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Criminal Procedure: Law and Practice, © 2017, 2015 Cengage Learning
Tenth Edition
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Rolando V. del Carmen and Craig
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This book is dedicated to the many graduate and undergraduate
students and law enforcement personnel I have had over the
years from whom I have learned so much.
—Rolando V. del Carmen
This book is dedicated to my wife and colleague,

Mary K. Stohr, and to the many students I have had who have
taught me so much.
—Craig Hemmens
About
Aboutthe
theAuthor
Author
Rolando V. del Carmen is Distinguished Professor of Criminal

Justice (Law) in the College of Criminal Justice, Sam Houston State
University. In August 2007, he was made a Regents Professor, a rare
honor given by the Board of Regents of the Texas State University
System. He received his B.A. and LL.B. (the equivalent of a J.D.)
degrees from Silliman University in the Philippines, a Master of
Comparative Law (M.C.L.) from Southern Methodist University, a
Master of Laws (LL.M.) from the University of California, Berkeley,
and a Doctor of the Science of Law (J.S.D.) from the University of
Illinois in Champaign-Urbana. He has authored numerous books
and articles on law and criminal justice and has lectured nation-
ally and internationally on various law-related topics. A recipient
of many national and state awards, he has the distinction of having
received all three major awards given by the Academy of Criminal
Justice Sciences (ACJS): the Academy Fellow Award (1990), the
Bruce Smith Award (1997), and the Founder’s Award (2005). He has
taught numerous graduate and undergraduate classes in law and
has been a mentor and friend to many of his students.
Craig Hemmens is Chair and Professor in the Department of

Criminal Justice & Criminology at Washington State University. He
holds a J.D. from North Carolina Central University School of Law
and a Ph.D. in Criminal Justice from Sam Houston State University.
He previously served as Department Head and Professor in the
Department of Criminology and Criminal Justice at Missouri State
University, and as Academic Director of the Paralegal Studies
Program, Chair of the Department of Criminal Justice, and Director
of the Honors College at Boise State University. Professor Hemmens
has published 20 books and more than 200 articles and other writ-
ings. His primary research interest is criminal procedure. He has
served as the editor of the Journal of Criminal Justice Education and on
the editorial board of the Journal of Criminal Justice Education, Criminal
Justice Review, the Prison Journal, Criminal Justice Policy Review, and
Criminal Justice Studies. His publications have appeared in Justice
Quarterly, the Journal of Criminal Justice, Crime and Delinquency, the
Criminal Law Bulletin, and the Prison Journal.
vi
Brief Contents
Chapter 1 The Court System, Sources of Rights, and Fundamental Principles 1
Chapter 2 Overview of the Criminal Justice Process 32
Chapter 3 Probable Cause and Reasonable Suspicion 66
Chapter 4 The Exclusionary Rule 88
Chapter 5 Stop and Frisk and Stationhouse Detention 117
Chapter 6 Arrests and Use of Force 148
Chapter 7 Searches and Seizures of Things 186
Chapter 8 Motor Vehicle Stops, Searches, and Inventories 226
Chapter 9 Plain View, Open Fields, Abandonment, and Border Searches 262
Chapter 10 Lineups and Other Means of Pretrial Identification 289
Chapter 11 Confessions and Admissions: Miranda v. Arizona 326
Chapter 12 Basic Constitutional Rights of the Accused during Trial 368
Chapter 13 Sentencing, the Death Penalty, and Other Forms of Punishment 403
Chapter 14 Legal Liabilities of Law Enforcement Officers 432
Chapter 15 Electronic Surveillance and the War on Terror 463
vii
Contents
Preface xvii Chapter 2
Overview of the Criminal Justice Process 32
Chapter 1 The Procedure before Trial 34
The Court System, Sources of Rights, and Filing of Complaint 34
Fundamental Principles 1 The Arrest 35
Booking at the Police Station 38
The U.S. Court System 2 Initial Appearance before a Magistrate 38
The Federal Court System 3 Setting Bail 40
The State Court System 8 The Preliminary Hearing 41
Where Judicial Decisions Apply 10 The Decision to Charge 43
Stare Decisis and Judicial Precedent 11 Indictment versus an Information 44
The Arraignment 46
Federal versus State Criminal Trials 12 The Plea by the Defendant 46
Jurisdiction versus Venue 13 Plea Bargains 48
Sources of Rights 14 The Procedure during Trial 51
Constitutions 14 The Selection of Jurors 51
Statutory Law 17 Opening Statement by the Prosecution 53
Case Law versus Common Law 18 Opening Statement by the Defense 53
Court Rules 18 Presentation for the Prosecution 54
The Judicial Review Doctrine 19 Presentation for the Defense 55
Rebuttal Evidence 55
The Rule of Law 19 Closing Arguments 55
The Incorporation Controversy 21 Defense Motions before the Verdict 56
Background 21 Instructions to the Jury 57
Approaches to Incorporation 21 Jury Deliberation 57
A Summary of the Four Approaches to The Verdict 57
Incorporation 23 The Procedure after Trial 60
Fundamental Right as the Test for Selective Imposition of Sentence 60
Incorporation 24 Appeal 61
Rights Not Incorporated 24 Habeas Corpus 61
The Result of the Incorporation Controversy:
“Nationalization” of the Bill of Rights 25 Procedural Differences in Jurisdictions 62
Application to Felony Cases 62
Court Cases 25 Variation among States 62
Case Citation 25 Variation within a State 63
How to Brief a Case 27 Ideal versus Reality 63
In Action Jurisdiction and Venue 11 Case Brief Santobello v. New York,
404 U.S. 257 (1971) 50
Case Brief Duncan v. Louisiana, 391
U.S. 145 (1968) 22 In Action Juror Selection 53
ix
In Pretrial Motions 95
Chapter 3 On Appeal 96
Probable Cause and Reasonable Suspicion 66 In Habeas Corpus Proceedings 96
Standing and Illegally Seized Evidence 97
Probable Cause 68
Probable Cause Defined (The Legal Determining What Is Not Admissible 97
Definition) 68 Illegally Seized Evidence (The Primary
A “Man of Reasonable Caution” 68 Evidence) 97
The Practical Definition of Probable Cause 69 Fruit of the Poisonous Tree (The Secondary
Same Definition of Probable Cause in the Evidence) 98
Many Areas of Police Work 70 Exceptions to the Rule 99
Arrest of Persons versus Search and Seizure Category 1: The Good Faith Exception and
of Property 70 Its Many Variations 99
With a Warrant versus without a Warrant 71 Category 2: The Inevitable Discovery
Why Obtain a Warrant? 71 Exception 105
Who Determines Probable Cause? 72 Category 3: The Purged Taint Exception 105
Establishing Probable Cause after an Category 4: The Independent Source
Officer’s Illegal Act 72 Exception 107
Any Trustworthy Information Can Establish
When the Rule Does Not Apply 107
Probable Cause 74
In Violations of the Knock-and-Announce
The Three Ways Whereby Probable Cause Is
Rule 107
Established 74
In Searches by Private Persons 108
Probable Cause and Motor Vehicle Passengers 79
In Grand Jury Investigations 108
Is an Arrest Based on Probable Cause for a
In Sentencing 108
Different Offense Valid? 80
When an Arrest Based on Probable Cause
Reasonable Suspicion 81 Violates State Law 108
Reasonable Suspicion Defined 81 When Only Agency Rules Are Violated 109
The Totality of Circumstances 81 In Noncriminal Proceedings 109
Probable Cause Compared with Reasonable In Parole Revocation Hearings 110
Suspicion 84 Arguments for the Exclusionary Rule 111
Determining Probable Cause or Reasonable Suspicion Arguments against the Exclusionary Rule 111
on Appeal 84 Alternatives to the Exclusionary Rule 112
In Action Search Warrant Affidavit 73 The Future of the Exclusionary Rule 113
Case Brief Spinelli v. United States, 393
Case Brief Mapp v. Ohio, 367 U.S. 643 (1961) 94
U.S. 410 (1969) 77
Case Brief Arizona v. Evans, 514 U.S. 1 (1995) 103
Case Brief Alabama v. White, 496 U.S. 325 (1990) 82
In Action The Exclusionary Rule 110
Chapter 4
Chapter 5
The Exclusionary Rule 88
Stop and Frisk and
The Exclusionary Rule Defined 90 Stationhouse Detention 117
The Purpose of the Rule Is to Deter Police Stop and Frisk 118
Misconduct 90 Issue and Origin 119
A Judge-Made Rule 91 The Leading Case 120
The Guidelines 121
Historical Development 91
Reasonable Suspicion Is Required, not Probable
The Rule Now Applies to State Criminal Cause 122
Prosecutions 93
Two Separate Acts 123
Invoking the Rule 95 The Stop 124
x Contents
A Case Study: Stops and Race in the New York When Exigent (Emergency) Circumstances
City Police Department 134 Are Present 167
The Frisk 135 When There Is Danger to the Officer 167
Stop and Frisk and Arrest Compared 140 Entering a Home without a Warrant 167
Other Stop and Frisk Applications 141 What the Police Can Do after an Arrest 168
Application to Motor Vehicles 141 Police Can Search the Arrestee, Including
Application to Weapons in a Car 143 a Strip Search 168
Application to Residences 143 Police Can Search the Area of Immediate
Control 169
Stationhouse Detention 144 Police Can Search the Passenger Compartment
For Fingerprinting 144 of a Motor Vehicle 170
For Interrogation 145 Police Can Use Handcuffs 170
Case Brief Terry v. Ohio, 392 U.S. 1 (1968) 122 Police Can Monitor the Arrestee’s Movement 170
Case Brief Hiibel v. Sixth Judicial District Court of Police Can Search the Arrestee at the Place of
Nevada, et al., 542 U.S. 177 (2004) 132 Detention 170
Police Can Collect a DNA Sample 171
In Action Stop and Frisk 138
What the Police Cannot Do during an Arrest 171
Police Cannot Enter Third-Party Residences 171
Chapter 6 Police Cannot Conduct a Warrantless Protective
Arrests and Use of Force 148 Sweep Unless Justified 172
Police Cannot Invite the Media to “Ride Along” 172
The Broad Picture: Arrests Are Seizures of Persons 150
Knock-and-Announce Is Required by the Constitution, but
Arrests and the Fourth Amendment 150
with Exceptions 173
Arrest Is Just One Form of Seizure 151
The General Rule 173
The Top Ten Intrusive Searches and
The Exceptions 173
Seizures of Persons 151
How Long Must the Police Wait before
What Is the Legal Test to Determine
Entering? 174
Whether a Seizure Has Occurred? 152
Other Arrest Issues 175
Arrest Defined 153
Can the Police Detain a Suspect while Obtaining a
Forced Detention and Arrest 154
Warrant? 176
The Length of Detention and Arrest 155
Can the Police Arrest for Traffic Violations or Petty
The Four Elements of an Arrest 155 Offenses? 176
Seizure and Detention 155 Are Arrests for Offenses Not Punishable by Prison or
The Intention to Arrest 156 Jail Time Valid? 176
Arrest Authority 158 Are Citizen’s Arrests Valid? 178
Understanding by the Arrestee 158
Use of Force during an Arrest 179
Arrests with a Warrant 158
What Governs Police Use of Force? 179
When Is a Warrant Needed? 161
What the Court Has Ruled in General
The Issuance of a Warrant 162
about Police Use of Force 179
The Contents of a Warrant 163
Nondeadly versus Deadly Force 180
The Service of a Warrant 164
The Use of Nondeadly Force 180
The Time of the Arrest 164
The Use of Deadly Force 181
The Possession and Expiration of a Warrant 165
The Use-of-Force Continuum 183
Other Legal Authorizations 165
In Action What the Police May Do after an
Arrests without a Warrant 166
Arrest 154
Felonies Committed in the Presence of
Officers 166 Case Brief Payton v. New York, 445 U.S. 573
Misdemeanors Committed in the Presence of (1980) 162
Officers 166 Case Brief Atwater v. City of Lago Vista, 532
Crimes Committed in Public Places 166 U.S. 318 (2001) 177
Contents xi
Searches and Seizures of Public Employees Other
Chapter 7
Than Drug Testing 220
Searches and Seizures of Things 186 Squeezing Luggage in a Bus 221
Searches and Seizures by Private Persons 222
The Fourth Amendment as Applied to Things 187
Searches by Off-Duty Officers 222
The Right to Privacy Is a Constitutional Right 188 Surgery to Remove a Bullet from a Suspect 222
“Reasonable Expectation of Privacy” Defined 189 In Action Extending the Scope of a Search 191
Search Defined 190 Case Brief Georgia v. Randolph, 547 U.S. 103 (2006) 204
Seizure Defined 190 Case Brief Chimel v. California, 395 U.S. 752
Searches and Seizures: The General Rule 190 (1969) 206
Things Subject to Search and Seizure 191

The Scope of the Search 191 Chapter 8
The Time Allowed for a Search 192 Motor Vehicle Stops, Searches,
The Procedure after the Search 192 and Inventories 226
Search and Arrest Warrants Compared 193 Vehicle Stops 228
Search and Seizure with a Warrant 193 The General Rule for Stops 229
What the Police Can Do after a Vehicle Stop 230
Four Requirements 193 Traffic Stops as Pretexts for Vehicle Searches 234
Probable Cause 193 Searches with Consent and Freedom to
A Supporting Oath or Affirmation 195 Leave 236
A Description of the Place to Be Searched Passengers are also “Seized” in Traffic Stops 236
and Persons or Things to Be Seized 196 Arrests of Vehicle Passengers 237
The Signature of a Magistrate 198 Roadblocks Do Not Need Reasonable
The Procedure for Serving a Warrant 199 Suspicion 237
Search and Seizure without a Warrant 199 Vehicle Searches 240
The Searches with Consent Exception 200 The Leading Case on Vehicle Searches 242
The Search Incident to Lawful Arrest The Objective Reasonableness Rule in Vehicle
Exception 205 Searches 244
The Exigent Circumstances Exception 206 Automatic Searches during Traffic Citations Are
The Special Needs beyond Law Enforcement Unconstitutional 245
Exception 209 Warrantless Vehicle Searches 245
Public School Searches 210 Police May Search Passenger Compartments 246
Testing Non-College Students for Drugs 211 Police May Search Trunks and Closed Packages 247
Airport Searches 212 Police May Search Containers in a Car 248
Searches of Probationers and Parolees 212 Unresolved: Searches of Locked Trunks or Glove
The Police and Special Needs 213 Compartments 249
Administrative Searches and Inspections 214 Searches When the Arrested Suspect Is Not in the
Vehicle—Questions Remain 250
Warrantless Searches Must Be Contemporaneous 215
Other Motor Vehicle Search and Seizure Issues 251
The Announcement Requirement 215 Searches That Are Not Contemporaneous 251
Other Search and Seizure Issues 215 Warrantless Searches When There Is Time
The Use of Police Dogs in Searches 216 to Obtain a Warrant 252
Searches and Seizures of Computers 217 Warrantless Seizures of Vehicles Found
Searches and Seizures of Text Messages in Public Places 252
in a Cell Phone 218 Warrantless Searches of Motor Homes 253
Government Seizure of E-mails 219 The Use of Electronic Devices to Monitor
Drug Testing Public Employees, Including Police Vehicles 253
Officers 219 Immigration and Border Searches of Vehicles 254
xii Contents
Other Valid Car Searches 255 Detention of Persons for Questioning in
Vehicle Inventory Searches 256 a Border Area 283
Immediately after an Arrest 256 Strip, Body Cavity, and X-ray Searches 283
Vehicles Impounded by Police 257 Detention of Alimentary Canal Smugglers 284
Disassembling the Gas Tank 284
The Importance of State Laws and Department Policies Searching Vehicles away from the Border 284
in Vehicle Stops, Searches, and Inventories 258 Stopping Vehicles at Fixed Checkpoints 285
In Action The License and Registration Factory Survey of Aliens 285
Checkpoint 243 Summary of Case Law on Border Stops and
Case Brief Carroll v. United States, 267 U.S. 132 Searches 285
(1925) 244 Case Brief Horton v. California, 496 U.S.
Case Brief United States v. Ross, 456 U.S. 798 128 (1990) 268
(1982) 250 In Action A Private Poker Game Overheard 271
Case Brief Oliver v. United States, 466 U.S.
170 (1984) 277
Chapter 9
Plain View, Open Fields, Abandonment,
and Border Searches 262 Chapter 10
The Plain View Doctrine 264
Lineups and Other Means of Pretrial
Plain View Defined 264 Identification 289
Requirements of the Doctrine 265 Lineups 291
Situations in Which the Doctrine Applies 266 Right to Counsel during Lineups—It
One of Many Justifications for Admission of Depends 291
Evidence 266 Right to Due Process Applies in Lineups 298
Inadvertence Is No Longer Required 267 No Unreasonable Search and Seizure Is
Plain View and Open Spaces 269 Involved in Lineups 298
Plain View and Motor Vehicles 270 No Right against Self-Incrimination Is
Plain View and Mechanical Devices 270 Involved in Lineups 299
Plain View and Open View Compared 270
Showups 300
Plain View and Plain Touch Compared 270
Right to Counsel during Showups—It
Plain View and Plain Odor Compared 272
Depends 300
The Open Fields Doctrine 272 Right to Due Process Applies in Showups 301
The Open Fields Doctrine Defined 272 No Unreasonable Search and Seizure
Areas Not Included in Open Fields 272 Is Involved in Showups 302
Curtilage 273 No Right against Self-Incrimination Is
A Broader Meaning of Open Fields 276 Involved in Showups 302
Open Fields and Sense-Enhancement
Photographic Identifications 303
Technology 278
No Right to Counsel in Photographic
Open Fields and Plain View Compared 279
Identification 303
Abandonment 279 Right to Due Process Applies in Photographic
Abandonment Defined 279 Identification 303
Guidelines for When Items Are Considered No Unreasonable Search and Seizure Is
Abandoned 279 Involved in Photographic Identification 304
Abandonment of Motor Vehicles 281 No Right against Self-Incrimination Is
Police Actions and Abandonment 281 Involved in Photographic Identification 304
Abandonment and Plain View Compared 282
Problems with Eyewitness Identification 305
Border Searches 282 “Hopelessly Unreliable” 305
Temporary Detention of Aliens Believed to Be No Prescribed Guidelines 306
Illegal 283 Legislative and Judicial Responses 306
Contents xiii
Eyewitness Identification Guidelines 308 Miranda Cases on Appeal: The Harmless Error Rule 363
For Lineups 309 Case Brief Berkemer v. McCarty, 468 U.S. 420
For Showups 311 (1984) 336
For Photographic Identifications 311
In Action A Confession after a Request for a
Other Means of Identifying Suspects 312 Lawyer 351

DNA Testing 312
Case Brief Missouri v. Seibert, 542 U.S. 600
Polygraph Examinations 317
(2004) 354
Breathalyzer Tests 319
Handwriting Samples 320
Hair Samples 321 Chapter 12
Brain Fingerprinting 321 Basic Constitutional Rights of the Accused
Facial Recognition Technology 322 during Trial 368
Case Brief Kirby v. Illinois, 406 U.S. 682 (1972) 294
The Right to Trial by Jury 370
Case Brief United States v. Wade, 388 U.S. Voir Dire 371
218 (1967) 296 Jury Size 371
In ActionPhotographic Identification of a Purse Unanimous versus Nonunanimous Verdicts 371
Snatcher 305 Serious versus Petty Offenses 372
Selecting a Jury of Peers 373
Disqualification of Jurors Based on Race 373
Chapter 11 Disqualification of Jurors Based on Gender 376
Confessions and Admissions: The Right to Counsel 377
Miranda v. Arizona 326 Why Counsel Is Needed 378
How Counsel Is Obtained 379
Before Miranda 328
Automatic Reversal of a Conviction for
Voluntary Confessions 328
Denying Defendant a Paid Lawyer 380
Four Cases Illustrating the Pre-Miranda
The Responsibility of the Defense Lawyer
Voluntariness Test 328
Is to the Client 382
Miranda Rejects Voluntariness as the Sole Test 330 The Right to Court-Appointed Counsel
The Basics of Miranda v. Arizona 331 during the Trial Has Exceptions 382
The Case 332 Proving Ineffective Assistance of Counsel
The Miranda Warnings 333 is Difficult 384
Miranda Required by the Constitution, Not Just by Claims of Ineffective Counsel in Death
Judges 334 Penalty Cases 385
Miranda Must Be Given for All Offenses Except Claim of Ineffective Counsel during Plea
Routine Traffic Stops 335 Bargaining 387
Distinguishing Miranda from the Right to The Right to Act as One’s Own Counsel 387
Counsel 337 The Right to Due Process 388
Miranda May Be Waived Knowingly and The Many Meanings of Due Process 388
Intelligently 338 The Brady Rule on Disclosure of Evidence to the
When Must the Miranda Warnings Be Given? 342 Accused 389
When Is the Suspect in Custody? 343 Cases after Brady 389
When Is the Suspect under Interrogation? 347 The Right against Self-Incrimination 391
Leading Decisions on the Miranda Warnings 349 The Prohibition Applies Only to Testimonial
Situations That Require the Miranda Self-Incrimination, Not to Physical
Warnings 350 Self-Incrimination 391
Situations Not Requiring or Not Fully Applying Testimonial and Nontestimonial Self-Incrimination
the Miranda Warnings 355 Compared 392
Situations in Which the Miranda Warnings Two Separate Privileges during Trial 393
Are Not Needed 359 The Grant of Immunity 395
xiv Contents
Transactional and Use and Derivative Use Civil Liability under State Tort Law 446
Immunity Compared 396 Types of State Tort Cases 446
How the Right Is Waived 396 Other Sources of Police Civil Liability under State
The Right to a Fair and Impartial Trial 397 Tort Law 451
The Prohibition against Prejudicial Publicity 397 Official Immunity Is a Defense in State Tort
Controlling Prejudicial Publicity 398 Cases 452
Federal (Section 1983) and State Tort Cases
Case Brief J. E. B. v. Alabama, 511 U.S. 127 (1994) 376 Compared 453
Case Brief Gideon v. Wainwright, 372 U.S. 335 Differences between Federal Section 1983 and State
(1963) 383 Tort Cases 453
In Action Self-Incriminating Writing If the Police Are Sued 454
on the Wall 393 The Police Officer as Defendant 454
The Police Supervisor as Defendant 455
The City or County as Defendant 456
Chapter 13
Other Consequences of Police Misconduct 457
Sentencing, the Death Penalty, and Other
Prosecution under Federal and State Laws 458
Forms of Punishment 403
Administrative Liability: Agency Investigation
Sentencing 404 and Punishment 458
The Goals and Objectives of Sentencing 405 Exclusion of Illegally Obtained Evidence
Sentencing Disparity 406 (The Exclusionary Rule) 459
When Is a Sentence Considered Cruel and Loss of Law Enforcement License 459
Unusual Punishment? 406 In Action Ignoring the Medical Complaints of
Sentencing Guidelines 407 a Suspect in Custody 436
Sentencing Juvenile Offenders 408
Case Brief Scott v. Harris, 550 U.S. 372 (2007) 440
Types of Sentences 412
Case Brief Groh v. Ramirez, 540 U.S. 551 (2004) 442
The Death Penalty 412
Imprisonment 416
Probation 421 Chapter 15
Intermediate Sanctions 425
Fines, Forfeiture, and Restitution 426 Electronic Surveillance and
the War on Terror 463
Crime Victims’ Rights 427
Victims’ Rights in State Courts 428 Electronic Surveillance 465
Case Brief Weems v. United States, 217 U.S. 349 The Old Concept 465
(1910) 410 The New Concept 466
Case Brief Baze v. Rees, 553 U.S. 35 (2008) 417 Four Federal Laws That Govern Electronic
Surveillance 468
In Action Probation Revocation Proceedings 426
Title III of the Omnibus Crime Control and Safe
Streets Act of 1968 468
Chapter 14 The Electronic Communications and Privacy Act
Legal Liabilities of Law (ECPA) of l986 469
Enforcement Officers 432 The Communications Assistance for Law
Enforcement Act (CALEA) of 1994 470
Lawsuits against Police: An Occupational Hazard 434 The Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA)
An Overview of Police Legal Liabilities 435 of 1978 471
Civil Liability under Federal Law 436 Using Electronic Devices from a Public Place 473
What Section 1983 Provides 437 Electronic Tracking Devices That Do Not
Two Requirements for a Section 1983 Lawsuit to Intercept Communication 474
Succeed 437 Pen Registers 474
Defenses in Section 1983 Cases 439 Tracking Devices 474
Contents xv
Cameras to Monitor Tracking and Other Appendix B
Offenders 479
The Constitution of the United States 494
The War on Terror 480
The USA Patriot Act 481
The Department of Homeland Security 482
Terrorism and the Police 484 Appendix C
Legal Issues in the War on Terror 486
Prospects 488
The Top Twenty Cases in Criminal
Procedure 510
Case Brief Katz v. United States, 389
U.S. 347 (1967) 467
In Action A Warrant for a Wiretap Based on an
Glossary 511
Overheard Cell Phone Conversation 472
Case Brief United States v. Jones (2012) 477 Case Index 519
Subject Index 524
Appendix A
Thirty Suggestions on How to Be an Effective
Witness 491
xvi Contents
Preface to the Tenth Edition
T his book was written in an effort to demystify the law and court decisions so
they can more effectively guide the conduct of law enforcement officials and in the
process properly protect the rights of their constituency. Policing a free society is dif-
ficult because it sometimes involves a highly charged situation between the police and
a member of the public. That encounter can be nasty and, sometimes, deadly. In a few
seconds, the officer may be faced with a life-or-death situation for her or him and the
person being confronted. A decision, wrong in hindsight but blurred at that moment,
can lead to serious consequences for both parties. In a few instances, there is no mar-
gin for error. Police officers must know and understand the law so they become more
fully aware of what they can do legally in the course of their high-risk and sometimes
dangerous work. Mistakes cannot be eliminated, but are easier for the public to accept
when made by the officer in good faith. Students of criminal justice, and all citizens,
must understand how the law governs police-citizen encounters.
Organization AND CHANGES TO THE TENTH EDITION

The tenth edition retains the format and chapter sequence of the ninth edition. A deci-
sion was made early on, after comments were received from the reviewers, that the
book’s structure and sequence be preserved. Thus, there are no major changes in struc-
ture and content in this edition. Reviewers indicated they liked the chapter sequencing
and that there were no major topical areas missing. Thus, there are no major changes
in structure and content in this edition. There are no chapters added or deleted. One
minor change to the organization is the addition of sections: the fifteen chapters are
divided into six sections, each containing two to four chapters. We thought this might
assist instructors in organizing their presentation of the material and give them a
clearer sense of how much time should be spent on each section.
The majority of changes to this edition are designed to update case coverage and
related procedural issues. We have also spent considerable effort adding or enhancing
coverage of cutting-edge issues such as bail, the use of force, special needs searches,
voir dire, stop and frisk, racial profiling, seizures of text and e-mail messages, the use
of technology in law enforcement, and much more—all of which we hope results in a
more relevant, current, and engaging textbook. We discuss all the recent Supreme Court
cases through the most recent (2014–2015) term of the U.S. Supreme Court.
In addition to updating the content in each chapter, we have updated the peda-
gogical material, including the Chapter Outline, Key Terms, and Top 5 Cases at the
beginning of each chapter, and added a new feature, Learning Objectives; the Review
Questions, Test Your Understanding, and Recommended Reading at the end of each
xvii
chapter; and the In Action and Highlight boxes, as well as the margin notes and term
definitions. We have also updated Figures and Tables throughout as needed.
Below we note the content changes/updates in each chapter:
Chapter l discusses the court system, court cases, and sources of rights.
Knowledge of criminal procedure starts with understanding how state and federal
courts are structured and work. The student at this early stage must be familiar with
the U.S. Constitution and other sources of rights that set boundaries in policing. We
have clarified the discussion of incorporation and jurisdiction.
Chapter 2 presents an overview of the criminal justice process, which familiarizes
the reader with the entire criminal justice process, from initial contact with the police
to the imposition of sanctions after conviction. It is the foundation of understanding
subsequent chapters that deal with the specifics of how criminal procedure works. We
have added a discussion of recent cases dealing with jury selection and appeals.
Chapters 3 and 4 discuss probable cause, reasonable suspicion, and the exclusion-
ary rule, important terms/concepts in criminal procedure which reoccur throughout
the subsequent chapters. We have added a discussion of recent Supreme Court cases
dealing with probable cause and reasonable suspicion, and clarified some of the dis-
cussion of probable cause.
Chapter 5 discusses stop and frisk and stationhouse detention. Chapter 6 deals with
arrests and the use of force during an arrest. These two chapters probe the extent and
boundaries of the power of the police when dealing with people, as opposed to things.
We have added recent Supreme Court cases on stop and frisk and reasonable suspicion.
Chapters 7, 8, and 9 address searches and seizures of things. This is an important
part of policing, but not as crucial as the previous two chapters on searches and sei-
zures of persons. Unless properly organized and separately discussed, this aspect of
the Fourth Amendment can be confusing. Some textbooks discuss arrests of persons
and searches and seizures of things together—we think this is a major mistake, and
something that sets our textbook apart from the competition. Confusion also results if
searches and seizures of things, covered in Chapter 7, are discussed together with sei-
zures of motor vehicles, discussed in Chapter 8. These two types of searches (of things
and of motor vehicles) are both covered by the Fourth Amendment, but have different
rules and are best addressed separately. A discussion of searches and seizures that are
not fully protected by the Fourth Amendment, covered in Chapter 9, closes this topic
area. These types of searches are best discussed in this section, but deserve a separate
chapter because they do not come under the full umbrella of Fourth Amendment pro-
tection and are governed by different rules. This chapter includes a discussion of related
topics, such as eyewitness testimony and DNA identification that recently have been
the subjects of increased discussion and debate. We have added recent Supreme Court
cases in these areas, and updated some of the material on arrest, use of force, and third-
party searches.
Chapter 10 covers lineups and other means of pretrial identification, and
Chapter 11 covers confessions and admissions and Miranda v. Arizona. These go
together because they are closely related (although their sequence can be interchanged;
confessions and admissions can precede pretrial identifications). Miranda v. Arizona
is arguably the most recognizable case ever decided by the U.S. Supreme Court in
any field of law, not just in criminal procedure. It forms the core of any discussion
on the admissibility of confessions and admissions and virtually defines day-to-day
xviii Preface to the Tenth Edition
police work, particularly out in the field. Chapter 11 analyzes that case and cases sub-
sequently decided that refine the various aspects of admissions and confessions. We
have added a discussion of recent Supreme Court cases dealing with interrogations
and confessions, and clarified some of the discussion of the post-Miranda decisions.
Chapter 12 covers five major constitutional rights of the defendant at trial. We
have added material on voir dire and jury selection.
Chapter 13 covers sentencing, the death penalty, and other forms of punishment.
Although clearly not a part of day-to-day police work, sentencing and punishment
give the reader a complete picture of the criminal justice process and represent the ulti-
mate formal result of police work. We have updated the chapter with recent Supreme
Court cases dealing with the death penalty, in particular the restrictions on to whom
it can be applied.
Chapter 14 covers legal liabilities of public officers and merits a separate chapter
because it affects the totality of the police experience and presents a downside in policing.
Lawsuits filed against law enforcement agents and agencies have influenced modern-day
policing and have led to changes in law enforcement policies and practices. We have added
a discussion of recent Supreme Court cases dealing with law enforcement officer liability.
Chapter 15 covers electronic surveillance and the war on terror. Electronic surveil-
lance has been a part of policing for a long time, but what can be done or cannot be done
has undergone changes in recent due to legislation and Court refinement of constitu-
tional rules. We have updated this chapter with a discussion of the recent Supreme Court
cases dealing with electronic surveillance, as well as current issues in the area. Electronic
surveillance and the war on terror are discussed in the last chapter because some courses
in criminal procedure include them, whereas others do not.
Ancillaries
For the Instructor
MindTap for Criminal Justice from Cengage Learning represents a new approach to a
highly personalized, online learning platform. A fully online learning solution, Mind-
Tap combines all of a student’s learning tools—readings, multimedia, activities, and
assessments into a singular Learning Path that guides the student through the cur-
riculum. Instructors personalize the experience by customizing the presentation of
these learning tools for their students, allowing instructors to seamlessly introduce
their own content into the Learning path via “apps” that integrated into the MindTap
platform. Additionally MindTap provides interoperability with major Learning Man-
agement Systems (LMS) via support for industry standards and fosters partnerships
with third-party educational application providers to provide a highly collaborative,
engaging, and personalized learning experience.
Online Instructor’s Resource Manual includes learning objectives, key terms, a detailed
chapter outline, a chapter summary, lesson plans, discussion topics, student activities,
“What If” scenarios, media tools, a sample syllabus, and an expanded test bank with
30 percent more questions than the prior edition. The learning objectives are correlated
with the discussion topics, student activities, and media tools.
Preface to the Tenth Edition xix
Online Test Bank Each chapter of the test bank contains questions in multiple-
choice, true/false, completion, essay, and new critical thinking formats, with a
full answer key. The test bank is coded to the learning objectives that appear in
the main text, and includes the section in the main text where the answers can be
found. Finally, each question in the test bank has been carefully reviewed by expe-
rienced criminal justice instructors for quality, accuracy, and content coverage so
instructors can be sure they are working with an assessment and grading resource
of the highest caliber.
Cengage Learning Testing Powered by Cognero This assessment software is a flexible,

online system that allows you to import, edit, and manipulate test bank content from
the Criminal Procedure test bank or elsewhere, including your own favorite test ques-
tions; create multiple test versions in an instant; and deliver tests from your LMS, your
classroom, or wherever you want.
Online PowerPoint® Lectures Helping you make your lectures more engaging while
effectively reaching your visually oriented students, these handy M icrosoft Power-
Point slides outline the chapters of the main text in a classroom-ready p resentation.
The PowerPoint slides are updated to reflect the content and organization of the new
edition of the text, are tagged by chapter learning objective, and feature some addi-
tional examples and real-world cases for application and discussion.
For the Student

MindTap for Criminal Justice from Cengage Learning represents a new approach
to a highly personalized, online learning platform. A fully online learning solution,
MindTap combines all of your learning tools—readings, multimedia, activities, and
assessments into a singular Learning Path that guides you through the course.
Acknowledgments
Changes in the tenth edition reflect written comments and suggestions by the reviewers
and editors of the ninth edition. These reviewers are:
Paul McElvein, Erie Community College

James Kellogg, Missouri Baptist University
Greg Plumb, Park University
Gary L. Neumeyer, Arizona Western College
To these colleagues we express thanks for all they have done for this book. They have
improved this book in ways too many to list.
All of the reviewers of the tenth and previous editions are highly respected col-
leagues who teach or have taught courses in criminal procedure. The reviewers of the
eighth and other previous editions include Kelly D. Ambrose, Marshall University;
Kevin Behr, Coastal Bend College; Beth Bjerregaard, University of North Carolina
xx Preface to the Tenth Edition
at Charlotte; Don Bradel, Bemidji State University; Jerry Burnette, New River
Community College; William Castleberry, University of Tennessee at Martin; Susan
Coleman, West Texas A&M University; Edward Donovan, Metropolitan State College
of Denver; Robert Drowns, Metropolitan State University; Catherine Eloranto, Clinton
Community College; Jack Enter, Georgia State University, Atlanta; Lorie Fridell,
Florida State University; James Hague, Virginia Commonwealth University; Robert
Hardgrave, Jr., University of Texas at Austin; William Head, Texas Christian University;
Thomas Hickey, Castleton State College; Louis Holscher, San Jose State University; Tom
Hughes, University of Louisville; Martrice Hurrah, Shelby State Community College;
William D. Hyatt, Western Carolina University; W. Richard Janikowski, University of
Memphis; Judith Kaci, California State University at Long Beach; Raymond Kessler,
Sul Ross State University; Dave Kramer, Bergen Community College; James Miller,
Columbia College; Pamela Moore, University of Texas at Arlington; Patrick Mueller,
Stephen F. Austin State University; Gary Neumeyer, Arizona Western College; Robert
Pagnani, Columbia-Greene Community College; Robert Peetz, Midland College;
Robert Reinertsen, Western Illinois University; Ray Richards, San Jacinto College; Steve
Rittenmeyer, Western Illinois University at Macomb; Clifford Roberson, California
State University at Fresno; Leo Rowe, Troy University; Lore Rutz-Burri, Southern
Oregon University; Joseph Schuster, Eastern Washington State College at Cheney;
Pamella Seay, Edison Community College; Caryl Lynn Segal, University of Texas at
Arlington; Mark Stevens, North Carolina Wesleyan College; Eric Stewart, Community
College of Aurora; Greg Talley, Broome Community College; Roger Turner, Shelby
State Community College; Segrest N. Wailes, Jackson State University; Frank Ziegler,
Northeastern State University; and Alvin Zumbrun, Catonsville Community College.
Their suggestions have guided the revision of this book and have doubtless shaped
this book’s format and content. We want these esteemed colleagues to know we are
deeply and truly grateful.
This tenth and the previous editions would not have been possible without the
help of friends and colleagues. Thanks are due to the following for their contributions:
Mary K. Stohr of Washington State University, Michael S. Vaughn, Jerry Dowling, and
Phillip Lyons of Sam Houston State University; John Scott Bonien, senior assistant attor-
ney general of the state of Washington; Jeffery Walker of the University of Alabama-
Birmingham; David Carter of Michigan State University; Tom Hickey of Castleton
State University; and Judge James W. Bachman of Bowling Green State University.
The hundreds of undergraduate and graduate students we have had the pleasure
of teaching over the years inspired the writing of this book. From them we learned so
much about how legal material can best be learned by students and colleagues in the
criminal justice field. There are too many to list, but we want them to know how much
I value their contributions.
Some of the case briefs in this book are taken, with modification, from the book
Briefs of Leading Cases in Law Enforcement, by Rolando V. del Carmen and Jeffery
T. Walker, which is now in its seventh edition. I thank the publishers of that book for
allowing the use of those briefed cases.
Special and sincere thanks to the personnel at Cengage Publishing Company, all
tested and highly experienced professionals. They improved this book beyond mea-
sure, in both content and format. They are: Carolyn Henderson Meier, Christy Frame,
Valerie Kraus, Kara Kindstrom, Andrei Pasternak, Judy Inouye, and Brittani Morgan.
Preface to the Tenth Edition xxi
Some features are taken from various sources, mostly from government pub-
lications. The authors deeply appreciate the permission given for their inclusion in
this text.
This book derives its strength from the efforts of many people, but the authors
stand alone in accepting blame for its shortcomings. Continuous and critical feedback
from readers is always welcome and deeply appreciated. As previous editions have
shown (and as is true of all written work), feedback from readers ensures better future
editions. To all who have provided solicited or unsolicited feedback for the ninth and
past editions, thank you for your help.
A Text for a National Audience

This text is written for a national audience, not just for readers in a few states. Policing
in the United States is mainly a state and local concern; thus it is not enough for police
officers to know the content of this text. Knowledge of specific state law, court decisions,
or agency policy is a must in law enforcement in the United States. In case of doubt and
where an actual case is involved, users of this text are strongly advised to read their
own state laws or consult a knowledgeable lawyer for authoritative guidance.
Toward a Demystification of the Law

This text aims to help demystify law and court decisions so they can more effectively
guide the conduct of the police and in the process protect citizens’ constitutional rights
even more effectively. It is hoped that this book contributes in some small way to
achieving that goal—in the interest of society and for the benefit of law enforcement
officers who risk their lives daily so the rest of us can enjoy safety and peace.
Rolando V. del Carmen

Distinguished Professor of Criminal Justice (Law) and Regents Professor
College of Criminal Justice
Sam Houston State University
Craig Hemmens
Department of Criminal Justice and Criminology
Washington State University
xxii Preface to the Tenth Edition
Chapter 1
The Court System, Sources of Rights,

and Fundamental Principles
LEARNING OBJ ECTIVES Ke y T er m s judicial precedent

judicial review
Bill of Rights
1. Differentiate between the federal and court systems. jurisdiction
case-by-case
2. Explain the dual court system. incorporation original jurisdiction
3. Explain the effect of a court’s decision upon territorial case citation rule of four
jurisdiction. case law rule of law
4. Distinguish which criminal acts can be prosecuted in both common law selective incorporation
federal and state courts. stare decisis
double jeopardy
5. Contrast the legal concepts of jurisdiction and venue. dual court system statutory law
6. Describe the sources of legal rights within the United States. dual sovereignty total incorporation
7. Define the legal concept of judicial review. due process clause total incorporation plus
8. Describe the concept of “Rule of Law.” en banc venue
9. Identify the components of a case brief. incorporation
10. Construct a case brief when given a case. controversy
©James Steidl/Shutterstock.com
C ha pt er O u tlin e
I
The U.S. Court System N THIS CHAPTER, we first focus on the structure of federal and state
The Federal Court System
court systems in the United States.
The State Court System
Criminal cases in the United States may be tried in federal and state
Where Judicial Decisions Apply
courts if the act constitutes violation of the laws of both jurisdictions.
State Decisis and Judicial However, most criminal cases are tried in state courts, because main-
Precedent
taining peace and order is primarily the responsibility of state and local
Federal versus State Criminal
governments. Important topics covered in this chapter include the terri-
Trials
torial effect of judicial decisions, the principle of judicial precedent based
Jurisdiction versus Venue
on stare decisis, the extent of federal and state jurisdiction, the principle
Sources of Rights
of dual sovereignty, the legal concepts of jurisdiction and venue, and the
Constitutions
Statutory Law various sources of individual rights. The chapter discusses the incorpo-
Case Law versus Common Law ration controversy—how it developed and what role it plays in deter-
Court Rules mining which constitutional rights now also extend to an accused in state
The Judicial Review Doctrine prosecutions. It ends with a discussion of the rule of law.
The Rule of Law
The Incorporation Controversy
Background The U.S. Court System
Approaches to Incorporation
A Summary of the Four Approaches to The United States has a dual court system, meaning that there is one sys-
Incorporation
tem for federal cases and another for state cases (see Figure 1.1). The term
Fundamental Right as the Test for Selective
Incorporation dual court system is, however, misleading. In reality, the United States has
Rights Not Incorporated fifty-two separate judicial systems, representing the court systems in
The Result of the Incorporation Controversy: the fifty states, the federal system, and the courts of Washington, D.C.
“Nationalization” of the Bill of Rights But because these systems have much in common, they justify a general
Court Cases grouping into two: federal and state.
Case Citation
How to Brief a Case
Figure 1.1 The Dual Court System
Federal Courts State Courts
U.S. Supreme Court State supreme court
dual court system

Intermediate
the United States has two U.S. Courts of Appeals
appellate courts
court systems: one for
federal cases and another
for state cases.
U.S. District Courts Trial courts
of general jurisdiction
Magistrate Courts
Lower courts
2 Chapter 1
The Federal Court System
Article III, Section 1 of the U.S. Constitution provides that
The judicial Power of the United States shall be vested in one supreme Court, and in such
inferior Courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish. The Judges,
both of the supreme and inferior Courts, shall hold their Offices during good Behavior,
and shall, at stated Times, receive for their Services a Compensation, which shall not be
diminished during their continuance in office.
The highest court in the federal court system is the U.S. Supreme Court (see
Figure 1.1). (Note: Whenever the word Court is used with a capital C in this text, the
reference is to the U.S. Supreme Court. The word court with a lowercase c refers to all
other courts on the federal or state level.) It is composed of a chief justice and eight
associate justices, all of whom are nominated and appointed by the president of the
United States with the advice and consent of the Senate (see Figure 1.2).
A federal law passed in 1869 fixed the number of U.S. Supreme Court justices
at nine, but this number can be changed by law. Supreme Court justices enjoy life
tenure and may be removed only by impeachment, which very rarely occurs. The
Figure 1.2 The Federal Court System
Supreme Court
of the United States
United States United States

Court of Appeals Court of Appeals
12 circuits for the Federal Circuit
Appeals from U.S. U.S. U.S. U.S. U.S. Administrative

state courts Tax Court District Courts District Courts Claims Court of agencies
in 50 states, and various with federal with federal Courts International
from the administrative and local jurisdiction Trade Merit Systems
Supreme agencies jurisdiction only Board, Board
Court of of Contract
Puerto Rico, Federal Trade Guam 89 districts Appeals,
and from Commission, in 50 states Patent/
the District National Virgin Islands Trademark
of Columbia 1 in District
Labor Northern Boards,
Court of Columbia
Relations Mariana International
of Appeals Board, Immi- Islands 1 in Puerto Trade
gration and Rico Commission,
Naturalization etc.
Service, etc.
The Court System, Sources of Rights, and Fundamental Principles 3
Court is located in Washington, D.C., and always decides cases en banc (as one body),
en banc
never in division (small groups or panels). The votes of five justices are needed to win
as one body.
a case. The Court meets to hear arguments and decide cases beginning on the first
Monday in October and continues sessions usually through the end of June of the
following year. Court cases are argued and decisions are announced during this time,
although the Court holds office throughout the year. Members of the U.S. Supreme
Court are called justices. All others, from the U.S. Court of Appeals down to the lower
courts, are called judges.
Exhibit 1.1 • A Brief Overview of the Supreme Court
The Supreme Court of the United States of September 24, 1789 (1 Stat. 73). It was organized on
February 2, 1790.
The Supreme Court consists of the chief justice of Jurisdiction. According to the Constitution
the United States and such number of associate (Art. III, §2):
justices as may be fixed by Congress. The number of “The judicial Power shall extend to all Cases,
associate justices is currently fixed at eight (28 U.S.C. in Law and Equity, arising under this Constitution,
§1). Power to nominate the justices is vested in the the Laws of the United States, and Treaties made, or
president of the United States, and appointments which shall be made, under their Authority;—to all
are made with the advice and consent of the Senate. Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers
Article III, §1, of the Constitution further provides and Consuls;—to all Cases of admiralty and maritime
that “[t]he Judges, both of the supreme and inferior Jurisdiction;—to Controversies to which the United
Courts, shall hold their Offices during good States shall be a Party;—to Controversies between
behaviour, and shall, at stated Times, receive for two or more States;—between a State and Citizens of
their Services, a Compensation, which shall not be another State;—between Citizens of different States;—
diminished during their Continuance in Office.” between Citizens of the same State claiming Lands
Court officers assist the Court in the performance under Grants of different States, and between a State,
of its functions. They include the administrative or the Citizens thereof, and foreign States, Citizens or
assistant to the chief justice, the clerk, the reporter of Subjects.
decisions, the librarian, the marshal, the court coun- “In all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public
sel, the curator, the director of data systems, and the ministers and Consuls, and those in which a State
public information officer. The administrative assistant shall be Party, the supreme Court shall have original
is appointed by the chief justice. The clerk, reporter of Jurisdiction. In all the other Cases before mentioned,
decisions, librarian, and marshal are appointed by the the supreme Court shall have appellate jurisdiction,
Court. All other Court officers are appointed by the both as to Law and Fact, with such Exceptions, and
chief justice in consultation with the Court. under such Regulations as the Congress shall make.”
Constitutional Origin. Article III, §1, of the Appellate jurisdiction has been conferred upon
Constitution provides that “[t]he judicial Power of the the Supreme Court by various statutes, under the
United States, shall be vested in one supreme Court, authority given Congress by the Constitution. The
and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may from basic statute effective at this time in conferring and
time to time ordain and establish.” The Supreme Court controlling jurisdiction of the Supreme Court may be
of the United States was created in accordance with found in 28 U.S.C. §1251 et seq., and various special
this provision and by authority of the Judiciary Act statutes.
4 Chapter 1
Rule-Making Power. Congress has from time to federal departments and agencies, and members of
time conferred upon the Supreme Court power to pre- Congress.
scribe rules of procedure to be followed by the lower The Term. The term of the Court begins, by law,
courts of the United States. See 28 U.S.C. §2071 et seq. on the first Monday in October and lasts until the first
The Building. The Supreme Court is open to the Monday in October of the next year. Approximately
public from 9 a.m. to 4:30 p.m., Monday through Friday. 8,000 petitions are filed with the Court in the course of
It is closed Saturdays, Sundays, and the federal legal a term. In addition, some 1,200 applications of various
holidays listed in 5 U.S.C. §6103. Unless the Court or kinds are filed each year that can be acted upon by a
the chief justice orders otherwise, the clerk’s office is single justice.
open from 9 a.m. to 5 p.m., Monday through Friday, Source: The Supreme Court of the United States, “About the
except on those holidays. The library is open to mem- Supreme Court,” http://www.supremecourtus.gov/about
bers of the bar of the Court, attorneys for the various /briefoverview.pdf. Modified by the author.
The Court has original jurisdiction, meaning the case is brought to the Court original jurisdiction
directly instead of on appeal, over certain cases as specified in the Constitution. The the case is brought to the
vast majority of cases, however, reach the Court either on appeal or on a writ of certiorari. court directly instead of on
appeal.
A third way—by certification—is rarely used; and a fourth method—through a writ of
error—was discontinued in 1928.1 The Court reviews cases on appeal because it must.
In reality, however, the Court does not have to consider a case on appeal on its merits,
because it can avoid full consideration by saying that the case “lacks substantial federal
question” to deserve full consideration by the Court.
The Court generally has discretion to decide what cases it wants to hear. Most
cases (about 85 percent) get to the Supreme Court from the lower courts on a writ of
certiorari, which is defined as “an order by the appellate court which is used when the
court has discretion on whether or not to hear an appeal.”2 In writ of certiorari cases,
the rule of four applies, meaning that at least four justices must agree for the Court to rule of four
consider a case on its merits. If the case fails to obtain four votes for inclusion in the at least four justices must
Court docket, the decision of the court where the case originated (usually a federal agree for the court to
consider the case on its
court of appeals or a state supreme court) prevails.
merits.
About 10,000 cases reach the Supreme Court each year from various federal and
state courts, but the Court renders written decisions on only a limited number (75
cases during the 2011 term, 78 cases during the 2012 term, and 72 cases during the 2013
term). The rest are dismissed per curiam, meaning that the decision of the immediate
lower court in which the case originated (whether it was a state supreme court, a fed- Myth vs. Reality
eral court of appeals, or any other court) is left undisturbed.
Myth Anyone can appeal
Not accepting a case does not mean that the Supreme Court agrees with the decision of
their case to the Supreme
the lower court. It simply means that the case could not get the votes of at least four justices Court.
to give it further attention and consider it on its merits. The public perception that only the Fact The Supreme Court
most important cases are accepted and decided by the Supreme Court is not necessarily only accepts cases that
true. Cases generally get on the Supreme Court docket because at least four justices voted involve a federal statute or a
“significant federal question.”
to include the case. The standard used for inclusion is left to individual justices to decide. Many lawsuits do not involve
these subjects and so are
The Federal Courts of Appeals Next to the Supreme Court in the federal judicial hier- not eligible for review by the
Supreme Court.
archy are the U.S. courts of appeals, officially referred to as the U.S. Court of Appeals
Table 1.1 The Justices of the U.S. Supreme Court
Name Born Age Appt. by Senate First day/ Previous positions

at conf. Length of
appt. vote service
John January 27, 50 George W. 78–22 September 29, Circuit Judge, Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit (2003–2005); Private practice
Roberts 1955 (age Bush 2005/6 years, (1993–2003); Professor, Georgetown University Law Center (1992–2005);
(Chief 57) in 4 months Principal Deputy Solicitor General (1989–1993); Private practice (1986–1989);
Justice) Buffalo, Associate Counsel to the President (1982–1986); Special Assistant to the Attorney
New York General (1981–1982)
Antonin March 11, 50 Ronald 98–0 September 26, Circuit Judge, Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit (1982–1986); Professor,
Scalia 1936 Reagan 1986/25 years, University of Chicago Law School (1977–1982); Assistant Attorney General
(age 75) 4 months (1974–1977); Professor, University of Virginia School of Law (1967–1974); Private
in Trenton, practice (1961–1967)
New Jersey
Anthony July 23, 51 Ronald 97–0 February 18, Circuit Judge, Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit (1975–1988); Professor,
Kennedy 1936 (age Reagan 1988/23 years McGeorge School of Law, University of the Pacific (1965–1988); Private practice
75) in (1963–1975)
Sacramento,
California
Clarence June 23, 43 George H. 52–48 October 23, Circuit Judge, Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit (1990–1991); Chairman, Equal
Thomas 1948 (age W. Bush 1991/20 years, Employment Opportunity Commission (1982–1990); legislative assistant for
63) in 3 months Missouri Senator John Danforth (1979–1981); employed by Monsanto Company
Pin Point, Inc. (1977–1979); Assistant Attorney General in Missouri under State Attorney
Georgia General John Danforth (1974–1977)
Ruth March 15, 60 Bill Clinton 96–3 August 10, Circuit Judge, Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit (1980–1993); General Counsel,
Bader 1933 (age 1993/18 years, American Civil Liberties Union (1973–1980); Professor, Columbia Law School
Ginsburg 78) in New 5 months (1972–1980); Professor, Rutgers University School of Law (1963–1972)
York City
Stephen August 15, 56 Bill Clinton 87–9 August 3, Chief Judge, Court of Appeals for the First Circuit (1990–1994); Circuit Judge,
Breyer 1938 (age 1994/17 years, Court of Appeals for the First Circuit (1980–1990); Professor, Harvard Law School
73) in San 5 months (1967–1980)
Francisco,
California
Samuel April 1, 55 George 58–42 January 31, Circuit Judge, Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit (1990–2006); Professor, Seton
Alito 1950 (age W. Bush 2006/6 years Hall University School of Law (1999–2004); U.S. Attorney for the District of New
61) in Jersey (1987–1990); Deputy Assistant Attorney General (1985–1987); Assistant to
Trenton, the Solicitor General (1981–1985); Assistant U.S. Attorney for the District of New
New Jersey Jersey (1977–1981)
Sonia June 25, 55 Barack 68–31 August 8, Circuit Judge, Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit (1998–2009); District
Sotomayor 1954 (age Obama 2009/2 years, Judge, District Court for the Southern District of New York (1992–1998); Private
57) in New 5 months practice (1984–1991); Assistant District Attorney, New York County, New York
York City (1979–1984)
Elena April 28, 50 Barack 63–37 August 7, Solicitor General of the United States (2009–2010); Dean of Harvard Law School
Kagan 1960 (age Obama 2010/1 year, (2003–2009); Professor, Harvard Law School (2001–2003); Visiting Professor,
51) in New 5 months Harvard Law School (1999–2001); Associate White House Counsel (1995–1999);
York City Deputy Director of the Domestic Policy Council (1995–1999); Professor, University
of Chicago Law School (1995); Associate Professor, University of Chicago Law
School (1991–1995)
Source: Biographies of Current Justices of the Supreme Court, http://www.supremecourt.gov/about/biographies.aspx
for a particular circuit (see Figure 1.3). These courts have 179 judgeships located in
thirteen judicial “circuits.” Of these thirteen circuits, twelve are identified by region,
including one solely for the District of Columbia. The Thirteenth Circuit is the Court
of Appeals for the Federal Circuit, which has jurisdiction throughout the country on
certain types of cases based on subject matter. Each circuit (other than that for the
District of Columbia and the Federal Circuit) covers three or more states and hears
cases from these states. For example, the Fifth Circuit covers the states of Texas,
6 Chapter 1
Mississippi, and Louisiana, whereas the Tenth Circuit includes the states of Utah,
Wyoming, Colorado, Kansas, New Mexico, and Oklahoma.
Each court has six or more judges, depending on the circuit’s caseload. The First
Circuit has six judges, whereas the Ninth Circuit has twenty-nine. Judges of the courts
of appeals are nominated and appointed by the president of the United States for life,
with the advice and consent of the Senate, by a majority vote, and can be removed only
by impeachment. Unlike the Supreme Court, courts of appeals may hear cases as one
body (en banc) or in groups (in divisions) of three or five judges.
The Federal District Courts Occupying the lowest level in the hierarchy of federal
courts are the district courts, the trial courts for federal cases. The federal government
has 677 federal judgeships located in ninety-four judicial districts in the United States,
Guam, Puerto Rico, and the Virgin Islands. Each state has at least one judicial district,
but some states have as many as four. Judges are nominated and appointed by the
president of the United States for life, with the advice and consent of the Senate, and
can be removed only by impeachment. In practice, the senior U.S. senator from the
state makes the recommendation for the appointment if he or she belongs to the presi-
dent’s political party.
Figure 1.3 Geographical Boundaries of the U.S. Courts of Appeal and District Courts
W E
1
2
7 W
W N
8 E
E W S
N N W M
E
N N W 3 E
9 S N
E S
C N
10 W S 6 S E D.C. Circuit
S W Federal Circuit
E
E W
W M E
N E
C
W W M 4
E E N
S W N N
11
N
M M S
S
5 W S
E
W M N
9 E C
9 Population 245 Million
S States 50 S
Districts 94
District judgeships 575
9 Guam 1 Puerto Rico Circuits 13
Circuit judges 168
9 N. Mariana 3 Virgin Islands Supreme Court justices 9
Islands
Source: Russell Wheeler and Cynthia Harrison, Creating the Federal Judicial System, 2nd ed. (Washington, D.C.: Federal Judicial Center, 1996), p. 26.
The Federal Magistrate Courts Also under the federal system are the U.S. magistrate
courts, established primarily to relieve district court judges of heavy caseloads. They
are presided over by U.S. magistrates and have limited authority, such as trying minor
offenses and misdemeanor cases in which the possible penalty is incarceration for one
year or less. They are also empowered to hold bail hearings, issue warrants, review
habeas corpus petitions, and hold pretrial conferences in civil and criminal cases.
Unlike other federal court judges, whose offices are created by Article III (the judi-
ciary article) of the Constitution, the offices of federal magistrates were created by the
Congress of the United States. Magistrates are appointed by federal court judges in
that district and are not guaranteed life tenure. As of 2014, there were 551 magistrate
judge positions. U.S. magistrate courts do not constitute a separate court in the federal
courts system. Instead, they are part of the federal district court system.
The Federal Courts and the Public
With certain very limited exceptions, each step of the federal judicial process is open
to the public. Federal courthouses are designed to inspire in the public a respect for
the tradition and purpose of the American judicial process, and many courthouses are
historic buildings.
A citizen who wishes to observe a court in session may go to a federal courthouse,
check the court calendar, which is posted on a bulletin board or television monitor, and
watch any proceeding. Anyone may review the file and papers in a case by going to the
clerk of court’s office and asking to review or copy the appropriate case file. Increasingly,
court schedules, dockets, judgments, opinions, and pleadings are being made available
to the public in electronic format through the Internet. Unlike most of the state courts,
however, the federal courts do not permit television or radio coverage of trial court
proceedings.
The right of public access to court proceedings is partly derived from the
Constitution and partly from court and common law tradition. By conducting their
judicial work in public view, judges enhance public confidence in the courts, and they
allow citizens to learn firsthand how our judicial system works.
In a few, limited situations the public may not have full access to court records and
court proceedings. In a high-profile trial, for example, there may not be enough space
in the courtroom to accommodate everyone who would like to observe. Access to the
courtroom also may be restricted for security or privacy reasons, such as the protection
of a juvenile or a confidential informant. Finally, certain documents may be placed
under seal by the judge, meaning that they are not available to the public. Examples
of sealed information include certain types of confidential business records, certain law
enforcement reports, juvenile records, and cases involving national security issues.
Source: The Federal Court System in the United States: An Introduction for Judges and Judicial Administrators in Other
Countries, 3rd ed, p. 11.
The State Court System

The structure of the state court system varies from state to state. In general, however,
state courts follow the federal pattern. This means that most states have one state
supreme court, which makes final decisions on cases involving state laws and provi-
sions of the state constitution. Texas and Oklahoma, however, have two highest courts—
one for civil cases and the other for criminal cases (see Figure 1.4a and Figure 1.4b).
State courts decide nearly every type of case but are limited by the provisions of the
U.S. Constitution, their own state constitution, and state law.
Below the state supreme court in the state judicial hierarchy are the intermediate
appellate courts. Only thirty-five of the fifty states have intermediate appellate courts.
8 Chapter 1
Figure 1.4a Texas Court Structure Figure 1.4b Oklahoma Court Structure
ALABAMA COURT STRUCTURE, 2002 CALIFORNIA COURT STRUCTURE, 2002
SUPREME COURT
9 justices sit in panels of 5 or en banc SUPREME COURT A
Supreme Court case types:
Court of
• Mandatory jurisdiction in civil (over $50,000), administrative agency, 7 justices sit en banc
last resort
disciplinary, original proceeding cases.
• Discretionary jurisdiction in civil, noncapital criminal, administrative Supreme Court case types:
agency, juvenile, advisory opinion, original proceeding, interlocutory
Court of
decision cases. • Mandatory jurisdiction in capital criminal, disciplinary cases. last resort
• Discretionary jurisdiction in civil, noncapital criminal, administrative agency,
juvenile, original proceeding, interlocutory decision cases.
COURT OF CIVIL APPEALS COURT OF CRIMINAL APPEALS
5 judges sit in panels 5 judges sit en banc
Intermediate
Supreme Court case types: Supreme Court case types:
appellate
• Mandatory jurisdiction in civil (less than $50,000), • Mandatory jurisdiction in capital criminal, criminal, courts
domestic relations, administrative agency, juvenile, juvenile, original proceeding, interlocutory decision
original proceeding cases. cases.
• No discretionary jurisdiction. • No discretionary jurisdiction.
CIRCUIT COURT (41 circuits) A

142 judges COURTS OF APPEAL (6 courts/districts) A
• Tort, contract, real property rights ($3,000/no maximum). Civil appeals
105 justices sit in panels
jurisdiction. Court of Intermediate
general
• Domestic relations.
• Felony, misdemeanor, DWI/DUI. Exclusive criminal appeals jurisdiction • Mandatory jurisdiction in civil, noncapital criminal, administrative agency, appellate
jurisdiction. court
• Juvenile. juvenile cases.
Jury trials.
• Discretionary jurisdiction in administrative agency, original proceeding,
interlocutory decision cases.
PROBATE COURT (68 courts) MUNICIPAL COURT (258 courts)

68 judges 174 judges
Supreme Court case types: Supreme Court case types:
• Exclusive mental health, estate • Misdemeanor, DWI/DUI.
jurisdiction; real property rights. • Moving traffic, parking, miscellaneous traffic.
• Adoption. Exclusive ordinance violation jurisdiction.
No jury trials. No jury trials.
SUPERIOR COURT (58 countries) A

Courts of
DISTRICT COURT (67 districts) limited 1,498 judges, 414 commissioners and referees
jurisdiction
102 judges Supreme Court case types:
• Tort, contract, real property rights ($3,000/10,000). Exclusive small • Tort, contract, real property rights ($25,000/no maximum), miscellaneous
claims jurisdiction ($3,000). civil. Exclusive small claims, estate, mental health, civil appeals. [Limited Court of
• Interstate support. general
• Felony, misdemeanor, DWI/DUI
jurisdiction: tort, contract, real property rights (0/$25,000).]
• Moving traffic, miscellaneous traffic.
jurisdiction
• Exclusive domestic relations.
• Juvenile.
• Preliminary hearings. • Felony, DWI/DUI. Exclusive criminal appeals jurisdiction.
No jury trials.
• Exclusive juvenile jurisdiction.
Jury trials except in appeals, domestic relations, and juvenile cases.
The Court System, Sources of Rights, and Fundamental Principles

9
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DANCE ON STILTS AT THE GIRLS’ UNYAGO, NIUCHI
Newala, too, suffers from the distance of its water-supply—at least

the Newala of to-day does; there was once another Newala in a lovely
valley at the foot of the plateau. I visited it and found scarcely a trace
of houses, only a Christian cemetery, with the graves of several
missionaries and their converts, remaining as a monument of its
former glories. But the surroundings are wonderfully beautiful. A
thick grove of splendid mango-trees closes in the weather-worn
crosses and headstones; behind them, combining the useful and the
agreeable, is a whole plantation of lemon-trees covered with ripe
fruit; not the small African kind, but a much larger and also juicier
imported variety, which drops into the hands of the passing traveller,
without calling for any exertion on his part. Old Newala is now under
the jurisdiction of the native pastor, Daudi, at Chingulungulu, who,
as I am on very friendly terms with him, allows me, as a matter of
course, the use of this lemon-grove during my stay at Newala.
FEET MUTILATED BY THE RAVAGES OF THE “JIGGER”
(Sarcopsylla penetrans)
The water-supply of New Newala is in the bottom of the valley,

some 1,600 feet lower down. The way is not only long and fatiguing,
but the water, when we get it, is thoroughly bad. We are suffering not
only from this, but from the fact that the arrangements at Newala are
nothing short of luxurious. We have a separate kitchen—a hut built
against the boma palisade on the right of the baraza, the interior of
which is not visible from our usual position. Our two cooks were not
long in finding this out, and they consequently do—or rather neglect
to do—what they please. In any case they do not seem to be very
particular about the boiling of our drinking-water—at least I can
attribute to no other cause certain attacks of a dysenteric nature,
from which both Knudsen and I have suffered for some time. If a
man like Omari has to be left unwatched for a moment, he is capable
of anything. Besides this complaint, we are inconvenienced by the
state of our nails, which have become as hard as glass, and crack on
the slightest provocation, and I have the additional infliction of
pimples all over me. As if all this were not enough, we have also, for
the last week been waging war against the jigger, who has found his
Eldorado in the hot sand of the Makonde plateau. Our men are seen
all day long—whenever their chronic colds and the dysentery likewise
raging among them permit—occupied in removing this scourge of
Africa from their feet and trying to prevent the disastrous
consequences of its presence. It is quite common to see natives of
this place with one or two toes missing; many have lost all their toes,
or even the whole front part of the foot, so that a well-formed leg
ends in a shapeless stump. These ravages are caused by the female of
Sarcopsylla penetrans, which bores its way under the skin and there
develops an egg-sac the size of a pea. In all books on the subject, it is
stated that one’s attention is called to the presence of this parasite by
an intolerable itching. This agrees very well with my experience, so
far as the softer parts of the sole, the spaces between and under the
toes, and the side of the foot are concerned, but if the creature
penetrates through the harder parts of the heel or ball of the foot, it
may escape even the most careful search till it has reached maturity.
Then there is no time to be lost, if the horrible ulceration, of which
we see cases by the dozen every day, is to be prevented. It is much
easier, by the way, to discover the insect on the white skin of a
European than on that of a native, on which the dark speck scarcely
shows. The four or five jiggers which, in spite of the fact that I
constantly wore high laced boots, chose my feet to settle in, were
taken out for me by the all-accomplished Knudsen, after which I
thought it advisable to wash out the cavities with corrosive
sublimate. The natives have a different sort of disinfectant—they fill
the hole with scraped roots. In a tiny Makua village on the slope of
the plateau south of Newala, we saw an old woman who had filled all
the spaces under her toe-nails with powdered roots by way of
prophylactic treatment. What will be the result, if any, who can say?
The rest of the many trifling ills which trouble our existence are
really more comic than serious. In the absence of anything else to
smoke, Knudsen and I at last opened a box of cigars procured from
the Indian store-keeper at Lindi, and tried them, with the most
distressing results. Whether they contain opium or some other
narcotic, neither of us can say, but after the tenth puff we were both
“off,” three-quarters stupefied and unspeakably wretched. Slowly we
recovered—and what happened next? Half-an-hour later we were
once more smoking these poisonous concoctions—so insatiable is the
craving for tobacco in the tropics.
Even my present attacks of fever scarcely deserve to be taken
seriously. I have had no less than three here at Newala, all of which
have run their course in an incredibly short time. In the early
afternoon, I am busy with my old natives, asking questions and
making notes. The strong midday coffee has stimulated my spirits to
an extraordinary degree, the brain is active and vigorous, and work
progresses rapidly, while a pleasant warmth pervades the whole
body. Suddenly this gives place to a violent chill, forcing me to put on
my overcoat, though it is only half-past three and the afternoon sun
is at its hottest. Now the brain no longer works with such acuteness
and logical precision; more especially does it fail me in trying to
establish the syntax of the difficult Makua language on which I have
ventured, as if I had not enough to do without it. Under the
circumstances it seems advisable to take my temperature, and I do
so, to save trouble, without leaving my seat, and while going on with
my work. On examination, I find it to be 101·48°. My tutors are
abruptly dismissed and my bed set up in the baraza; a few minutes
later I am in it and treating myself internally with hot water and
lemon-juice.
Three hours later, the thermometer marks nearly 104°, and I make
them carry me back into the tent, bed and all, as I am now perspiring
heavily, and exposure to the cold wind just beginning to blow might
mean a fatal chill. I lie still for a little while, and then find, to my
great relief, that the temperature is not rising, but rather falling. This
is about 7.30 p.m. At 8 p.m. I find, to my unbounded astonishment,
that it has fallen below 98·6°, and I feel perfectly well. I read for an
hour or two, and could very well enjoy a smoke, if I had the
wherewithal—Indian cigars being out of the question.
Having no medical training, I am at a loss to account for this state
of things. It is impossible that these transitory attacks of high fever
should be malarial; it seems more probable that they are due to a
kind of sunstroke. On consulting my note-book, I become more and
more inclined to think this is the case, for these attacks regularly
follow extreme fatigue and long exposure to strong sunshine. They at
least have the advantage of being only short interruptions to my
work, as on the following morning I am always quite fresh and fit.
My treasure of a cook is suffering from an enormous hydrocele which
makes it difficult for him to get up, and Moritz is obliged to keep in
the dark on account of his inflamed eyes. Knudsen’s cook, a raw boy
from somewhere in the bush, knows still less of cooking than Omari;
consequently Nils Knudsen himself has been promoted to the vacant
post. Finding that we had come to the end of our supplies, he began
by sending to Chingulungulu for the four sucking-pigs which we had
bought from Matola and temporarily left in his charge; and when
they came up, neatly packed in a large crate, he callously slaughtered
the biggest of them. The first joint we were thoughtless enough to
entrust for roasting to Knudsen’s mshenzi cook, and it was
consequently uneatable; but we made the rest of the animal into a
jelly which we ate with great relish after weeks of underfeeding,
consuming incredible helpings of it at both midday and evening
meals. The only drawback is a certain want of variety in the tinned
vegetables. Dr. Jäger, to whom the Geographical Commission
entrusted the provisioning of the expeditions—mine as well as his
own—because he had more time on his hands than the rest of us,
seems to have laid in a huge stock of Teltow turnips,[46] an article of
food which is all very well for occasional use, but which quickly palls
when set before one every day; and we seem to have no other tins
left. There is no help for it—we must put up with the turnips; but I
am certain that, once I am home again, I shall not touch them for ten
years to come.
Amid all these minor evils, which, after all, go to make up the
genuine flavour of Africa, there is at least one cheering touch:
Knudsen has, with the dexterity of a skilled mechanic, repaired my 9
× 12 cm. camera, at least so far that I can use it with a little care.
How, in the absence of finger-nails, he was able to accomplish such a
ticklish piece of work, having no tool but a clumsy screw-driver for
taking to pieces and putting together again the complicated
mechanism of the instantaneous shutter, is still a mystery to me; but
he did it successfully. The loss of his finger-nails shows him in a light
contrasting curiously enough with the intelligence evinced by the
above operation; though, after all, it is scarcely surprising after his
ten years’ residence in the bush. One day, at Lindi, he had occasion
to wash a dog, which must have been in need of very thorough
cleansing, for the bottle handed to our friend for the purpose had an
extremely strong smell. Having performed his task in the most
conscientious manner, he perceived with some surprise that the dog
did not appear much the better for it, and was further surprised by
finding his own nails ulcerating away in the course of the next few
days. “How was I to know that carbolic acid has to be diluted?” he
mutters indignantly, from time to time, with a troubled gaze at his
mutilated finger-tips.
Since we came to Newala we have been making excursions in all
directions through the surrounding country, in accordance with old
habit, and also because the akida Sefu did not get together the tribal
elders from whom I wanted information so speedily as he had
promised. There is, however, no harm done, as, even if seen only
from the outside, the country and people are interesting enough.
The Makonde plateau is like a large rectangular table rounded off
at the corners. Measured from the Indian Ocean to Newala, it is
about seventy-five miles long, and between the Rovuma and the
Lukuledi it averages fifty miles in breadth, so that its superficial area
is about two-thirds of that of the kingdom of Saxony. The surface,
however, is not level, but uniformly inclined from its south-western
edge to the ocean. From the upper edge, on which Newala lies, the
eye ranges for many miles east and north-east, without encountering
any obstacle, over the Makonde bush. It is a green sea, from which
here and there thick clouds of smoke rise, to show that it, too, is
inhabited by men who carry on their tillage like so many other
primitive peoples, by cutting down and burning the bush, and
manuring with the ashes. Even in the radiant light of a tropical day
such a fire is a grand sight.
Much less effective is the impression produced just now by the
great western plain as seen from the edge of the plateau. As often as
time permits, I stroll along this edge, sometimes in one direction,
sometimes in another, in the hope of finding the air clear enough to
let me enjoy the view; but I have always been disappointed.
Wherever one looks, clouds of smoke rise from the burning bush,
and the air is full of smoke and vapour. It is a pity, for under more
favourable circumstances the panorama of the whole country up to
the distant Majeje hills must be truly magnificent. It is of little use
taking photographs now, and an outline sketch gives a very poor idea
of the scenery. In one of these excursions I went out of my way to
make a personal attempt on the Makonde bush. The present edge of
the plateau is the result of a far-reaching process of destruction
through erosion and denudation. The Makonde strata are
everywhere cut into by ravines, which, though short, are hundreds of
yards in depth. In consequence of the loose stratification of these
beds, not only are the walls of these ravines nearly vertical, but their
upper end is closed by an equally steep escarpment, so that the
western edge of the Makonde plateau is hemmed in by a series of
deep, basin-like valleys. In order to get from one side of such a ravine
to the other, I cut my way through the bush with a dozen of my men.
It was a very open part, with more grass than scrub, but even so the
short stretch of less than two hundred yards was very hard work; at
the end of it the men’s calicoes were in rags and they themselves
bleeding from hundreds of scratches, while even our strong khaki
suits had not escaped scatheless.
NATIVE PATH THROUGH THE MAKONDE BUSH, NEAR

MAHUTA
I see increasing reason to believe that the view formed some time
back as to the origin of the Makonde bush is the correct one. I have
no doubt that it is not a natural product, but the result of human
occupation. Those parts of the high country where man—as a very
slight amount of practice enables the eye to perceive at once—has not
yet penetrated with axe and hoe, are still occupied by a splendid
timber forest quite able to sustain a comparison with our mixed
forests in Germany. But wherever man has once built his hut or tilled
his field, this horrible bush springs up. Every phase of this process
may be seen in the course of a couple of hours’ walk along the main
road. From the bush to right or left, one hears the sound of the axe—
not from one spot only, but from several directions at once. A few
steps further on, we can see what is taking place. The brush has been
cut down and piled up in heaps to the height of a yard or more,
between which the trunks of the large trees stand up like the last
pillars of a magnificent ruined building. These, too, present a
melancholy spectacle: the destructive Makonde have ringed them—
cut a broad strip of bark all round to ensure their dying off—and also
piled up pyramids of brush round them. Father and son, mother and
son-in-law, are chopping away perseveringly in the background—too
busy, almost, to look round at the white stranger, who usually excites
so much interest. If you pass by the same place a week later, the piles
of brushwood have disappeared and a thick layer of ashes has taken
the place of the green forest. The large trees stretch their
smouldering trunks and branches in dumb accusation to heaven—if
they have not already fallen and been more or less reduced to ashes,
perhaps only showing as a white stripe on the dark ground.
This work of destruction is carried out by the Makonde alike on the
virgin forest and on the bush which has sprung up on sites already
cultivated and deserted. In the second case they are saved the trouble
of burning the large trees, these being entirely absent in the
secondary bush.
After burning this piece of forest ground and loosening it with the
hoe, the native sows his corn and plants his vegetables. All over the
country, he goes in for bed-culture, which requires, and, in fact,
receives, the most careful attention. Weeds are nowhere tolerated in
the south of German East Africa. The crops may fail on the plains,
where droughts are frequent, but never on the plateau with its
abundant rains and heavy dews. Its fortunate inhabitants even have
the satisfaction of seeing the proud Wayao and Wamakua working
for them as labourers, driven by hunger to serve where they were
accustomed to rule.
But the light, sandy soil is soon exhausted, and would yield no
harvest the second year if cultivated twice running. This fact has
been familiar to the native for ages; consequently he provides in
time, and, while his crop is growing, prepares the next plot with axe
and firebrand. Next year he plants this with his various crops and
lets the first piece lie fallow. For a short time it remains waste and
desolate; then nature steps in to repair the destruction wrought by
man; a thousand new growths spring out of the exhausted soil, and
even the old stumps put forth fresh shoots. Next year the new growth
is up to one’s knees, and in a few years more it is that terrible,
impenetrable bush, which maintains its position till the black
occupier of the land has made the round of all the available sites and
come back to his starting point.
The Makonde are, body and soul, so to speak, one with this bush.
According to my Yao informants, indeed, their name means nothing
else but “bush people.” Their own tradition says that they have been
settled up here for a very long time, but to my surprise they laid great
stress on an original immigration. Their old homes were in the
south-east, near Mikindani and the mouth of the Rovuma, whence
their peaceful forefathers were driven by the continual raids of the
Sakalavas from Madagascar and the warlike Shirazis[47] of the coast,
to take refuge on the almost inaccessible plateau. I have studied
African ethnology for twenty years, but the fact that changes of
population in this apparently quiet and peaceable corner of the earth
could have been occasioned by outside enterprises taking place on
the high seas, was completely new to me. It is, no doubt, however,
correct.
The charming tribal legend of the Makonde—besides informing us
of other interesting matters—explains why they have to live in the
thickest of the bush and a long way from the edge of the plateau,
instead of making their permanent homes beside the purling brooks
and springs of the low country.
“The place where the tribe originated is Mahuta, on the southern
side of the plateau towards the Rovuma, where of old time there was
nothing but thick bush. Out of this bush came a man who never
washed himself or shaved his head, and who ate and drank but little.
He went out and made a human figure from the wood of a tree
growing in the open country, which he took home to his abode in the
bush and there set it upright. In the night this image came to life and
was a woman. The man and woman went down together to the
Rovuma to wash themselves. Here the woman gave birth to a still-
born child. They left that place and passed over the high land into the
valley of the Mbemkuru, where the woman had another child, which
was also born dead. Then they returned to the high bush country of
Mahuta, where the third child was born, which lived and grew up. In
course of time, the couple had many more children, and called
themselves Wamatanda. These were the ancestral stock of the
Makonde, also called Wamakonde,[48] i.e., aborigines. Their
forefather, the man from the bush, gave his children the command to
bury their dead upright, in memory of the mother of their race who
was cut out of wood and awoke to life when standing upright. He also
warned them against settling in the valleys and near large streams,
for sickness and death dwelt there. They were to make it a rule to
have their huts at least an hour’s walk from the nearest watering-
place; then their children would thrive and escape illness.”
The explanation of the name Makonde given by my informants is
somewhat different from that contained in the above legend, which I
extract from a little book (small, but packed with information), by
Pater Adams, entitled Lindi und sein Hinterland. Otherwise, my
results agree exactly with the statements of the legend. Washing?
Hapana—there is no such thing. Why should they do so? As it is, the
supply of water scarcely suffices for cooking and drinking; other
people do not wash, so why should the Makonde distinguish himself
by such needless eccentricity? As for shaving the head, the short,
woolly crop scarcely needs it,[49] so the second ancestral precept is
likewise easy enough to follow. Beyond this, however, there is
nothing ridiculous in the ancestor’s advice. I have obtained from
various local artists a fairly large number of figures carved in wood,
ranging from fifteen to twenty-three inches in height, and
representing women belonging to the great group of the Mavia,
Makonde, and Matambwe tribes. The carving is remarkably well
done and renders the female type with great accuracy, especially the
keloid ornamentation, to be described later on. As to the object and
meaning of their works the sculptors either could or (more probably)
would tell me nothing, and I was forced to content myself with the
scanty information vouchsafed by one man, who said that the figures
were merely intended to represent the nembo—the artificial
deformations of pelele, ear-discs, and keloids. The legend recorded
by Pater Adams places these figures in a new light. They must surely
be more than mere dolls; and we may even venture to assume that
they are—though the majority of present-day Makonde are probably
unaware of the fact—representations of the tribal ancestress.
The references in the legend to the descent from Mahuta to the
Rovuma, and to a journey across the highlands into the Mbekuru
valley, undoubtedly indicate the previous history of the tribe, the
travels of the ancestral pair typifying the migrations of their
descendants. The descent to the neighbouring Rovuma valley, with
its extraordinary fertility and great abundance of game, is intelligible
at a glance—but the crossing of the Lukuledi depression, the ascent
to the Rondo Plateau and the descent to the Mbemkuru, also lie
within the bounds of probability, for all these districts have exactly
the same character as the extreme south. Now, however, comes a
point of especial interest for our bacteriological age. The primitive
Makonde did not enjoy their lives in the marshy river-valleys.
Disease raged among them, and many died. It was only after they
had returned to their original home near Mahuta, that the health
conditions of these people improved. We are very apt to think of the
African as a stupid person whose ignorance of nature is only equalled
by his fear of it, and who looks on all mishaps as caused by evil
spirits and malignant natural powers. It is much more correct to
assume in this case that the people very early learnt to distinguish
districts infested with malaria from those where it is absent.
This knowledge is crystallized in the
ancestral warning against settling in the
valleys and near the great waters, the
dwelling-places of disease and death. At the
same time, for security against the hostile
Mavia south of the Rovuma, it was enacted
that every settlement must be not less than a
certain distance from the southern edge of the
plateau. Such in fact is their mode of life at the
present day. It is not such a bad one, and
certainly they are both safer and more
comfortable than the Makua, the recent
intruders from the south, who have made USUAL METHOD OF
good their footing on the western edge of the CLOSING HUT-DOOR
plateau, extending over a fairly wide belt of
country. Neither Makua nor Makonde show in their dwellings
anything of the size and comeliness of the Yao houses in the plain,
especially at Masasi, Chingulungulu and Zuza’s. Jumbe Chauro, a
Makonde hamlet not far from Newala, on the road to Mahuta, is the
most important settlement of the tribe I have yet seen, and has fairly
spacious huts. But how slovenly is their construction compared with
the palatial residences of the elephant-hunters living in the plain.
The roofs are still more untidy than in the general run of huts during
the dry season, the walls show here and there the scanty beginnings
or the lamentable remains of the mud plastering, and the interior is a
veritable dog-kennel; dirt, dust and disorder everywhere. A few huts
only show any attempt at division into rooms, and this consists
merely of very roughly-made bamboo partitions. In one point alone
have I noticed any indication of progress—in the method of fastening
the door. Houses all over the south are secured in a simple but
ingenious manner. The door consists of a set of stout pieces of wood
or bamboo, tied with bark-string to two cross-pieces, and moving in
two grooves round one of the door-posts, so as to open inwards. If
the owner wishes to leave home, he takes two logs as thick as a man’s
upper arm and about a yard long. One of these is placed obliquely
against the middle of the door from the inside, so as to form an angle
of from 60° to 75° with the ground. He then places the second piece
horizontally across the first, pressing it downward with all his might.
It is kept in place by two strong posts planted in the ground a few
inches inside the door. This fastening is absolutely safe, but of course
cannot be applied to both doors at once, otherwise how could the
owner leave or enter his house? I have not yet succeeded in finding
out how the back door is fastened.
MAKONDE LOCK AND KEY AT JUMBE CHAURO

This is the general way of closing a house. The Makonde at Jumbe
Chauro, however, have a much more complicated, solid and original
one. Here, too, the door is as already described, except that there is
only one post on the inside, standing by itself about six inches from
one side of the doorway. Opposite this post is a hole in the wall just
large enough to admit a man’s arm. The door is closed inside by a
large wooden bolt passing through a hole in this post and pressing
with its free end against the door. The other end has three holes into
which fit three pegs running in vertical grooves inside the post. The
door is opened with a wooden key about a foot long, somewhat
curved and sloped off at the butt; the other end has three pegs
corresponding to the holes, in the bolt, so that, when it is thrust
through the hole in the wall and inserted into the rectangular
opening in the post, the pegs can be lifted and the bolt drawn out.[50]
MODE OF INSERTING THE KEY
With no small pride first one householder and then a second

showed me on the spot the action of this greatest invention of the
Makonde Highlands. To both with an admiring exclamation of
“Vizuri sana!” (“Very fine!”). I expressed the wish to take back these
marvels with me to Ulaya, to show the Wazungu what clever fellows
the Makonde are. Scarcely five minutes after my return to camp at
Newala, the two men came up sweating under the weight of two
heavy logs which they laid down at my feet, handing over at the same
time the keys of the fallen fortress. Arguing, logically enough, that if
the key was wanted, the lock would be wanted with it, they had taken
their axes and chopped down the posts—as it never occurred to them
to dig them out of the ground and so bring them intact. Thus I have
two badly damaged specimens, and the owners, instead of praise,
come in for a blowing-up.
The Makua huts in the environs of Newala are especially
miserable; their more than slovenly construction reminds one of the
temporary erections of the Makua at Hatia’s, though the people here
have not been concerned in a war. It must therefore be due to
congenital idleness, or else to the absence of a powerful chief. Even
the baraza at Mlipa’s, a short hour’s walk south-east of Newala,
shares in this general neglect. While public buildings in this country
are usually looked after more or less carefully, this is in evident
danger of being blown over by the first strong easterly gale. The only
attractive object in this whole district is the grave of the late chief
Mlipa. I visited it in the morning, while the sun was still trying with
partial success to break through the rolling mists, and the circular
grove of tall euphorbias, which, with a broken pot, is all that marks
the old king’s resting-place, impressed one with a touch of pathos.
Even my very materially-minded carriers seemed to feel something
of the sort, for instead of their usual ribald songs, they chanted
solemnly, as we marched on through the dense green of the Makonde
bush:—
“We shall arrive with the great master; we stand in a row and have
no fear about getting our food and our money from the Serkali (the
Government). We are not afraid; we are going along with the great
master, the lion; we are going down to the coast and back.”
With regard to the characteristic features of the various tribes here
on the western edge of the plateau, I can arrive at no other
conclusion than the one already come to in the plain, viz., that it is
impossible for anyone but a trained anthropologist to assign any
given individual at once to his proper tribe. In fact, I think that even
an anthropological specialist, after the most careful examination,
might find it a difficult task to decide. The whole congeries of peoples
collected in the region bounded on the west by the great Central
African rift, Tanganyika and Nyasa, and on the east by the Indian
Ocean, are closely related to each other—some of their languages are
only distinguished from one another as dialects of the same speech,
and no doubt all the tribes present the same shape of skull and
structure of skeleton. Thus, surely, there can be no very striking
differences in outward appearance.
Even did such exist, I should have no time
to concern myself with them, for day after day,
I have to see or hear, as the case may be—in
any case to grasp and record—an
extraordinary number of ethnographic
phenomena. I am almost disposed to think it
fortunate that some departments of inquiry, at
least, are barred by external circumstances.
Chief among these is the subject of iron-
working. We are apt to think of Africa as a
country where iron ore is everywhere, so to
speak, to be picked up by the roadside, and
where it would be quite surprising if the
inhabitants had not learnt to smelt the
material ready to their hand. In fact, the
knowledge of this art ranges all over the
continent, from the Kabyles in the north to the
Kafirs in the south. Here between the Rovuma
and the Lukuledi the conditions are not so
favourable. According to the statements of the
Makonde, neither ironstone nor any other
form of iron ore is known to them. They have
not therefore advanced to the art of smelting
the metal, but have hitherto bought all their
THE ANCESTRESS OF
THE MAKONDE
iron implements from neighbouring tribes.
Even in the plain the inhabitants are not much
better off. Only one man now living is said to
understand the art of smelting iron. This old fundi lives close to
Huwe, that isolated, steep-sided block of granite which rises out of
the green solitude between Masasi and Chingulungulu, and whose
jagged and splintered top meets the traveller’s eye everywhere. While
still at Masasi I wished to see this man at work, but was told that,
frightened by the rising, he had retired across the Rovuma, though
he would soon return. All subsequent inquiries as to whether the
fundi had come back met with the genuine African answer, “Bado”
(“Not yet”).
BRAZIER
Some consolation was afforded me by a brassfounder, whom I

came across in the bush near Akundonde’s. This man is the favourite
of women, and therefore no doubt of the gods; he welds the glittering
brass rods purchased at the coast into those massive, heavy rings
which, on the wrists and ankles of the local fair ones, continually give
me fresh food for admiration. Like every decent master-craftsman he
had all his tools with him, consisting of a pair of bellows, three
crucibles and a hammer—nothing more, apparently. He was quite
willing to show his skill, and in a twinkling had fixed his bellows on
the ground. They are simply two goat-skins, taken off whole, the four
legs being closed by knots, while the upper opening, intended to
admit the air, is kept stretched by two pieces of wood. At the lower
end of the skin a smaller opening is left into which a wooden tube is
stuck. The fundi has quickly borrowed a heap of wood-embers from
the nearest hut; he then fixes the free ends of the two tubes into an
earthen pipe, and clamps them to the ground by means of a bent
piece of wood. Now he fills one of his small clay crucibles, the dross
on which shows that they have been long in use, with the yellow
material, places it in the midst of the embers, which, at present are
only faintly glimmering, and begins his work. In quick alternation
the smith’s two hands move up and down with the open ends of the
bellows; as he raises his hand he holds the slit wide open, so as to let
the air enter the skin bag unhindered. In pressing it down he closes
the bag, and the air puffs through the bamboo tube and clay pipe into
the fire, which quickly burns up. The smith, however, does not keep
on with this work, but beckons to another man, who relieves him at
the bellows, while he takes some more tools out of a large skin pouch
carried on his back. I look on in wonder as, with a smooth round
stick about the thickness of a finger, he bores a few vertical holes into
the clean sand of the soil. This should not be difficult, yet the man
seems to be taking great pains over it. Then he fastens down to the
ground, with a couple of wooden clamps, a neat little trough made by
splitting a joint of bamboo in half, so that the ends are closed by the
two knots. At last the yellow metal has attained the right consistency,
and the fundi lifts the crucible from the fire by means of two sticks
split at the end to serve as tongs. A short swift turn to the left—a
tilting of the crucible—and the molten brass, hissing and giving forth
clouds of smoke, flows first into the bamboo mould and then into the
holes in the ground.
The technique of this backwoods craftsman may not be very far
advanced, but it cannot be denied that he knows how to obtain an
adequate result by the simplest means. The ladies of highest rank in
this country—that is to say, those who can afford it, wear two kinds
of these massive brass rings, one cylindrical, the other semicircular
in section. The latter are cast in the most ingenious way in the
bamboo mould, the former in the circular hole in the sand. It is quite
a simple matter for the fundi to fit these bars to the limbs of his fair
customers; with a few light strokes of his hammer he bends the
pliable brass round arm or ankle without further inconvenience to
the wearer.
SHAPING THE POT
SMOOTHING WITH MAIZE-COB
CUTTING THE EDGE

FINISHING THE BOTTOM
LAST SMOOTHING BEFORE

BURNING
FIRING THE BRUSH-PILE

LIGHTING THE FARTHER SIDE OF
THE PILE
TURNING THE RED-HOT VESSEL
NYASA WOMAN MAKING POTS AT MASASI

Pottery is an art which must always and everywhere excite the
interest of the student, just because it is so intimately connected with
the development of human culture, and because its relics are one of
the principal factors in the reconstruction of our own condition in
prehistoric times. I shall always remember with pleasure the two or
three afternoons at Masasi when Salim Matola’s mother, a slightly-
built, graceful, pleasant-looking woman, explained to me with
touching patience, by means of concrete illustrations, the ceramic art
of her people. The only implements for this primitive process were a
lump of clay in her left hand, and in the right a calabash containing
the following valuables: the fragment of a maize-cob stripped of all
its grains, a smooth, oval pebble, about the size of a pigeon’s egg, a
few chips of gourd-shell, a bamboo splinter about the length of one’s
hand, a small shell, and a bunch of some herb resembling spinach.
Nothing more. The woman scraped with the
shell a round, shallow hole in the soft, fine
sand of the soil, and, when an active young
girl had filled the calabash with water for her,
she began to knead the clay. As if by magic it
gradually assumed the shape of a rough but
already well-shaped vessel, which only wanted
a little touching up with the instruments
before mentioned. I looked out with the
MAKUA WOMAN closest attention for any indication of the use
MAKING A POT. of the potter’s wheel, in however rudimentary
SHOWS THE a form, but no—hapana (there is none). The
BEGINNINGS OF THE embryo pot stood firmly in its little
POTTER’S WHEEL
depression, and the woman walked round it in
a stooping posture, whether she was removing
small stones or similar foreign bodies with the maize-cob, smoothing
the inner or outer surface with the splinter of bamboo, or later, after
letting it dry for a day, pricking in the ornamentation with a pointed
bit of gourd-shell, or working out the bottom, or cutting the edge
with a sharp bamboo knife, or giving the last touches to the finished
vessel. This occupation of the women is infinitely toilsome, but it is
without doubt an accurate reproduction of the process in use among
our ancestors of the Neolithic and Bronze ages.
There is no doubt that the invention of pottery, an item in human
progress whose importance cannot be over-estimated, is due to
women. Rough, coarse and unfeeling, the men of the horde range
over the countryside. When the united cunning of the hunters has
succeeded in killing the game; not one of them thinks of carrying
home the spoil. A bright fire, kindled by a vigorous wielding of the
drill, is crackling beside them; the animal has been cleaned and cut
up secundum artem, and, after a slight singeing, will soon disappear
under their sharp teeth; no one all this time giving a single thought
to wife or child.
To what shifts, on the other hand, the primitive wife, and still more
the primitive mother, was put! Not even prehistoric stomachs could
endure an unvarying diet of raw food. Something or other suggested
the beneficial effect of hot water on the majority of approved but
indigestible dishes. Perhaps a neighbour had tried holding the hard
roots or tubers over the fire in a calabash filled with water—or maybe
an ostrich-egg-shell, or a hastily improvised vessel of bark. They
became much softer and more palatable than they had previously
been; but, unfortunately, the vessel could not stand the fire and got
charred on the outside. That can be remedied, thought our
ancestress, and plastered a layer of wet clay round a similar vessel.
This is an improvement; the cooking utensil remains uninjured, but
the heat of the fire has shrunk it, so that it is loose in its shell. The
next step is to detach it, so, with a firm grip and a jerk, shell and
kernel are separated, and pottery is invented. Perhaps, however, the
discovery which led to an intelligent use of the burnt-clay shell, was
made in a slightly different way. Ostrich-eggs and calabashes are not
to be found in every part of the world, but everywhere mankind has
arrived at the art of making baskets out of pliant materials, such as
bark, bast, strips of palm-leaf, supple twigs, etc. Our inventor has no
water-tight vessel provided by nature. “Never mind, let us line the
basket with clay.” This answers the purpose, but alas! the basket gets
burnt over the blazing fire, the woman watches the process of
cooking with increasing uneasiness, fearing a leak, but no leak
appears. The food, done to a turn, is eaten with peculiar relish; and
the cooking-vessel is examined, half in curiosity, half in satisfaction
at the result. The plastic clay is now hard as stone, and at the same
time looks exceedingly well, for the neat plaiting of the burnt basket
is traced all over it in a pretty pattern. Thus, simultaneously with
pottery, its ornamentation was invented.
Primitive woman has another claim to respect. It was the man,
roving abroad, who invented the art of producing fire at will, but the
woman, unable to imitate him in this, has been a Vestal from the
earliest times. Nothing gives so much trouble as the keeping alight of
the smouldering brand, and, above all, when all the men are absent
from the camp. Heavy rain-clouds gather, already the first large
drops are falling, the first gusts of the storm rage over the plain. The
little flame, a greater anxiety to the woman than her own children,
flickers unsteadily in the blast. What is to be done? A sudden thought
occurs to her, and in an instant she has constructed a primitive hut
out of strips of bark, to protect the flame against rain and wind.
This, or something very like it, was the way in which the principle
of the house was discovered; and even the most hardened misogynist
cannot fairly refuse a woman the credit of it. The protection of the
hearth-fire from the weather is the germ from which the human
dwelling was evolved. Men had little, if any share, in this forward
step, and that only at a late stage. Even at the present day, the
plastering of the housewall with clay and the manufacture of pottery
are exclusively the women’s business. These are two very significant
survivals. Our European kitchen-garden, too, is originally a woman’s
invention, and the hoe, the primitive instrument of agriculture, is,
characteristically enough, still used in this department. But the
noblest achievement which we owe to the other sex is unquestionably
the art of cookery. Roasting alone—the oldest process—is one for
which men took the hint (a very obvious one) from nature. It must
have been suggested by the scorched carcase of some animal
overtaken by the destructive forest-fires. But boiling—the process of
improving organic substances by the help of water heated to boiling-
point—is a much later discovery. It is so recent that it has not even
yet penetrated to all parts of the world. The Polynesians understand
how to steam food, that is, to cook it, neatly wrapped in leaves, in a
hole in the earth between hot stones, the air being excluded, and
(sometimes) a few drops of water sprinkled on the stones; but they
do not understand boiling.
To come back from this digression, we find that the slender Nyasa
woman has, after once more carefully examining the finished pot,
put it aside in the shade to dry. On the following day she sends me
word by her son, Salim Matola, who is always on hand, that she is
going to do the burning, and, on coming out of my house, I find her
already hard at work. She has spread on the ground a layer of very
dry sticks, about as thick as one’s thumb, has laid the pot (now of a
yellowish-grey colour) on them, and is piling brushwood round it.
My faithful Pesa mbili, the mnyampara, who has been standing by,
most obligingly, with a lighted stick, now hands it to her. Both of
them, blowing steadily, light the pile on the lee side, and, when the
flame begins to catch, on the weather side also. Soon the whole is in a
blaze, but the dry fuel is quickly consumed and the fire dies down, so
that we see the red-hot vessel rising from the ashes. The woman
turns it continually with a long stick, sometimes one way and
sometimes another, so that it may be evenly heated all over. In
twenty minutes she rolls it out of the ash-heap, takes up the bundle
of spinach, which has been lying for two days in a jar of water, and
sprinkles the red-hot clay with it. The places where the drops fall are
marked by black spots on the uniform reddish-brown surface. With a
sigh of relief, and with visible satisfaction, the woman rises to an
erect position; she is standing just in a line between me and the fire,
from which a cloud of smoke is just rising: I press the ball of my
camera, the shutter clicks—the apotheosis is achieved! Like a
priestess, representative of her inventive sex, the graceful woman
stands: at her feet the hearth-fire she has given us beside her the
invention she has devised for us, in the background the home she has
built for us.
At Newala, also, I have had the manufacture of pottery carried on
in my presence. Technically the process is better than that already
described, for here we find the beginnings of the potter’s wheel,
which does not seem to exist in the plains; at least I have seen
nothing of the sort. The artist, a frightfully stupid Makua woman, did
not make a depression in the ground to receive the pot she was about
to shape, but used instead a large potsherd. Otherwise, she went to
work in much the same way as Salim’s mother, except that she saved
herself the trouble of walking round and round her work by squatting
at her ease and letting the pot and potsherd rotate round her; this is
surely the first step towards a machine. But it does not follow that
the pot was improved by the process. It is true that it was beautifully
rounded and presented a very creditable appearance when finished,
but the numerous large and small vessels which I have seen, and, in
part, collected, in the “less advanced” districts, are no less so. We
moderns imagine that instruments of precision are necessary to
produce excellent results. Go to the prehistoric collections of our
museums and look at the pots, urns and bowls of our ancestors in the
dim ages of the past, and you will at once perceive your error.
MAKING LONGITUDINAL CUT IN
BARK
DRAWING THE BARK OFF THE LOG
REMOVING THE OUTER BARK

BEATING THE BARK
WORKING THE BARK-CLOTH AFTER BEATING, TO MAKE IT

SOFT
MANUFACTURE OF BARK-CLOTH AT NEWALA

To-day, nearly the whole population of German East Africa is
clothed in imported calico. This was not always the case; even now in
some parts of the north dressed skins are still the prevailing wear,
and in the north-western districts—east and north of Lake
Tanganyika—lies a zone where bark-cloth has not yet been
superseded. Probably not many generations have passed since such
bark fabrics and kilts of skins were the only clothing even in the
south. Even to-day, large quantities of this bright-red or drab
material are still to be found; but if we wish to see it, we must look in
the granaries and on the drying stages inside the native huts, where
it serves less ambitious uses as wrappings for those seeds and fruits
which require to be packed with special care. The salt produced at
Masasi, too, is packed for transport to a distance in large sheets of
bark-cloth. Wherever I found it in any degree possible, I studied the
process of making this cloth. The native requisitioned for the
purpose arrived, carrying a log between two and three yards long and
as thick as his thigh, and nothing else except a curiously-shaped
mallet and the usual long, sharp and pointed knife which all men and
boys wear in a belt at their backs without a sheath—horribile dictu!
[51]
Silently he squats down before me, and with two rapid cuts has
drawn a couple of circles round the log some two yards apart, and
slits the bark lengthwise between them with the point of his knife.
With evident care, he then scrapes off the outer rind all round the
log, so that in a quarter of an hour the inner red layer of the bark
shows up brightly-coloured between the two untouched ends. With
some trouble and much caution, he now loosens the bark at one end,
and opens the cylinder. He then stands up, takes hold of the free
edge with both hands, and turning it inside out, slowly but steadily
pulls it off in one piece. Now comes the troublesome work of
scraping all superfluous particles of outer bark from the outside of
the long, narrow piece of material, while the inner side is carefully
scrutinised for defective spots. At last it is ready for beating. Having
signalled to a friend, who immediately places a bowl of water beside
him, the artificer damps his sheet of bark all over, seizes his mallet,
lays one end of the stuff on the smoothest spot of the log, and
hammers away slowly but continuously. “Very simple!” I think to
myself. “Why, I could do that, too!”—but I am forced to change my
opinions a little later on; for the beating is quite an art, if the fabric is
not to be beaten to pieces. To prevent the breaking of the fibres, the
stuff is several times folded across, so as to interpose several
thicknesses between the mallet and the block. At last the required
state is reached, and the fundi seizes the sheet, still folded, by both
ends, and wrings it out, or calls an assistant to take one end while he
holds the other. The cloth produced in this way is not nearly so fine
and uniform in texture as the famous Uganda bark-cloth, but it is
quite soft, and, above all, cheap.
Now, too, I examine the mallet. My craftsman has been using the
simpler but better form of this implement, a conical block of some
hard wood, its base—the striking surface—being scored across and
across with more or less deeply-cut grooves, and the handle stuck
into a hole in the middle. The other and earlier form of mallet is
shaped in the same way, but the head is fastened by an ingenious
network of bark strips into the split bamboo serving as a handle. The
observation so often made, that ancient customs persist longest in
connection with religious ceremonies and in the life of children, here
finds confirmation. As we shall soon see, bark-cloth is still worn
during the unyago,[52] having been prepared with special solemn
ceremonies; and many a mother, if she has no other garment handy,
will still put her little one into a kilt of bark-cloth, which, after all,
looks better, besides being more in keeping with its African
surroundings, than the ridiculous bit of print from Ulaya.
MAKUA WOMEN

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Criminal Procedure: Law and Practice

10th Edition, (Ebook PDF)

Cengage Learning is a leading provider of customized learning solutions

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This book is dedicated to my wife and colleague,

Rolando V. del Carmen is Distinguished Professor of Criminal

Craig Hemmens is Chair and Professor in the Department of

Chapter 1 The Court System, Sources of Rights, and Fundamental Principles 1

Chapter 2 Overview of the Criminal Justice Process 32

Chapter 3 Probable Cause and Reasonable Suspicion 66

Chapter 4 The Exclusionary Rule 88

Chapter 5 Stop and Frisk and Stationhouse Detention 117

Chapter 6 Arrests and Use of Force 148

Chapter 7 Searches and Seizures of Things 186

Chapter 8 Motor Vehicle Stops, Searches, and Inventories 226

Chapter 10 Lineups and Other Means of Pretrial Identification 289

Chapter 11 Confessions and Admissions: Miranda v. Arizona 326

Chapter 12 Basic Constitutional Rights of the Accused during Trial 368

Chapter 14 Legal Liabilities of Law Enforcement Officers 432

Chapter 15 Electronic Surveillance and the War on Terror 463

Things Subject to Search and Seizure 191

Organization AND CHANGES TO THE TENTH EDITION

xviii Preface to the Tenth Edition

Preface to the Tenth Edition xix

Cengage Learning Testing Powered by Cognero This assessment software is a flexible,

For the Student

Paul McElvein, Erie Community College

xx Preface to the Tenth Edition

Preface to the Tenth Edition xxi

A Text for a National Audience

Toward a Demystification of the Law

Rolando V. del Carmen

xxii Preface to the Tenth Edition

The Court System, Sources of Rights,

LEARNING OBJ ECTIVES Ke y T er m s judicial precedent

U.S. Supreme Court State supreme court

dual court system

Figure 1.2 The Federal Court System

United States United States

Appeals from U.S. U.S. U.S. U.S. U.S. Administrative

The Court System, Sources of Rights, and Fundamental Principles 3

Exhibit 1.1 • A Brief Overview of the Supreme Court

The Court System, Sources of Rights, and Fundamental Principles 5

Name Born Age Appt. by Senate First day/ Previous positions

The Court System, Sources of Rights, and Fundamental Principles 7

The Federal Courts and the Public

The State Court System

CIRCUIT COURT (41 circuits) A

PROBATE COURT (68 courts) MUNICIPAL COURT (258 courts)

No jury trials. No jury trials.

SUPERIOR COURT (58 countries) A

Jury trials except in appeals, domestic relations, and juvenile cases.

The Court System, Sources of Rights, and Fundamental Principles

Newala, too, suffers from the distance of its water-supply—at least

The water-supply of New Newala is in the bottom of the valley,

NATIVE PATH THROUGH THE MAKONDE BUSH, NEAR

MAKONDE LOCK AND KEY AT JUMBE CHAURO

MODE OF INSERTING THE KEY

With no small pride first one householder and then a second