TRIBHUWAN UNIVERSITY

INSTITUTE OF ENGINEERING
DEPARTMENT OF ARCHITECTURE

SUBJECT- HISTORY OF ARCHITECTURE

REPORT ON KIRANT PEROID AND
MUSTANG ARCHITECTURE

SUBMITTED BY: - SUBMITTED TO:-

  Alish Prajapati(075BAR006)   MANJU SHREE MAINALI

  Asim Bhattarai (075BAR011)
  Dipak Karki (075BAR019)   DEPARTMENT OF ARCHITECTURE
Pinpa Tamang (075BAR030)   PULCHOWK CAMPUS
Prashna Shrestha (075BAR035)       LALITPUR
  Reetu Gurung (075BAR040)

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 Table of Contents Page No.
I. Kirat Architecture…………………………………………………………………………3
1. History…………………………………………………………………………….3
2. Matin Devakula……………………………………………………………………6
3. Traditional Settlements in Kathmandu Valley……………………………………..7
4. Dyochhe: Devakula………………………………………………………………….8
5. Temples in Kirat…………………………………………………………………….9
6. The Evolution of Dyochhe………………………………………………………….10
i. Symbol and Form…………………………………………………………...10
ii. Antiquity……………………………………………………………………..12
7. From Devkula to Dyochhe…………………………………………………………...14
8. In Conclusion- Assimilating Influences of the Mainstream…………………………15
II. Mustang (Thakali) Architecture
1. Vernacular Architecture………………………………………………………………….17
2. Thakali Architecture- Introduction………………………………………………………18
3. History and Origin………………………………………………………………………..18
4. Demography………………………………………………………………………………18
5. Settlement…………………………………………………………………………………19
6. Architectural Consideration……………………………………………………………….20
7. Material and Construction Technology……………………………………………………22
8. Social and Economic Condition…………………………………………………………...22
III. References……………………………………………………………………………………..23

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 KIRAT ARCHITECTURE
HISTORY

Mahabharat mentions Kiratas as aligned to Kauravas. Shiva also

appears as a Kirata to give Arjuna the weapon of Pashupat. The
Puranas( edited in 400 AD?) mention Kiratas as people of the
Madhyadesh, located in the Himalayas next to Kamrupa ( Slusser,
1982).

Kira (edge) ta (roam)- so Kiratas thought to refer to aboriginal

people roaming at the edge of Aryan settlements. Vamsavalis
indicate Kiratas as the successors of the Gopalas and the
Mahispalas. Some vamsavalis mention the Kiratas took the
Bagmati route from the south to enter the valley (Tiwari, 2001).
Slusser suggests earlier drifters from the Tibetan plateau to be the
ancestors of Kiratas who in turn were the ancestors of the Newars
(Slusser, 1982).

Whereas the Gopalas and Mahispalas were thought to have come

from India and followed Vedic Hinduism with Vaisnavite inclination, the Kiratas were thought to be the
followers of Shiva. KiratesworeSivalinga and proto-Lichchvi Kali of Aryaghat are indicative of Sivaite
following among Kiratas.

According to N. M. Thulung, Kirata folklore suggests the Kiratas originated from “Mong” in China.
They split into the Chan, Than and Hyan genets. The Chan moved south to the Indus Valley and from
there into Nepal after the Aryan invasion. The Aryans entered the Indus Valley in waves between 2000-
1200 BC and expanded into the Gangetic plains. The Aryans referred to the original inhabitants as
“Dasa”, “Dasyu” and later “Saka” and they were excluded from the Aryan society because they had
different religious beliefs. The Manusmriti identifies the Kiratas as one of the eleven tribes who
inhabited the Indus-Saraswoti region. Tiwari believes some of these tribes were forced to move away
from their homeland and into the Kumaon region. While the Khas set up their kingdom in the Kumaon
hills, the Kiratas moved on to settle in the Kathmandu Valley (Tiwari, 2002). While no remains of
temples were found in the Indus Valley, archaeologists have concluded that worship of the primal form
of Siva, Rudra, was popular.

The easternmost town of the Sakas dug up by archaeologists so far is Alamgirpur which lies a little to
the north of Delhi. Thus, the physical distance as well as the time gap between the Indus civilization and
the Kathmandu Valley is not as great as it seems. Further east and closer to Nepal lay the Sakya
kingdom of Kapilavastu. They are believed to belong to the Khas clan of the Sakas and they also
extensively used brick construction. Considering the fact that the Sakyas and the Kirats were
contemporaneous, it is not difficult to conceive that the Kirats may have traveled to Kathmandu Valley
after being displaced from their ancestral homeland by the Aryans.

In his book “The Brick and the Bull” Tiwari hypothesizes that when the “Sakas” moved away from their
homeland and into the Kathmandu Valley, they brought along with them the knowledge of the 18
building trade groups, among these the art of brick building, water tanks, drainage system etc. They also
brought their religion (Tiwari, 2002). The discovery of 2 nd century BC brick construction by the Italian
excavation team near the Satyanarayan temple gives conclusive proof that the Kiratas had advanced

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 knowledge of brick construction. Terracota figurines of humped bulls and matrika sculptures suggest
Saiva and mother goddess worship was prevalent among the local population.

That other dynasties preceded Lichchavis is proven by the fact that Sanskrit inscriptions of Lichchavi
period used mostly non-Sanskrit terms for administrative and personal names (Rogamacau, Sindrira,
Kedumbata) and more than 80% place names including that of hamlets, towns, rivers etc which have
survived till today, eg. Pharping, Balkhu, Balambu, Mhepi, Khopring, Tukucha etc. If Lichchavi rule
began from the 1st century and older names survived for more than 500 years when the Lichchavi
inscriptions were made, it indicates that there were well established towns and villages during the Kirata
period and there was continued influence of the Kirata language on non-Sanskrit language (Tiwari,
2001).

The Kiratas worshipped Ajima (Yumi) or grandmother and Ajju or Bhairav or Hathvan (Theba) or
grandfather and these traditions are existent in eastern Nepal. Some writers consider the imageless piths
of Kanga Ajima, LutiAjima and MaitiAjima as remains of Kirata goddesses. Yumi was worshipped as
mother goddess; Rais and Limbus also worship Yumis. Popular Newari belief links
IndrachowkAkashBhairav and PachaliBhairav to Kirata king Yalambar Hang and his son Pabbi
respectively. Places worshipped as Bhairav were memorials of kings: AkashBhairav of Indrachowk
commemorates King Yalambar while PachaliBhairav is for the Kirata king of Pharping. One interesting
point is the Hadigaon inscription of Amshuvarman listing state recognized religious sites. None of the
above sites were cited or were lumped under “tadnyadevakulam” indicating they did not find favor with
the then rulers (Tiwari, 2001).

Kirat

 Economy
Pastoral, Agro-forestry Exporting Radi… Carpet… Chanakya’sArthasashtra Oil, Cloth, Leather
industries
 Religion
Ancestor worship : Yumi, Ajima, theba, Ajju, Bhairav
 Social organization – 18 crafts, Astadasaprakritin
 Material: Brick and wood ,stones
 Settlements:
Hilltops and ridges : Pringga

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 Numinous Stones: Family of Siva

Mother Goddess
Transformed Memories Bhairav
JAISIDEVAL: Memories of Tegvala

Settlements

 Phalapringga – Pharping
 Khopringga – Khopa
 Palaces-
Godavari
Gokarna
Pulchowk
Patuko
PatukoDoñ>Patuk • Siddhilaxmi, Tyagal
BalkumariDyochhe, Matindevakula Mahalaxmi
Tikhel

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6|Page
 MatinDevakula

Matin Devakulawas
repaired by Amshuverma in 610 AD
 Coursed Brickwork
 Timber structure
 Wooden Doors and Windows
 Damaged by rats

Traditional settlements of Kathmandu valley

Traversed by pathways, embellished with crossings and ringed by boundary markers -physically, literally and ritually.

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 Dyochhe: Devakula
 RECTANGULAR
 NO CIRCUMAMBULATION
Modeled after residential building
(similar to basic Newar houses now)

Ground floor: entrance Dalan

(for parking of Khat), store and stairs

First floor: Hall and Agam (Bed room)

Second floor: Feast Hall (Living room)

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Attic floor: Kitchen and Daily worship room (similar use in residences)

TEMPLES OF KIRATS
•Devakula

•Rectangularinplan

•Brickandwoodconstruction

•90cmthickfoundationwall

•Continuous1mwideplinth of bricks

•Forecourt paving with Triangular bricks

•L=2Wand Precinct a Square

•Triangular bricks paving limited to important religious places Ex Pashupati and Changunarayan

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The Evolution of Dyochhe
Although to the lay viewer th
dominant visual elements an
forms such as the roof, exposed an
decorative brick in walls and th
carved doors, windows and struts ma
make all of the Nepali temples seem
similar, consideration o
religious symbolism and ritua
practices will reveal two distinc
groups: (i) the square Devalayatemple o
the Degahand (ii) the rectangula
Dyochhe. Where as the Degahi
the idealized place for the realizatio
of the Hindu God on earth1, th
Dyochhe, by nomenclature an
the built form shows like
transformation of a huma
residential building to suit ‘godl
inhabitants’, which does not fi
the Degah ideal of temple and is no
explained as a developmen
there from. This article explores th
evolution of Dyochhefrom the perspective of architectural expression in ritual and religious context. As the usual study
approaches in Nepali architecture considering materials, methods and skills of construction, tend to blur the difference
between the two groups of religious buildings, we shall approach it here through rituals and religious symbolism - this i
more likely to reveal differing ideologies, linkages and paths of evolution, sequences of developments and cultural contacts
In any case, the form of religious icons, in most cultures, are conceived as objective symbols to begin with and get worked
on only later with building materials, technologies and architectural stylization.

Whereas the temples in the Devalayaor Degahgroup carry the image of a single deity and as a rule display a single gajur on
the roof, the roofs themselves may be in the tiered style or in avarana, ghantakar, granthakut and gumbaj forms. In contrast
the temples of the Dyochhegroup house a number of god images in a single temple and often display multiple gajuro
finials over the typical Nepali roof. These temples are generally rectangular in plan and may be observed in three differen
distinct groups, e.g., (i) the in-town Dyochhe temple that follows the pattern of a residential building; (ii) the open sanctum
out-of-town pith temple2, which displays varied plan forms with single or multiple tiered roofs and (iii) a in-town temple
that displays a hybrid mix of Dyochheand Degahpatterns. In the third group of rectangular ‘Dyochhetemples, we observe
sanctum in upper floor that expects communal worship of a mode different from the usual Bhakti mode. In contrast, th
pith temple, with open sanctum, exhibits traits of hypaethral traditions.

Symbol and Form:

Dyochhe derives its key symbolism from two simple conceptions; (i) conception of an earthly residence for the family o
God in the form of the house of the family of Man and (ii) an idea of similarity and correspondence of the life-style of God
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to that of Man. These ideas and symbolic stances not only provide the key architectural character that distinguishes th
Dyochhefrom the Degah, but also present the latter as a folk cultural development with anthropological dimension rarely
found in classical Hindu concepts of Gods and their life. Unlike the Hindu Degahtemple, which appears to have limited
‘humanness’ to anthropomorphic imagery and anthropometric dimensions of sanctified spaces, Dyochhe appears as
sanctification and idealization of anthropological state of the family of man and his house. Even the sanctum spaces ar
varied in composition as well as in religious intent- Dyochhe has as many as three floors with two sanctum levels, and do
not exhibit the reducing cores or multiple roofs as in the well-known tiered Degah style. They are tiered only in the sens
that they may have a small ‘fucha’3 roof on top of its main roof. Indeed, many a Dyochhedoes not exhibit its religiou
position through the roof form at all. The pile of Dyochheis not a polala. It is simply a roof, a building element to protect it
inmates from the inclement Nature as it were.

The symbolism of the Dyochhe as a residence of the family of God is graphically translated into its building form
Dyochhe usually follows the three floors format typical of a Newar street-side residence (Pikhachhe). The ground floor
typically, has a Dalan as the central space, with small rooms on the sides, one of which house
a stair. The other side room functions as a general shrine. The semi-open Dalan is space fo
arrival as well as ceremonial resting of khat. Organized like a residence for gods, Dyochhe ha
two sanctums: a private agam at first floor (in the manner of the master bed room) and anothe
sanctum at second floor (in the manner of a family living room).

Figure 1: Dyochhe with Fucha (TulajaBhavani at Bhaktapur).

The agam sanctum is on far end of stair landing and rest of the floor is left as space fo
preparatory ritual functions. The second floor is a single space, much like the living room of
Newar residential building and is generally used for communal feasts. An attic is usually
formed and the space used by the caretaker for kitchen or other functions of their own. In som
cases, an additional sanctum/temple space for daily ritual worship is also formed in the sam
attic. A small area, over the
central part of the building or directly over the sanctum space
on first floor, is sometimes given a standard pyramidal
roof called fuchaand gives a religious appeal to the building
form.
Likewise, guardian lions on the sides of the entrances, torana
over the doors and windows and the religious character and
motifs of carvings describe the building as religious.

Figure 2: Dalan in Dyochhe of Bakupatinarayan, Bhaktapur –

also Window with Religious Motifs.

The symbolic reflection of the temple as a residence of the family of God with more than one member is also made by the
multiple finials (gajurs) over the roofs. The presence of as many as twenty (13 in top tier, 5+1 in second tier and 1 in firs
tier) finials can be observed in the temple of Baghvairab of Kirtipur. The architectural form of Dyochhe and Pith, thei
ritual and symbolic content can be seen as a development from hypaethral religious practices with tantric leanings
Originally, the Dyochhe as a whole might have been conceived as the agam of the pith.

The correspondence of Dyochhe floors with Chen-di, Ma-ta and Cho-ta is starkly stated even by the way the elevation i
composed and as a building typology, Dyochhe is a pure and simple derivative of a residential building. This lack of even
pretence at change imparts a distinctive symbolic meaning to the Dyochhe. The use of windows in Dyochhefollows th

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residential pattern and its sanctums, although keeping a sacred closure, expects some light through windows and so are no
born of garbhagrihaideals.

Unlike in the Degah, the ritual worship in Dyochhe has no requirement of circumambulation and the religious decorative
carvings are, if any, related just to the front. The carved strut imagery displaying the celestial scenes and heavenly bodies
so important in the symbolism of the Degahand ritual purpose of darsanathere, occurs minimally here as a décor of littl
symbolic relevance and appear like later additions as fashionable copies. Also Dyochhetends to be sited at the sides o
courts and attached to other buildings for lack of ritual circumambulation. This ritual and locational characteristic make
them remarkably different from the Degahtemples.

Antiquity

Most of the very many Dyochhetemples in the valley today are structures reconstructed or
renovated in the late Malla period. However, even as a large number of Dyochhe,
particularly belonging to the mother-goddesses, were established and built as the Shakti
cult gained popularity in the era following the Lichchhavi period; there is little doubt that
cults associated with quite a few other Dyochheare descended of more ancient cultural
traditions and also display as ancient building form, functional organization and ritual
reflections.
Figure 3: Matindevakula(BalkumariDyochhe at Tyagal, Patan).

Lichchhavi inscriptions mention many regular Saiva/Vaisnav temples for which the steles use such classical terminologie
as Prasada, Bhavana and Mandapa. These classical temples display form, symbolism and rituals as ordained in Hindu
religious literature such as the Vastushastra and are elaborations of the principle of a garbagriha(dark seed room) housing a
single god image. Alongside, Lichchhaviinscriptions also carry references to a different type of religious building termed
Devakula, which appear developed around an apparently opposed concept of an open sanctum housing a multiple images4
and distinct rituals.

The Sanskrit lexicon definition of devakulaas a family of god or a shrine housing such a family of images confirms th
worship of multiple images as a requirement of devakulashrine. As an architectural term Devakula is conspicuous by it
absence in the Vastushastra texts. The only previous occurrence of the term has been in a Mathura inscription of Kaniska
where the application is to a temple of the hypaethral kind! Choice of such a rare architectural nomenclature must speak o
the great distance between the symbolisms of the prasadaand the devakula.

There are no temples today that are ‘proven as authentic devakulafrom Lichchhavi times’ and all the known sites have been
spots of continuous religious activity; few of the devakulasites appear to have been converted into pigansites also. And, the
rise in popularity of ancestor worship (digudyopractices) and its spatial overlap with pigansites in late Malla period ha
precipitated significant architectural interventions there. However, wherever a devakulasite continued on in its tradition
unhindered, we find a building in the form of Dyochhetoday. The situation appears much like a simple terminologica
change in some cases such as Balkumari of Tyagal in Patan, Dyochhe of Tunaldevi in Hadigaun, etc.; and we can accep
these as examples of devakula. Two of the devakulamentioned in Lichchhavi inscriptions, Matin and Valasokshi, have been
located (the former at Tyagal in Patan and the latter at Satyanarayana in
Hadigaun) through polygonal studies and spot analyses and both the sites are home to preLichchhavi mother goddesses
Thus, terminological association of devakulawith the residence of the family (with a number of members) of god stand
proven; and, we can conclude without doubt that Dyochheis a Malla period transformation of LichchhaviDevakula.
Inscription5 on Matindevakulaalso mentions well coursed brick walls and use of timber doors and windows in its building
the use of the term vatayanaand not gavakshyafor window amplifies that its sanctum did not have darkness required in it
religious rituals.
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The central place of the Lichchhavi capital city of Maneswor or Vishalnagar is now occupied by a temple popularly named
Manamaneswori (Hadigaun). Gopalarajavamsabali, a medieval chronicle, states that Maneswori is the royal tutelary
goddess set up by the fifth century Lichchhavi king मानदेव and was worshipped with its mukut(a metal mask with stylized
face and generally used to personify numinous stone) – a preparatory ritual of veneration still followed in the case of god
in pigan-pith and Dyochhe. While archeological excavations have substantiated its cultural occupation from Lichchhav
period, a Siva-linga of definite Lichchhavi creation with its characteristic
tamralepsheen and craftsmanship, is also seen in one of its sanctum, a lobby-lik
space at entry. The symbolic stones and an auspicious jar, a kalas, kept in anothe
sanctum room in ground floor, is the goddess Maneswori. Obviously, the buildin
was intended as sanctum for a number of gods and fits the symbolic attribute of
Dyochhe. It can be observed from Figure 3 that the two sanctums make
rectangular building served by a wide raised plinth and with its chowk, court in front
the total composition makes a square. If we take the side of the overall square as 8p
then the Maneswori sanctum size translates as 3px3p, lobby shrine as 3px5p, plint
width as p and the courtyard as 4px8p. The rectangular planning, double shrin
formation at lobby and interior room, use of raised plinth petion the court side for entry and the court in front add up to
define the Dyochhetemple.

Figure 4: Plan, Dyochhe Temple of Manamanesvori, Hadigaun.

Polygonal approximation studies of Lichchhavi inscriptions6 indicate that the ValasokshiDevakula was located abou
Satyanarayana in Hadigaon. The archeological excavations there have revealed in the south-east corner foundation
remains, catalogued as HSN-S1, belonging to a large rectangular building facing north and with a paved court in front
catalogued as HSN 63. This fits in well as the very Valasokshidevakula. The building measures 5.45m x 10.20m on the
outside and 4.15m x 8.45m on the inside and has a continuous 1m wide plinth of brick and a forecourt paved at 75 cm
below the sanctum level with triangular bricks. It can be inferred from the only other known cases, e.g. Pashupatinath and
Changunarayan that the tradition of paving with triangular bricks was limited to important religious spaces; it may therefor
be concluded that the building is a religious building and Dyochhe. It is notable that the measures of the building give a
rectangular room whose length is twice its width, a proportion seen in a number of existing Dyochhe. Also the precinct as a
whole including the paving forms a larger square and the proportioning is very close to that of ManamanesworiDyochhe.

The close similarity of the conjectured building and ManamanesworiDyochheand the radiocarbon dating of the foundation
to the first century BC by the archeologists (Hadigaun, Satyanarayana 1984-88) illuminates that such building planning
pattern and proportioning existed in Kathmandu valley culture as far back as first century BC. This must lead one to the
conclusion that rituals and traditions of the Dyochhekind belong to Kirat society and pre-date the arrival of the Lichchhav
in Nepal. It has also been observed that hypaethral shrines, which are essentially responsive to worship of a group of god
by a group of worshippers, have been observed in Vindhyachal area in central India and in Nepal, both known as habitat o
Kirats in ancient times. From Lichchhavi inscriptions we can learn that Kirat religiou
practice also used an open religious site with a collection of natural stones ‘digvara’
clearly a hypaethral shrine.

Figure 5: ValasokshiDevakula: Conjectural Ground Floor Plan.

From Devakula to Dyochhe

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For Kirats, gods did not live in far away dark caves as perceived by the Hindus but were resident in crossroads, funera
sites, riverbanks, edge of forests, under large trees, etc. These places of veneration of Rudra are ordained in
ParaskaraGrihya-sutra and HiranyakesinaGrihyasutra. The ritual and symbolism of the Devakula could be sought in thes
ancient religious documents, where the term Devakulaoccurs in an architectural sense. Grihya-sutra are essentially
compilations of rituals associated with domestic living and were simple enough to be performed without the mediation o
priests. Even today, the rites and rituals associated with the worship at DyochheandPigan-pith or even Digudyosites or a
festivities there, are generally performed by the lay participants. The present rituals are also detailed to suit worship with
large community or clan group participating. For the Kirat, the divine family of Rudra was also akin to the family of thei
own ancestors; this seems to have caused the overlap between the Pigan-pith and Digudyosites in its revival in Mall
period.

The family of gods resident in the Devakula temple appears to have been provided with a second place of ritual presence
located outside the settlement and in the domain of nature. The family of gods, principally the gana of Siva, Bhairav and
Bhairavi worshipped since preLichchhavi days, were assumed present in spots with ‘natural’ stones or power places, which
are referred in Lichchhavi inscriptions as ‘Digvara’. An inscription of Balambu refers to ‘Digvara’ as ‘vastu’ of Devakul
linking the two as counterparts of the same set. The terms used in medieval inscriptions show that Devakula and Digvara
were referred to as Dathugvaraand pithugvararespectively in the Malla period as the digudyoand mother-goddess cult
gathered folkish character. Over time, the built nature of Dathugvaraappears to have renewed the term for Devakulaa
Dyochhe in the local language and pithugvaratransliterated as Pigam or Pith. Whereas, the place of natural presence, Pith
was left un-built, the spirits of the Pith were worshipped conjointly in the in-town building designed as their ‘residence’
Worshipped as they were as gana, group or family, the temples got their expressive names. That the sites of presence wer
tied up into a single ritual system can be seen from the observation of Pigamfestivals, celebrated by the Jyapufarming
community of Kathmandu, that reenact the link between a Devakulaand its Digvara.

That the Kirat belonged to the non-Aryan tribe of the Sakas, the aboriginals of the IndusHindukush region, is known from
literary sources. Therefore, the symbolism of the Devakulatemples may also show trace relations with Indus religiou
practices. Otherwise, the Dyochhetemples with open sanctum and enshrining a family of gods are particular to Nepal.

In conclusion – Assimilating Influences of the Mainstream

The varying extent of developmental influences and assimilations to a Dyochhemay be observed by comparing the templ
of AkashBhairav in Indrachowk, Kathmandu with that of BaghBhairav in Kirtipur: whereas, AkashBhairav temple stil
displays the central dalanin ground level, the main sanctum in first level and the community sanctum in second level
BaghBhairav, ground level is like a colonnaded sanctum room of a degahand the first level is a community sanctum
Whereas, AkashBhairav has no circumambulation or display of imagery as in a degah, BaghBhairav incorporates both
Whereas AkashBhairav does not display multiple roofs, BaghBhairav displays both the reducing cores and multiple roofs.

The temple of BaghBhairav in Kirtipur is an ancient structure but its earliest repair record is dated to 1515 AD. The
inscription states that the building including its top roof had fallen in disrepair and it was restored as per ‘Vedic’ rites. It i
notable that the inscription refers to the religious building by the term ‘vesma’ (in Sanskrit and ‘nivasa’ in Newar) and no
the usual ‘devara’ and thus revealing that the building was built as a Dyochhe 7. The use of three golden ghataas finials tell
of its rectangular plan form. Its role as ‘residence’ of God is symbolized by the fucha roof, whose three golden finial
possibly represented Ganesh, Siva Byaghreswaraand Parvati in residence. Although the use of Vedic principles seems to
have taken its development to the degahway in Malla period, later repairs appear to have maintained the form with
additions of decorative and votive elements only. The basic vertical arrangement of religious spaces remains with the main
image of the deity kept in the western end of the rectangular room in ground floor; and it is kept dark as if it were
garbagriha, only a narrow slit in the east end allowing early morning rays to light the image. The two upper floors are

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communal worship rooms and both have a verandah going all round. It would seem logical to infer that prior to 1515
repairs, the Dyochheof BaghBhairav could have been a smaller building in three storey residential format with just the
fucharoof.

The Dyochhe of mother-goddesses have remained most true to their originals, although the motifs and details are
influenced by standards and practices of Degah, the regular Hindu temple. Also, the out-of-town counterpart of Devakula
the Digvara or Pith has undergone a lot of change with open-to-sky shrine built over in many cases. Such Pith temples hav
taken to the Degah format exhibiting reducing cores and multiple roofs; yet, true to their origins, the long side of sanctum i
kept open with several aniconic stones laid in a line at the back of the cell. And the symbolic need of rectangular shrine
space is rarely tampered with and even Pith temples based on square have their ground level sanctum divided by a middl
wall so as to create a rectangle of 1:2 proportion.

We have seen that use of such proportions in Devakulatemples was current in Nepal since as early as first century BC. Such
proportions not conforming to the ideal of the square seem to have gained ground in parts of India later and even found
place as ‘classical’ tradition. Thus, late Vastusastra texts, such as ShilpaPrakasha from Orissa traditions 8, ordains th
requirement of rectangular plan of ratio 1:2 (obtained by doubling the square) in the design of sanctum of temples fo
Goddess. The rectangular Yogini Yantra is postulated because the square is said to be eminently static and so unsuited to
house creative expanding forces represented by a Goddess. The mother-goddesses of ancient Nepal, such as the matrinao
Matindevakula, are the clear fore-runners of the tradition.

Mustang Architecture
15 | P a g e
 (Thakali Architecture)
Vernacular Architecture-
Vernacular architecture is architecture characterized by the use of local materials and knowledge, usually without th
supervision of professional architects.
• Vernacular architecture means the ordinary/ local technology with local available materials used in making particula
structure, where existing knowledge is used with utilizing the locally available materials and builders.
• Vernacular buildings are built by ordinary people without the help of formal experts. • Vernacular strictly belongs to the
place, to its past and untouched by foreign influences, while modern architecture can help transform traditional societie
into modern societies that resemble the advanced-west.
• It is based on an indigenous traditional knowledge of both design and construction, which exhibits a social, environmenta
and economic demands of the place and the people in the austere aesthetics of sustainability.
• Indeed, vernacular architecture is valuable for its dynamism and its capacity of continuing evolution. Vernacula
Architecture
• Vernacular architecture is a dynamic cultural heritage and it is not “frozen in time” like a historical heritage.
• Its local appeal makes it an important attraction in trekking and nature tourism.
• Their grandeur and significance lies in their naturalness and local belongingness. They respond precisely to the site
climate and materials.
• Nepalese rural vernacular architecture is as varied as the topography, natural environment and ethnicity of Nepal.
• However, on the basis of major construction material in use, may divide Nepal into three broad vernacular architectura
divisions in different ecological regions such as eg. Terai, Middle Hills and High Mountains.

Thakali Architecture

Introduction:

Thakali people are an ethno linguistic group originating from the Thak khola region of Mustang district in the Dhaulagir
zone of Nepal.

The name of the Thakali derived from the location of “Thak- khola” of Kali gandaki valley.

“Tukuche” being capital of Thak-khola is the most laterally settled Thakali village.

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Thakali architecture is the finest vernacular style of Nepal.

History And Origin :

The origin of Thakalis is not clear, although they claim to be descendent of Hansraj, the Thakuri prince of the Jumla- Sinja
dynasty in western Nepal.

Thakali came into Nepal from the north and settled in trade route between India and Tibet.

The Thakali merchants live in the valley of the Upper Kaligandaki, but some of the agro pestoral Thakalis inhabit the slope
of the Annapurna and Dhaulagiri Himals.

Thak Khola is sandwiched between the pastrol highlands in the north and the agricultural lowland in the south.

It is also the transitional zone between Tibet and Buddhist culture and Hindu culture.

The Thakalis are Himalayan Mongoloids whose mother tongue is of the Tibeto-Burman family.

Thak-sat-se is the traditional area of the Thakali community, which lie in the salt trading zone on the south of Tukuch
mountain, the valley of Kaligandaki River in the western Nepal.

Demography:

According to 2001 census, Thakali population of around 12,973 constituted only 0.06% of Nepal’s population.as per th
2011 Nepal census, there are 13,215 Thakali people in Nepal.

Settlement:

The settlement o
Thakali is supported b
the Gompa, Chorte
and temple.

The village gate, praye

wall demarcates th
settlement.

Inside the settlement

there is some socia
center, low caste hous
to support the agricultura
land and garden for th
residential buildings.

The rectilinea
settlement of th
Thakali is develope
comparatively i
independent line whic
is justified by their location.
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They live in fairly large sized houses.

It has single band housing and agricultural land behind.

Generally, the size of the village ranges from dozen to 100 inhabitants, compactly organized in the main road.

Thakali settlement gives a lot of urban taste.

Gompa is the religious structure at the center of the settlement or near to the prayer wall.

It is also social, cultural and religious important place, where used for the Lama to read their religious book at the time o
persons demise and at time of birth etc. these are buddhist influenced.

The village gates are the guard of the settlement.the main function is to demonstrate the settlement in the trade route giving
a sense of the place for the traders,where you are going.

In every case, Buddhist Gompa and gate are in the outskirt of the settlement.

Architectural
consideration

T h i s r e g i o n r e c e i
significantly at night. Th
area is almost a desert
strong daily wind blows.

Due to dry climate, their houses are typical for the semi desert, trans-himalayan region.

T h e e s s e n t i a l d e s
room/animal barns.

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Kitchen is usually located only ground floor, abounding in variety of shiny brass pots displayed on shelves around th
room.

The wealthy Thakali houses usually have spacious interior courtyard centered through gate located below elaborately
carved wooden balcony.

In wealthy Thakali houses, the second floor rooms are entered through fine wooden gallery, typically build around th
entire perimeter of the house.

The upper floor consist of sleeping room, family chapel room, additional storage rooms, as well as the main living quarter
including another kitchen area, typically containing a ceremonial fire pit.

The ceremonial, ornamental fire place is put up by the Thakalis only symbolically that no fire is ever lit in it.

S t r u c t u r a l l y , t i m
ceiling supportin
structural member, is foun
in every Thakali house.

T h e h o u s e s h a v e f l
temperature balance insid
the houses.

T h e f l a t r o o f a c c
grains.

S t r u c t u r a l l y , t i m
ceiling supportin
structural member, is foun
in every Thakali house.

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 Material and
Construction technology:

Stone wall construction with flat mud roof and timbers are used.

Social and Economi

condition:

S o c i a l a n d e c o n o m i
on top of the flat roofs o
the house.

References-

The report has been prepared by collecting the information from websites and notes provided by Subject teacher Manju
Shree Mainali.

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` THANK YOU!

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