratamiento estandarizado de las dolencias, los laboratorios privados usaron publicidades para construir, ampliar y segmentar el mercado consumidor. En este artículo destacamos cómo el mensaje de las propagandas de medicamentos contra las dolencias de transmisión sexual en las revistas médicas tenía como fin transformar a los galenos en agentes de recomendación de dichos productos. Conclusiones: el tratamiento estandarizado impuesto por la burocracia sanitaria estimuló la producción, importación y oferta de fármacos de laboratorios nacionales y extranjeros. Los anuncios publicitarios apelaron al galeno como portador de un criterio legítimo para el consumo de medicamentos. Los laboratorios  nanciaron revistas de grupos de galenos con el fin de ampliar el consumo de sus productos entre los pacientes de estos.

El proceso histórico de formación del Estado corresponde a
un proyecto de sociedad emanado de las luchas y contradicciones sociales. En función de los intereses que enarbola, el Estado mexicano moderno adquiere una composición política que troquela el marco institucional y el conjunto de políticas que implementa de modo que alienta energías colectivas acordes a la correlación de fuerzas que soportan al poder y la dinámica de acumulación. Las políticas económica, social, política y cultural corresponden al proyecto de sociedad estatal enmarcado en el sistema mundial capitalista. Con la implantación del modelo de desarrollo neoliberal se agudizan las desigualdades y contradicciones sociales, y el Estado entra en una profunda crisis de legitimidad. Para continuar implementando el ciclo de reformas neoliberales el Estado recurre al uso de la violencia como dispositivo de control social y factor de preservación del régimen de acumulación articulado por capitales rentistas y predadores que desvanecen el tejido social y agudizan la conflictividad
social. Los sectores populares ofrecen respuestas variadas,
desde el consentimiento y la indiferencia hasta posiciones críticas y la
resistencia.

This is a critique of the British sociologist Anthony Giddens' writings on equality, the politics of egalitarianism, the prospects for the left in the twenty-first century, the politics of life-style bargaining, the role of work in the just society etc etc. It appeared in the journal Imprints: Egalitarian Theory and Practice in 2008, but has not previously been available on the web.

This paper explores the socio-psychological aspects of British national identification among British South Asians, which constitutes the largest ethnic minority group in Britain. Identity Process Theory can elucidate the social and psychological ‘functions’ of Britishness for social actors, offering a holistic account of national identification within this population. The paper provides a discussion of nationhood and the construction of national identity, temporal factors in national identification, its cognitive and affective aspects, the psychological ‘functionality’ of Britishness, and its social representations. It is argued that a civic, instrumental conception of Britishness might facilitate access to this identity among British South Asians.

This paper reconstructs the deficiencies of formal democracies to explain the internal injustices of the modern state, the self-righteous swaggering foreign policy of Western powers, and the dangerously over-simplified, polar logic characterizing the war rhetoric of the modern era. ...

Who acts in during international relations? From state theory generally, and the field of International Relations specifically, the readymade answer is: ‘states do’ – so long as we assume states to be the high-modern regime of nation-states that so dominantly sorted-out conceptual possibilities of political agency during the 20th century. An alternative approach to global politics, in contrast, searches for political power beyond the state. Contemporary shifts toward neo-liberal and other transnational regimes are reshaping the political landscape to enable entities beyond the state to gain importance in governance. We are, thus, left with two options: We see states as entities capable of acting on the stage of global politics, or we see states as one of many patterns through which political activity is enacted. This dichotomy neatly parallels how agency has been conceptualized in social theory: Either we swallow the bitter pill of essentializing a high-modern model of human nature to understand how actors establish, maintain, and transform political order, or we join the deconstruction camp and dissect the mechanisms, techniques, and discursive patterns that surround this model of human nature, which will then one day probably be ‘erased, like a face drawn in the sand at the edge of the sea.’ We develop this tension in our paper about who or what acts during international relations.

Journal of International Political Theory 11(2) (2015): 206-223.

This article considers the phenomenon of ‘state-extinction’: a situation in which a state faces a very real and imminent threat of literal disappearance from the surface of the Earth. By looking at the case of sinking small island states, this article explores the role and meaning of territory to statehood, while advancing the idea that rather than as a claim-right to territory, the situation of sinking island states should be understood through a state-right to exist as a state – an internationally recognised political authority – in the system of states. If and when this is the case, states under the threat of physical state-extinction may have claims towards international community to continuing existence as political entities without necessarily having a right to new territory.

Аналізуються теоретико-методологічні концепції державного володарювання крізь призму категорії суверенітету. Визначено основні підходи до трактування суверенітету, а також порівнюється влада та її реалізація в державі та імперії на основі розроблених структурно-функціональних параметрів. Розглядається вплив глобалізаційних процесів на трансформацію системи володарювання в сучасності.

The Theses LVI belong to a series of hitherto unpublished early manuscripts of the Dutch humanist and jurisconsult Hugo Grotius (1583-1645) that were acquired by the University of Leiden in 1864. It is not certain when the Theses were written, but preliminary research on the physical manuscript and the sources cited indicate two possible windows. The first is around 1602-1605, that is roughly at a time when Grotius was also working on his Commentary on the Law of Prize and Booty (De Iure Praedae Commentarius). The second dating places the genesis of the manuscrbipt around 1613-1615.
In the context of Grotius’ writings, the Theses LVI assume an important position for several reasons: They raise questions about state formation, the duty of citizens to the state and the right of political resistance in far greater detail than in any other work of the celebrated Dutch humanist. The Theses LVI also feature important reading notes that yield priceless insights into the sources that Grotius directly consulted and their influence on his ideas. The manuscript grants modern scholars a unique glimpse into the working mind of its author. Evidence points not only to the ferocious haste with which Grotius wrote his works, but also the occasional sloppiness of his reading and research habits."""

How could a state have the moral authority to promulgate and enforce laws that citizens are thereby obliged to obey? That is the problem of political authority. The Consequentialist Explanation of Political Authority contends that great social benefits depend upon there being a state with political authority. In his book, 'The Problem of Political Authority,' Michael Huemer considers different types of explanation of political authority and he rejects them all. I show that the objections he raises to consequentialist accounts are confused and that they fail to connect with the Consequentialist Explanation of Political Authority. Huemer argues that anarchy of a particular kind would be better than the states that exist in current Western societies. I explain why that argument, if it were successful, would be an effective objection to the Consequentialist Explanation of Political Authority.

Los ingenieros de caminos, integrantes del cuerpo técnico quizá más poderoso de la Administración española y el que mayor presupuesto manejaba, fueron a la vez producto y artífices de la construcción del Estado en la España decimonónica. Su autorrepresentación como defensores desinteresados del bien común fue una constante a lo largo del siglo. Quizá paradójicamente, las propuestas del liberalismo radical tuvieron numerosos partidarios en sus filas: la revista vinculada estrechamente al cuerpo ofrecía un amplio espacio a los promotores de las propuestas laissez-fairistas y, cuando llegaron a desempeñar cargos políticos de alto nivel durante el Sexenio democrático (1868-1874), varios personajes destacados del Cuerpo diseñaron e implementaron legislación y políticas que disminuían la intervención estatal y cedían protagonismo a la iniciativa privada. En este artículo se examinan las visiones del Estado que competían y se combinaban en el discurso de los ingenieros, prestando particular atención a trazar las dinámicas históricas y relacionarlas con los discursos políticos de la época y también con los discursos socio-profesionales de los ingenieros a nivel transnacional.