Professional Documents
Culture Documents
(Jessica K. A. Word, Jessica E. Sowa) The Nonprofi
(Jessica K. A. Word, Jessica E. Sowa) The Nonprofi
“Sowa and Word have contributed an outstanding new guide for both nonprofit
managers and scholars, in The Nonprofit Resource Management Handbook. This book
offers an impressive collection of thoughtfully-written and practical pieces by
leading voices in the field. Comprehensive in scope, Sowa and Word cover
critical topics ranging from how to attract the best and brightest employees and
volunteers into the sector, to managing and cultivating diversity, to applications
of technology in human resource management, and everything in between. This
book serves as a valuable resource that I look forward to sharing with my students
undertaking careers in the nonprofit sector.”
Kelly LaRoux, The University of Chicago at Illinois, USA
EDITOR-IN-CHIEF
DAVID H. ROSENBLOOM
Distinguished Professor of Public Administration
American University, Washington, DC
Founding Editor
JACK RABIN
Typeset in Bembo
by Keystroke, Neville Lodge, Tettenhall, Wolverhampton
Contents
List of Figures x
List of Tables xi
Notes on Contributors xii
Acknowledgments xix
1 Introduction 1
Jessica E. Sowa and Jessica K. A.Word
PART I
Working in the Sector 13
PART II
Building an HRM Infrastructure in a Nonprofit
Organization 67
vii
Contents
PART III
Emergent Challenges in Nonprofit Human Resource
Management 269
viii
Contents
Index 370
ix
Figures
x
Tables
xi
Notes on Contributors
xii
Notes on contributors
Jeffrey L. Brudney, Ph.D., is the Betty and Dan Cameron Family Distinguished
Professor of Innovation in the Nonprofit Sector at the University of North Carolina
Wilmington. Dr. Brudney has received notable honors and awards for his scholar-
ship and service to the field, including the Award for Distinguished Achievement
and Leadership in Nonprofit and Voluntary Action Research (formerly called the
Award for Distinguished Lifetime Achievement) from the Association for Research
on Nonprofit Organizations and Voluntary Action (ARNOVA), and the Harriet
Naylor Distinguished Member Service Award from the Association for Volunteer
Administration. His book, Fostering Volunteer Programs in the Public Sector: Planning,
Initiating, and Managing Voluntary Activities, earned the John Grenzebach Award for
Outstanding Research in Philanthropy for Education. He has served as Editor-in
-Chief of Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly, the leading academic journal
in nonprofit and voluntary sector studies world-wide.
xiii
Notes on contributors
Ida Drury is a doctoral student in the School of Public Affairs at the University of
Colorado Denver and a Sr. Instructor at the Kempe Center for the Prevention and
Treatment of Child Abuse and Neglect on the University of Colorado Anschutz
Medical Campus. She has almost twenty years of practical experience in human
services nonprofits and government organizations. Her research centers on citizen
engagement and emotional labor performance by street-level bureaucrats.
Eric Franklin Amarante earned his B.A. from the University of Texas at Austin
and his J.D. from Cornell Law School. He is an Assistant Professor of Law at the
University of Tennessee where he directs the Community Economic Development
Clinic. Prior to joining UT, he directed the Small Business & Nonprofit Legal
Clinic UNLV’s William S. Boyd School of Law and was the inaugural Whiting
Fellow at the University of Denver Sturm College of Law. Before entering
academia, Eric spent over five years in transactional private practice in Palo Alto
and Seattle.
Femida Handy is Professor at the School of Social Policy and Practice at the
University of Pennsylvania and currently the Director of the Ph.D. program in
Social Welfare. She has served as the Editor-in-Chief of Nonprofit and Voluntary
Sector Quarterly. Her research and teaching focus on the economics of the nonprofit
sector, volunteering, and philanthropy.
xiv
Notes on contributors
Yeonsoo Kim, Ph.D., SPHR, has been in HR field both professionally and aca-
demically for more than 15 years. She is an assistant professor in School of Public
Policy and Leadership at University of Nevada Las Vegas. In that capacity, she
teaches and conducts research in the field of Human Resource Management and
Development. Her research interests include human resource development, stra-
tegic human resource management, talent management, organization development
in both public and private sector.
xv
Notes on contributors
xvi
Notes on contributors
book chapters, technical reports, and encyclopedia entries about public and non-
profit human resources management.
Allison R. Russell is a Ph.D. student at the School of Social Policy and Practice at
the University of Pennsylvania. She has served as the Managing Editor of Nonprofit
and Voluntary Sector Quarterly. Her research interests focus on volunteering, civil
society, nonprofit management, and related issues.
Sally Coleman Selden is Vice President and Dean for Academic Affairs and
Professor of Management at Lynchburg College, USA. She is the author of a
number of articles on human resource management and public administration.
She is the author of two books, The Promise of a Representative Bureaucracy and
Human Capital: Tools and Strategies for the Public Sector, both of which won book
awards. Dr. Selden is currently involved in two research projects: a study of High
Performance Work Systems in Nonprofit Organization funded by the SHRM
Foundation and the State Government Workforce Project, which is a collaborative
project with the National Association of State Personnel Executives.
xvii
Notes on contributors
Pennsylvania, School of Social Policy and Practice. She researches and publishes
on human resource management, volunteering, and volunteer management
in nonprofit organizations as well as on organizational change and the effects of
change on employees in public and nonprofit organizations. Her work has earned
awards from numerous institutions, including the Academy of Management,
Organization Development and Change Division’s Best Paper based on a
Dissertation Award in 2015 and the Association for Research on Nonprofit and
Voluntary Action’s Emerging Scholar Award in 2013.
xviii
Acknowledgements
The editors would like to thank the generous contributions of our colleagues to
this volume. We are honored that so many of our wonderful colleagues agreed
to participate in this project and we look forward to continuing the conversation
on how to build better human resource management in the nonprofit sector. We
also are grateful to our students and colleagues in the nonprofit sector, for doing
the hard work to make the world a better place.
Jessica Word would like to acknowledge her family for their patience and
support through many busy days and nights. In particular, I want to thank my
daughter Lela Spilman for reminding me playtime is important and to always
keep smiling.
Jessica Sowa would like to acknowledge her family for their unending support
and Sally Coleman Selden for being such a great mentor and building my love
for all things human resource management.
xix
1
Introduction
Jessica E. Sowa and Jessica K. A. Word
Over the past thirty years, the role of nonprofit and non-governmental
organizations has changed dramatically, both in the United States and globally
(Salamon, 2015; Tschirhart & Bielefeld, 2012). The nonprofit sector, as a
component of the economy and as a critical player in serving the public, has
grown in importance, depth, and breadth. In the United States, as of 2013, there
are an estimated 1.4 million registered nonprofits operating, with this number
not including religious organizations and smaller, largely unregistered nonprofits
that are hard to track (McKeever, 2015). Globally, it is incredibly difficult to get
estimates on the full scope of nonprofits, but nonprofits operate across numerous
continents and in a wide variety of forms (Salamon et al., 2012). Nonprofits play
a critical role globally in strengthening societies, assisting governments, and promo-
ting the well-being of citizens along a number of crucial dimensions (Smith,
2008; Weisbrod, 1988).
There are few areas of life, society, government, and governance not influenced
by nonprofit organizations. Nonprofits feed the hungry (Feeding AmericaTM, Share
Our Strength), help homeless youth (Stand Up For Kids, Covenant House), fight,
treat, and cure diseases (St. Jude Children’s Hospital, Leukemia and Lymphoma
Society), advocate for the environment (Greenpeace, the Nature Conservancy),
aid the poor in starting their own businesses through microloans (Grameen Bank
of Bangladesh, Kiva), educate children (Harlem Children’s Zone, Communities in
Schools), seek to prevent war and protect human security around the globe
(Amnesty International, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace), and count-
less other actions that attempt to make the world a better place and improve the
well-being of individuals and communities. Nonprofit and nongovernmental
organizations (NGOs) impact major social, economic, and environmental issues,
especially intractable or “wicked problems,” which require multifaceted solutions
1
Jessica E. Sowa and Jessica K. A. Word
including advocating for changes to public policy or simply shining a light on the
plight of others. While operating on a global scale, nonprofits are also incredibly
important on a local scale. They serve as a catalyst to bring people together by
enhancing the identity and cohesion of neighborhoods (e.g. Wyman Park
Community Association, Summit Neighborhood Association), connecting people
with their favorite type of dog (e.g. Northern New England Westie Rescue, Basset
Hound Rescue League, Inc.), fostering connection between people with similar
interests (e.g. Knots of Love, Cowee Pottery School), and providing opportunities
for socialization and connection (e.g. New Haven Rowing Club, Twin Cities
Running Club). Nonprofits change the world and also change individual lives—
they create policy change and build social capital bonds to strengthen individuals
and communities. Overall, few can ignore the importance of the nonprofit sector
in the 21st century.
As the sector has grown, both in the United States and worldwide, more and
more people are seeking to pursue their goals and achieve their professional
identities through work in the nonprofit sector. In 2010, the nonprofit sector
constituted around 10% of private employment in the United States, making it
the third largest industry (Salamon, Sokolowski, & Geller, 2012). In 2012, a little
more than 11 million people worked in the nonprofit sector, according to the
U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, with nonprofits in some states employing an
even larger percentage of individuals as a percentage of private employment
(e.g. New York, 18.1%; North Dakota, 14.7%; Pennsylvania, 15.9%) (Bureau of
Labor Statistics, 2014). The 2016 Nonprofit Employment Practices SurveyTM,
conducted by Nonprofit HR, documented the continued growth of the sector
and reported that over half of the nonprofits surveyed anticipate taking on new
staff in 2016 (as opposed to around 36% in the private sector) (Nonprofit HR,
2016). Therefore, in the United States in particular, nonprofit organizations
represent a major employer, make a strong contribution to the economic well-
being of the country, and are a critical player in a strong society. While perhaps
not quite as plentiful in other countries, scholars have documented the importance
of and continuing growth of nonprofits worldwide, even countries previously
considered state-centered in terms of programs for their citizens, such as China
(Hu & Guo, 2016; Salamon et al., 2012). Nonprofits and their foreign counterparts’
non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are often even credited with being
key to the development and maintenance of democracy both in the USA and
abroad (Fukuyama, 2001; Putnam, 1995). Nonprofits are a major force and their
importance and influence is only expected to grow as we move further into the
21st century.
Associated with the growth in the nonprofit sector and nonprofit employ-
ment, there has been an increase in the number of education programs focused
specifically on nonprofit management, including separate degree programs in
nonprofit management and specializations or concentrations within existing
professional degree programs (such as Master of Public Administration, Master of
Social Work, and Master of Business Administration programs). Mirabella (2007)
2
Introduction
3
Jessica E. Sowa and Jessica K. A. Word
why this is an important field of study and practice, in particular for those concerned
with and working in nonprofits. Formally defined, human resource management
is “the design of formal systems in an organization to ensure the effective use of
employees’ knowledge, skills, abilities, and other characteristics (KSAOCs) to
accomplish organizational goals” (Pynes, 2013, p. 3). Effective HRM involves
considering what systems are in place for every step of the employment relation-
ship, from the design of jobs, recruitment, and selection of individuals to fill those
jobs, training, development, and evaluation of the performance of the individuals
within those jobs, and, sadly, to the occasional termination of people when they
are not a good fit for those jobs. While some nonprofits like hospitals and
universities may have well-developed HRM infrastructures, for many nonprofits,
this has been a challenging area for building management capacity, with many
nonprofit executive directors often handling the primary responsibility for
HRM practices (Selden & Sowa, 2014). Managing people effectively is one of the
toughest skill sets out there—for the executive director who is balancing finances,
operations, and HRM, good HR practices may often fall by the wayside, with
fingers crossed that no problems occur. In addition, simply holding a management
position does not mean one holds the necessary knowledge and skills to manage
people effectively. This takes training and study—this book is designed to help fill
that need.
While we are not advocating for every smaller nonprofit organization to
immediately invest in new expensive HRM systems across the board, as more
individuals go to work in the nonprofit sector as their primary professional
venue, nonprofit managers need support on how best to build their HRM
capacity. They need to know which systems to examine, what questions to ask,
and how to ensure they are managing people in a legal manner and as effectively
as possible given their particular resource constraints. Therefore, a systematic
treatment of HRM in the nonprofit sector examines such questions as:
4
Introduction
These are but a few of the many questions that are addressed by the chapters
contained within this volume.
While HRM involves many systems, policies, and procedures, with these often
being transferable across settings and sectors, effective HRM also involves develop-
ing an overall philosophy toward how an organization views its people and their
role in the organization, a philosophy that underpins those systems, policies, and
procedures (Akingbola, 2012, 2013; Pfeffer, 1998; Ridder & McCandless, 2010).
Scholars studying HRM practices considered to be the most effective, what are
known as high performance work systems, emphasize a philosophy toward manag-
ing people known as the resource-based view (RBV) of human capital (Colbert,
2004; Ridder, Piening, & Baluch, 2012; Selden & Sowa, 2015; Way, 2002; Wright
et al., 2001). Holding a resource-based view of one’s staff, an organization (in the
case of this book, nonprofit organizations) recognizes the crucial role of people in
accomplishing the mission of the organization and performing at a high level.
Much like an organization can have other forms of capital (e.g. financial capital,
capital investments) to aid in working toward the mission of an organization and
help it maintain a competitive advantage, so too does the human capital of an
organization (Boxall, 1996; Combs et al., 2006; Pfeffer, 1998). Therefore, this
human capital needs to be viewed as a valuable asset, an asset that requires invest-
ment and maintenance over time for it to continue to contribute value to the
organization. The vital role of an overall strategic approach or philosophy to HRM
is discussed in more detail in Chapter 5 in this volume. However, it is important
to highlight why nonprofits need to consider their approach to managing their
people, both for the good of the nonprofit and for the people that work within
the nonprofit. People are the critical ingredient in how nonprofits make a differ-
ence—those people are the ones interacting with the clients to improve their
well-being, knocking on doors to educate people about environmental challenges,
reading to children during story time at the library. Human capital is the main
input used by a nonprofit to accomplish their mission. While financial capital helps
reward those people and helps the organization keep its lights on, the people are
the difference in a good versus great nonprofit and therefore need to be managed
accordingly. Your personnel in your nonprofit are not your largest expenditure—
they are your greatest asset. Manage them accordingly.
This is easier said than done, as anyone who has worked in the nonprofit sector
knows, there are some particular challenges that can make effective HRM a
challenge. Therefore, in addition to understanding what is human resource man-
agement and what is our overall philosophy to managing people in the nonprofit
sector, it is important to understand some of the contextual differences in the
nonprofit sector and how this may influence the operation of HRM in this sector.
5
Jessica E. Sowa and Jessica K. A. Word
What are some of the particular constraints that affect managing people in the
nonprofit sector? First, nonprofit organizations face significant challenges in terms
of their financial management and fiscal resources (Chikoto & Neely, 2014;
Froelich, 1999; Greenlee & Trussel, 2000). While this is discussed in more detail
in Chapters 2 and 3 in this volume, we want to briefly introduce those issues here.
In nonprofit organizations, the ability to generate funding is more challenging
than in the private sector or government. That money needs to be found
somewhere—nonprofits cannot just raise the price of the product (as many
of their clients may not be able to pay) or pass a new tax. Generating revenue
requires human capital and human resource management capacity—one needs to
have a strong case for support, staff, or volunteers to raise money from donations,
and/or staff or volunteers to help secure government or foundation grants or
contracts. However, gaining that human capital generally requires a certain level
of revenue, otherwise a nonprofit may struggle to acquire and sustain that staff
or support those volunteers. Therefore, for many nonprofits, this becomes a
chicken or the egg problem. As will be addressed later in this volume, many
nonprofits are very small, operating with few paid staff members and relying on
volunteers to help fill their human capital stock. As explored in Chapters 12
and 15, managing volunteers on their own and balancing the management
of volunteers alongside paid staff requires careful attention to HRM policies in
practice in order to support and maintain that human capital stock, regardless of
whether it is donated or paid labor. However, we recognize that building HRM
capacity has been a challenge for many smaller nonprofit organizations.
In addition, nonprofits often face pressures from various stakeholders,
including funders, donors, and other groups reviewing nonprofit operations, to
keep “overhead” or administrative costs down or low (Bowman, 2006; Gregory
& Howard, 2009; Hager et al., 2004). While we would argue spending on
good human resource management is not in any way, shape, or form wasteful
and in fact is directly tied to the effective operation and performance of nonprofits,
this pressure is real for many nonprofits. Donors and other stakeholders want to
know where money is going—if that money is being spent on programs.
However, for nonprofits, there are no programs without staff—volunteer or paid.
We as scholars and practitioners of nonprofit management need to change the
discussion around investing in our human resource management, the policies
and practices and the people. This is not money wasted—well-managed staff are
happier staff, who should perform better and leave the organization at a lower
rate (Selden & Sowa, 2015). Good human resource management is a good
investment for the nonprofit sector and this book is designed to explore how to
make that investment work for those in the field in nonprofits.
6
Introduction
2015; Baluch, 2012; Pynes, 2013; Ridder & McCandless, 2010; Ridder et al.,
2012), we are adding to this conversation and area of study by bringing together
many of the top scholars to reflect on the state of research and the field. These
scholars are diving into their particular areas of expertise in human resource
management, in the chapters contained in this volume, exploring where we have
progressed in studying and understanding nonprofit HRM and also charting a
course for future areas of research and practice. This book is for scholars, stu-
dents, and practitioners. The chapters are grounded in existing research, but also
connect research to practice to demonstrate the usefulness of research in non-
profit studies for those in the field directly managing people (or human resources).
Therefore, the primary utility of the book is to provide an up-to-date and com-
prehensive picture of the state of research on the management of human resources
in nonprofit organizations and to inform practice in the nonprofit sector. Overall,
the book is meant to do the following:
7
Jessica E. Sowa and Jessica K. A. Word
8
Introduction
9
Jessica E. Sowa and Jessica K. A. Word
Chapter 17, Jasmine McGinnis Johnson, Jaclyn Schede Piatak, and Eddy Ng
tackle the issue of the multiple generations present in today’s workforce and what
that means for effective human resource management. They specifically address
the question of bringing younger generations into the nonprofit workforce and
present a strategic approach for managing multiple generations. Chapter 18 by
Judith Weisinger dives deeper into the question of diversity, reviewing traditional
approaches to diversity and inclusion and addressing how current models of
diversity management need to be tailored to capture the true complexity of the
workforce in today’s nonprofit and be improved to be truly inclusive.
Chapter 19 by Jennifer Jones tackles the question of technology and its relation-
ship to human resource management in nonprofit organizations. Technology has
changed how we carry out a lot of HR practices, but has also raised new questions
and concerns that must be addressed by nonprofit managers.
We conclude in Chapter 20 by considering what we know and the areas we
still need to explore in terms of HRM in the nonprofit sector. We are so grateful
for the wonderful contributions of the scholars in this volume and hope that this
collection represents an important step forward in building the human resource
management capacity of the nonprofit sector. We want to ensure that those who
choose to dedicate their professional careers toward service of the greater good in
the nonprofit sector are provided with every opportunity to have a well-developed
and rewarding career path.
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12
Part I
Working in the Sector
2
Theories of the
Nonprofit Sector
Beth Gazley
Introduction
In keeping with the aim of The Nonprofit Human Resource Management Handbook
to connect research to practice, this introductory chapter focuses on nonprofit
theories of particular interest to the study and practice of nonprofit human
resource management (HRM). Each chapter author in this book will have made
his or her own choices about the conceptual landscape considered worthy of
coverage. As a consequence, we may vary in the groundwork we cover, but that
strategy overall should be considered an exciting rather than confusing aspect of
nonprofit HRM study and practice, since all chapter authors would agree that
this field of research and practice is still in development and moving in rapid and
sometimes unexpected directions.
With this book’s interest in using research to inform the practice of non-
profit human resource management, and also in offering students as future
nonprofit managers a current picture of the state of the field, this chapter also
attempts to ground its introduction of major nonprofit theoretical concepts with
plenty of concrete examples to help readers envision how these ideas play out at
the forefront of managerial action. Given the relative youth of nonprofit HRM
research (reflected in part by the paucity of nonprofit HRM textbooks), most HR
professionals working within the nonprofit sector will have had limited exposure
to general nonprofit theory, except for those few who have obtained a specialized
degree in nonprofit management or closely related fields such as public affairs.
Thus, these general theories of nonprofit behavior at the sectoral or organizational
level may still be unfamiliar and therefore useful to frontline professionals.
Another aim of this chapter is to avoid making the requisite discussion of
“theories” at the start of a management book dry, inaccessible, or irrelevant to
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its readers. The poor authors of “theory chapters” must sometimes feel like a
sadly paraphrased parody of the 1970 Edwin Starr song (i.e., “Theory, yeah!
What is it good for? Absolutely nothing . . .”). The problem arises when theories
themselves are widely misunderstood by the public as simple guesses about what
happens in the real world, especially outside the natural sciences. Applied to the
workplace, theories may be considered too abstract to be of much value to
the practitioner. Theories vary considerably in their descriptive and predictive
powers. And in a world that values intellectual and situational diversity, not all
theories make sense in all circumstances.
Good management theories, however, can be fairly reliable and helpful
predictors of organizational phenomena. The best offer a logical and ordered set
of arguments about how people and organizations behave (DiMaggio, 1995;
Sutton & Staw, 1995; Weick, 1995). The reader should pay careful attention,
however, to the strong role that “normative” theory plays in managerial decision-
making. Normative theories are easy to find: they tend to be accompanied by
the statement that nonprofits should behave a certain way. Such directions can be
both powerful and problematic to nonprofit decision-making. They can certainly
steer managers in the wrong direction when attempts to mimic the prescriptive
advice fail to account for differences in organizational context such as mission,
age, culture (of course, predictive theories can, as well). But normative theories
do help to connect managerial decisions to potentially valuable philosophical
and moral underpinnings about how nonprofits should behave (for example,
that it is better to be honest and open in sharing information with stakeholders
than it is to withhold information).
While they vary in the clarity with which they make sense of the world, and
while new paradigms pop up unexpectedly, strong theories help a manager
identify the crucial aspects of an event and sideline the less relevant factors (Kuhn,
1970). Theories, therefore, support managerial efficiency. Weick (1995) put it
charmingly when he wrote that “good” theory “explains, predicts, and delights.”
Certainly, HR managers deserve to be delighted when theories help them make
sense of a challenging personnel problem.
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Theories of the Nonprofit Sector
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Theories of the Nonprofit Sector
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Theories of the Nonprofit Sector
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experience apply equally to nonprofits. But for the most part, U.S. state and federal
law continues to recognize nonprofits as private sector actors, enjoying most of the
free agency of the for-profit sector with respect to employment (such as
the euphemistically labeled “right-to-work” laws, which facilitate job termination
and apply to both for-profit and nonprofit organizations) (see Chapter 4 for a
discussion of the legal environment of nonprofit human resource management).
22
Theories of the Nonprofit Sector
Organizational Theories
As this chapter has argued so far, human resource managers who are focused on
public accountability have their hands full addressing the legal incentives and
disincentives to nonprofit work, sometimes with limited empirical evidence to
guide them. Fortunately, however, the internal management of the nonprofit
enterprise can rely on a much older and broader theoretical understanding of the
work environment. The second section of this chapter introduces a selection of
organizational theories that explain some of the key dynamics of workplace
behavior.
The term itself belies the fact that organizational theories have a keen interest
in human and not simply organizational behavior (see, for example, Nahavandi
et al., 2014). The eponymous Hawthorne Studies of the 1930s were, after all,
studies of the effect of workplace environments on the productivity of individual
employees. And because of their well-known finding that worker productivity
depends on much more than the controlled work environment, these early
studies helped researchers to understand how complex and unpredictable the
study of employee motivation could be.
Most of the functional stages of strategic human resource management, after
all, are about finding, motivating, training, evaluating, and retaining good people.
On days that don’t go so well in the HR office, managers are disciplining, firing,
and resolving conflicts. The modern view grounds organizational theories in
many social science disciplines that excel at explaining human behavior, such as
psychology, political science, sociology, anthropology, and communications
(Denhardt et al., 2013; Rainey, 2009). These fields, in turn, have created distinct
sub-disciplines that a scholar or practitioner of nonprofit HRM would be wise
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24
Theories of the Nonprofit Sector
Conclusion
Economic theories help to explain a basic fact: The existence of a third sector,
with distinct legal requirements in the United States, as in many other parts of
the world. These distinctions explain, in turn, why a book focused on nonprofit
human resource management has value. But as Anheier (2005, p. 148) has
observed, economic theories put the emphasis on rational action and simple rules,
so they benefit from being balanced with organizational theories that emphasize
sociological and cognitive processes to better capture the complex nature of
organizational and human action. When combining the two, HR managers are
better equipped to navigate both the blurry edges of the nonprofit sector and its
enormous internal diversity as they locate, recruit, motivate, and reward an
equally diverse nonprofit workforce. But they must also understand when
theoretical blurriness gives way to the nonprofit sector’s clear-cut legal distinctions,
whose legal responsibilities must in turn be communicated to employees.
Discussion Questions
1 How many professions can you identify that are exclusive to one sector?
2 Is it a misplaced assumption that nonprofit services are less “professional”
than those in other sectors?
25
Beth Gazley
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Kuhn, T. S. (1970). The structure of scientific revolutions (2nd ed.). Chicago: University of
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28
3
Trends in Nonprofit
Employment
John C. Ronquillo, Annie Miller, and Ida Drury
Introduction
Nonprofits face a variety of challenges that necessitate distinct labor and
management skills, including the ability to work with stakeholders in government
and the private sector, but also skills that accommodate the diverse industries in
which nonprofits operate. While many perceive the nonprofit sector to be
focused exclusively on the charitable sector, other industries, including energy
and technology, for example, are seeing expansion among their nonprofit
counterparts. Recent studies show the nonprofit sector employs the third largest
number of paid workers in United States, with almost 1.5 million nonprofit
organizations employing nearly 11 million people (Salamon, 2012; Salamon,
Sokolowski & Geller 2012). The industry produces revenue that totals over $2
trillion and constitutes 5.4% of the U.S. gross domestic product (GDP) (McKeever,
2015; Nonprofit HR, 2016). As the nonprofit sector has expanded in size and
scope over the past several decades, so has its share in the labor market.
Diversification of the sector merits ongoing monitoring of how employment
and human resource management (HRM) is evolving. This sector is often mis-
understood, yet is dynamic in its composition and scope of work as well as
providing a sufficient number of challenges with regard to high-quality data
collection practices across the sector, leading to difficulties in analyzing
employment trends. One such challenge includes the diversity of organizations
included in this sector, from very small, community-based agencies to large,
internationally recognized agencies with a global scope. As such, the HRM needs
will vary greatly and may have very different implications for each type of
employer. This chapter provides some insights on current issues and trends in
nonprofit employment.
29
John C. Ronquillo et al.
30
Trends in Nonprofit Employment
service organizations seeing the largest share, followed by public and societal
benefit organizations and arts organizations as the next largest groups (Blackwood
& Roeger, 2011).
Despite the number of nonprofit organizations that lost their tax-exempt
status, the average annual employment (at least in 501(c)(3) organizations)
continued to climb steadily from 2007 to 2012. In 2007, there were just over
10.5 million people employed in 501(c)(3) organizations, climbing to 10.8
million in 2008, 10.9 million in 2009, and 11.1 million in 2010 (Figure 3.2).
One might assume with a drop in the number of registered 501(c)(3) organizations
in 2011, the average annual employment would also drop. Employment grew,
however, to 11.2 million in 2011, and further to 11.4 million in 2012, suggesting
steady job creation over that span of six years. Regional employment, of course,
has risen concomitantly with the national numbers between 2007 and 2012, as
well, as seen in Figure 3.3. Middle Atlantic states (New York, New Jersey, and
Pennsylvania) had the largest share of employees in the nonprofit sector, followed
by the East North Central (Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, Ohio, and Wisconsin),
South Atlantic (Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Maryland, North Carolina, South
Carolina, Virginia, Washington, D.C., and West Virginia), and Pacific (Alaska,
California, Hawaii, Oregon, and Washington) regions, respectively.
31
John C. Ronquillo et al.
Market Pressures
Nonprofit organizations face two simultaneous market-based trends that have a
direct impact on HRM. As a result of the new public management movement
32
Trends in Nonprofit Employment
(Hood, 1995), many government agencies have reduced or changed the nature
of public goods. Fundamentally this reduction in grant making and funding for
social services has increased the demand for nonprofit services.
Additionally, the rise of social enterprise organizations creeping into the third
sector space primarily reserved for nonprofits challenges nonprofits in new ways
that have direct impacts on HRM (Dees, 1998; Defourny & Nyssens, 2007;
Kerlin, 2006). This shift to a market-driven focus may challenge important values
such as equitable access to public goods, the democratized nature of service
provision networks, or the overall goal of strengthening civil society as an
important externality of third sector organizations (Dart, 2004; Eikenberry &
Kluver, 2004). The pressure from these organizations results in talented, entre-
preneurial potential employees leaving nonprofits to be compensated at levels
similar to for-profit organizations while attracting individuals who desire mission-
driven or socially beneficial workplaces. Some evidence suggests that as a result
of the rise of charitable giving following the “great recession” in the United
States, there may be increases in staff sizes and perhaps the creation of new posi-
tions, bolstering the nonprofit sector as a viable area of employment (Nonprofit
HR, 2016). The Nonprofit HR survey reports approximately 57% of nonprofits
that responded (n = 443) expect to create new positions in the very near future.
Organizations were assessed based on the size of their respective annual operating
budgets: Over 50% of small ($0–$5 million), medium ($5.1–$15 million), and
large ($15.1 million and above). However, this survey does not distinguish clearly
between social enterprise and nonprofits, with the possible new positions in the
very near future created by the nonprofits.
33
John C. Ronquillo et al.
The reasons for turnover in the public sector may be generally grouped into
three areas: environmental, individual, and organizational (Selden & Moynihan,
2000). Similarly, a meta-analysis of human services turnover (which may closely
mirror or represent direct service turnover in nonprofits) pointed to the
relationship between burnout and stress and increases in employee turnover
intent, whereas social support, fairness in management practices, and job
satisfaction were related to decreases in turnover intent and actual turnover
(Barak, Nissly, & Levin, 2001). Retention strategies must target these areas
specifically. Little can be done about environmental effects (such as a bustling
economy that encourages mobility of employees), but opportunities for human
resources targeting individual experiences and organizational realities may create
promise for nonprofit sector employee retention. As an example, high perform-
ance work practices including effective onboarding practices, active leadership
succession programs, high-performance compensation programs, and solid
employee relations are likely to reduce voluntary turnover (Selden & Sowa,
2015). Researchers and practitioners seem to be acknowledging these turnover
antecedents more often, focusing on issues of professionalization and examining
individual needs through strategic human resource management (Akingbola,
2012), as well as talent development and empowerment of employees through a
“people first” approach (Carpenter & Qualls, 2015). Issues of turnover and
retention have also seen increasing coverage in the research literature through
topics such as mission attachment (Brown & Yoshioka, 2003; Kim & Lee, 2007),
and work-life balance and job choice motivation (Word & Park, 2015). Despite
the challenges of turnover and retention for nonprofit stability and the extant
empirical research on solutions, 84% of respondents to the 2016 Nonprofit
Employment Practices Survey™ report they do not have a formal retention
strategy, and most (76%) will either not create a formal retention strategy, or are
unsure of whether or not that is something they will undertake in the future
(Nonprofit HR, 2016).
While employees may have varying levels of discretion and authority in
nonprofits, executive directors provide leadership and report to organizations’
boards of directors. They also may be partially or solely in charge of fundraising,
depending on the size of the nonprofit. This is a unique position in a nonprofit
agency and warrants specific attention, particularly when discussing retention and
turnover. Turnover intent for this group has been consistently monitored,
and in a 2011 survey it was estimated that 67% of current nonprofit executive
directors would leave their positions in the subsequent five years (Cornelius,
Moyers, & Bell, 2011). The transition at this pinnacle may be fraught with many
issues, such as organizational instability and disruption in funding streams due to
relationship loss (Stewart, 2016). In smaller nonprofits, the transition may
necessitate a period of time where the board of directors must take a more active
role in daily operations. The importance of succession planning is well understood
in the sector, but not well practiced, according to disclosures from boards and
executives alike (Froelich, McKee, & Rathge, 2011; Nonprofit HR, 2016).
34
Trends in Nonprofit Employment
35
John C. Ronquillo et al.
36
Trends in Nonprofit Employment
37
John C. Ronquillo et al.
and Rooney, 2008). The salary gender pay gap is 6% for CEOs in organizations
with an annual budget size of less than $250,000, while nonprofits with budgets
of $2.5 million to $5 million report a gender gap of 23% (GuideStar, 2015).
These data indicate a gendered pay gap persists in the nonprofit sector, and while
some analyses find this gap lower than in the for-profit sector, recent research
argues this may be an artifact of greater numbers of traditionally female-occupied
positions available in nonprofits and in industries where nonprofits have a greater
share of the market than for-profits (Faulk et al., 2012). With regard to race
and ethnicity, the representation of Whites is similar when examining all jobs
(86% White) versus nonprofit jobs (87% White), while Blacks and Hispanics are
largely underrepresented across the board. Blacks had both a 10% share in
employment across all sectors and in nonprofit jobs, while Hispanics had a 9%
share in employment across all jobs, and a 4% share of employment in nonprofit
jobs (Ruhm & Borkoski, 2003). Beyond the issues of wage equity among varying
populations who work in the nonprofit sector, other dynamics factor into the
debate, as well. Resource availability and the fiscal health of nonprofit organi-
zations will always be considerations, and more research on the relationship
between compensation and organizational financial performance is emerging
(see Grasse et al., 2014; Yan & Sloan, 2016).
In addition to the general discourse on wages paid to employees in the non-
profit sector is a focus on the compensation of nonprofit executives. Oster (1998)
found that organizational size is a strong predictor of compensation, but also that
the size effect varies considerably within the sector. Like other studies that touch
on this topic, the type of organization (e.g. hospitals, educational institutions,
and foundations) is a significant factor (Ruhm & Borkoski, 2003). Grasse et al.
(2014) found a bit of variation based on their hypotheses and industry, when it
comes to executive compensation. Across all nonprofits, however, they found
support for executive compensation being positively associated with organiza-
tional efficiency, support from nongovernmental grant-making organizations,
total expenditures, total number of employees, and total number of expert staff
or management employees (Grasse et al., 2014).
While the public at large often misunderstands certain aspects of the nonprofit
sector, executive compensation is an issue that can often find itself in the spotlight,
as press attention has given more exposure to it in recent years. One example
of such controversy is the Wounded Warrior Project, which made national news
for elaborate meetings, expensive marketing strategies, and higher than average
executive compensation. Organization director Steve Natuzzi was paid $473,000
in 2014 (Phillips, 2016). This revelation, along with other, relatively large non-
profit executive salaries, has been the source of intense public backlash, despite
services provided by these nonprofits. This salary is an outlier, of course. For a
more representative illustration of nonprofit compensation levels, see Figure 3.4.
Nonetheless, public demand for financial constraint may force some nonprofits
to find other methods of reward and non-monetary compensation in order to
adequately retain talent (Akingbola, 2012; Selden & Sowa, 2015).
38
Figure 3.4 Mean executive compensation level by region and budget size
John C. Ronquillo et al.
Conclusion
The nonprofit sector comprises an increasingly dynamic range of industries and
occupations that has grown significantly in the past several decades. In short, it is
a major segment of the economy and employs a substantial supply of labor that is
seemingly poised to grow more in the next decade. The evolving dynamics will
require thoughtful and serious treatment by all those concerned with and interested
in the changing state of the sector. Opportunities abound for assessment and
improvement, along with continued professionalization of various practices
in nonprofit human resources management (HRM). The state of employment in
nonprofit organizations appears to be sound, though much more attention should
be devoted to specific areas, of which only a few are outlined here. Perennial
challenges, such as turnover and retention, talent acquisition, diversity issues, and
compensation will persist, however, as will the pursuit of altruism and the drive
that comes from mission. Serious treatment of the sector, its human resource and
employment practices, and the research that emanates from it can only improve
and continue to improve the quality and value of nonprofit employment over time.
Discussion Questions
1 Given the knowledge that nonprofit sector salaries are often lower than
government or private sector counterparts, what could be considered as
additional motivating factors for employment in the nonprofit sector?
2 In lieu of monetary compensation, what are some ways that nonprofit
organizations can attract and retain employees? How might these differ by
industry or occupation?
3 While the nonprofit sector as a whole is viewed as increasingly diverse, the
backgrounds of many nonprofit CEOs are considerably less so. In what ways
can leadership in the nonprofit sector become more diversified?
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diversity. In A. M. Konrad, P. Prasad, & J. Pringle (Eds.), Handbook of workplace diversity
(pp. 53–74). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Kunreuther, F. (2003). The changing of the guard: What generational differences tell us about
social-change organizations. Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly, 32(3), 450–457.
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Journal of Labor Economics, 19(1), 136–170.
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The nonprofit sector: A research handbook (pp. 159–179). New Haven, CT: Yale University
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McGinnis, J. (2011a). The young and restless: Generation Y in the nonprofit workforce.
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(Ed.), Leadership in nonprofit organizations (pp. 871–877). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
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05/29/0734371X15587980.abstract (accessed June 6, 2016).
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volunteering. Washington, DC: The Urban Institute. Available at: www.urban.org/
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2015-Public-Charities-Giving-and-Volunteering.pdf (accessed May 5, 2016).
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4
Legal Aspects of Nonprofit
Employment
Eric Franklin Amarante
Introduction
Employment law as applied to nonprofit organizations is not easily summarized.
It has local, state, and federal components, with overlapping requirements that
can appear contradictory and impossibly complex. To illustrate this complexity,
consider the federal minimum wage law. The Fair Labor Standards Act sets the
minimum hourly wage for certain employees at $7.25. This may be the final
word in your state. But more likely, your state imposes a higher minimum and
your city or locality may impose a separate minimum wage for certain industries.
The only way to be certain is to ensure familiarity with federal, state, and local
statutes. This simple example is repeated across the employment law spectrum,
creating an increasingly intricate regime with numerous interactions among
federal, state, and local laws that need to be followed by nonprofits.
In addition to its complexity, employment law is not static. Laws are amended,
new laws are adopted, and courts and agencies issue new interpretations of
employment regulations and laws on a near-constant basis. Take, for example,
the distinction between employees and independent contractors (a discussion of
which appears below). Due to cost concerns, many nonprofit employers attempt
to classify their workers as independent contractors. However, recent administrat-
ive guidance from the U.S. Department of Labor details a new emphasis on this
distinction and warns misclassification of workers as independent contractors will
be more strictly policed. Employment law constantly evolves in this manner.
Given this state of affairs, it is virtually impossible for a single chapter to
incorporate everything a nonprofit organization will need to know in terms
of employment law. Indeed, a multi-volume treatise will not likely cover all
the nuances of a particular organization’s employment law needs. As such, this
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46
Legal Aspects of Nonprofit Employment
DOL administrator emphasized that not only does misclassification rob employees
of “important workplace protections,” but it also “results in lower tax revenue
for government and an uneven playing field for employers who properly classify
workers” (Weil, 2015).
• The extent to which the work performed is an integral part of the employer’s business.
Determining the precise activities that constitute an “integral part” of the
nonprofit’s activities is not clear. Case law provides some examples, with
courts finding that cake decorators are integral to the business of selling
customized cakes1 and pickle pickers are integral to the pickle business.2
Suffice it to say that if a worker’s contributions are integral to an organization’s
operations, this factor suggests that the worker ought to be classified as an
employee.
• The worker’s opportunity for profit or loss depends on the worker’s managerial skill.
This factor may be more simply stated as the ability of the worker to make
decisions that affect his or her bottom line. If an individual has the autonomy
to exercise managerial decision-making that results in savings realized by
the worker, then this factor weighs in favor of an independent contractor
classification. As an example, imagine two grant writers, Anne and Bob.
Anne prepares grant applications as assigned by the nonprofit, does not
advertise her services, and does not solicit additional clients. Bob prepares
grant applications for clients that he secured through advertising and direct
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solicitation. For each such client, Bob negotiates a contract, decides which
jobs to perform, when to perform them, and whether or not to hire
additional workers. Anne’s lack of managerial skill suggests that she is an
employee, while Bob’s exercise of managerial skill directly affects his
opportunity for profit and loss and suggests that he is an independent
contractor. Please note that merely working more hours to make more
money does not constitute exercise of “managerial” skill.
• The extent of the relative investments of the employer and the worker. To be
considered an independent contractor, a worker should make some invest-
ment in order to prove that the worker is engaged in an independent busi-
ness. This coincides with the previous factor: an independent investment
suggests the possibility of realizing profit and loss based on that investment.
• Whether the work performed requires special skills and initiative. On its face, this
factor is misleading. The DOL is not interested in the technical skills of the
worker in determining the classification of the worker. For example, a highly
skilled engineer may be properly classified as an employee while a low-skilled
janitor may be properly classified as an independent contractor. Rather than
technical skills, this factor focuses on the worker’s “business skills, judgment,
and initiative” (Weil, 2015, p. 10). To illustrate this, the DOL describes a
“highly skilled carpenter” who does not make any independent judgments
at the construction site with respect to work sequence, materials necessary,
or securing additional jobs. In other words, the carpenter is “simply provid-
ing his skilled labor” but is not “demonstrating the skill and initiative of
an independent contractor” (Weil, 2015, p. 10). In this case, the carpenter is
properly classified as an employee.
• The permanency of the relationship. The more permanent or indefinite the work
is, the more likely that the worker will be deemed an employee. For this
factor, it is important to note that permanency does not necessarily mean
forever; If an employee accepts a job and quits after one week, that relation-
ship may still be considered permanent under this factor. Rather than actual
time, this factor is more concerned about the nature of the work. The
prototypical independent contractor works on a project-by-project basis,
skipping from employer to employer. Thus, a person who performs sporadic
work for the same employer may be considered an employee under this
factor. As an example, the DOL describes an editor who works for the
same publishing house for several years, following the publishing house’s
instructions and editing books provided by the publishing house. Even if
the editor’s work is sporadic, “[t]his scenario indicates a permanence to the
relationship between the editor and the publishing house that is indicative
of an employment relationship” (Weil, 2015, p. 13).
• The degree of control exercised or retained by the employer. The final factor is the
traditional common law question of the amount of control the hiring
organization has over the worker. If the control of the hiring organization
is at a level such that the worker can no longer be considered an independent
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Legal Aspects of Nonprofit Employment
Predictably, the DOL’s guidance caused quite a stir, with many commentators
noting these factors skew toward classification as employees rather than independ-
ent contractors. Indeed, the DOL admitted as much in its guidance by stating
that “[i]n sum, most workers are employees” (Weil, 2015, p. 15). The key to the
classification analysis is to follow the DOL’s instructions that “each factor should
be considered in light of the ultimate determination of whether the worker is really
in business for him or herself (and this is an independent contractor) or is eco-
nomically dependent on the employer (and this is its employee)” (Weil, 2015,
p. 15). As with all areas of employment law, an organization is urged to consult
with an experienced attorney to make the employee-independent contractor
classification.
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Eric Franklin Amarante
Employee Handbook
Similar to the job description, there is no legal requirement for a nonprofit
organization to have an employee handbook. However, a nonprofit should
strongly consider having and following an updated employee handbook. From a
practical perspective, it is an efficient way to communicate expectations and
workplace policies to your employees in an efficient and consistent manner.
But it also can help mitigate potential liability. It is not an exaggeration to say
that the employee handbook is the first place a lawyer will look to defend an
employment-related claim.
One of the most important things to include in an employee handbook is clear
language stating the employment is at-will. Even though at-will employment is
the default in most states, this default status can be frustrated if the employer
enters into an employment contract or makes statements that provide an implied
contractual right of continued employment. Thus, it is important all documents
contain language that reinforces the at-will employment status and refrains from
language that contradicts such status. Such language should clearly indicate that
all employment contracts must be in writing and all employees are subject to
termination at any time for any reason. The employee handbook is an ideal place
to include such language. A sample statement follows, but it is important that an
attorney review your particular statement to ensure compliance with local laws.
• Holidays and vacation policies. Neither holidays nor vacation time is legally
required, however, similarly situated employees must be treated similarly.
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Legal Aspects of Nonprofit Employment
An employee handbook is only useful if you have proof that all the employees
have received it. Thus, it is important for every employee to sign a form
acknowledging receipt of the handbook.
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Legal Aspects of Nonprofit Employment
• Institute job-specific policies to ensure that employees are properly screened. This may
include criminal background checks, confirming work history, and checking
professional references.
• Carefully document the screening process. If you are ultimately sued for negligent
hiring, you will need to provide proof you properly screened the employee
in the hiring process. If you are unable to prove you took such steps, then
you may be unable to properly establish a defense against a negligent hiring
claim.
• Supervise employees to ensure appropriate behavior. The threat of liability for
negligent hiring or retention stems not only from facts the employer knew,
but also facts the employer should have known. In other words, willful
ignorance will not protect you. If an employee repeatedly acts in a reckless
manner, the employer should know about this and take appropriate action.
Thus, it is important for the employer to institute proper monitoring
procedures to arm the employer with the knowledge of how an employee
is operating.
• Take immediate action upon receiving information that an employee engaged
in inappropriate activity. Once an employer knows an employee engaged in
inappropriate activity, it is vital the employer act immediately. To do
otherwise may be considered unreasonable and may expose the organization
to liability.
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Eric Franklin Amarante
Anti-Discrimination Laws
The previous sections detailed how vicarious liability, negligent hiring, and
negligent retention could result in liability for a hiring organization. It is there-
fore important to hire the right people. However, a nonprofit must be careful
that the search for the best employees is free from discrimination. The entire
hiring process, including the application form, the job interview, and any job
advertisement, must comply with anti-discrimination laws. However, this is not
as simple as it might seem. There is a comprehensive set of laws that prohibit
many forms of discrimination, including discrimination based on a number
of characteristics, and it behooves a hiring organization to be familiar with the
anti-discrimination legal regime.
Federal law prohibits certain organizations from using an applicant’s race,
color, sex, age, national origin, religion, disability, pregnancy, military status, or
genetic information in the hiring process. The federal restrictions apply to
organizations based on the number of individuals they employ. The employee
threshold is different for each statute (see Table 4.1 on p. 62). For example, Title
VII, which prohibits discrimination based on race, color, religion, sex, or national
origin, applies to private employers that have 15 or more employees. However,
a hiring organization that employs fewer than 15 employees should also avoid
discrimination, and not just because it is the right thing to do. Even if your
organization has fewer than 15 employees, your organization may still be subject
to anti-discrimination laws. This is because many states have their own anti-
discrimination laws with lower thresholds. In addition, states may prohibit
discrimination on characteristics not covered by Title VII, such as sexual
orientation. Further, if you hope to eventually grow into a larger organization,
you may find yourself surpassing the relevant threshold and becoming subject
to federal laws. Finally, many foundations require their grantees to have anti-
discrimination policies in place. Thus, it is in the best interest of the organization
to follow anti-discrimination laws, regardless of the number of individuals
employed.
Hopefully, it is no great burden to ask a nonprofit not to discriminate. But
even well-intentioned pre-employment inquiries may inadvertently discriminate.
Thus, it is important to institute the following policies:
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Legal Aspects of Nonprofit Employment
• Ask all applicants the same questions, to avoid any appearance of disparate
treatment.
• Ask objective questions and avoid subjective inquiries.
• Do not ask third parties to engage in impermissible questioning (i.e., you
cannot have someone discriminate on your behalf).
• Avoid questions that may inadvertently disclose protected information (e.g.,
asking an applicant for their high school graduation date may reveal the
applicant’s age).
• Given expansive definitions of discrimination based upon sex, avoid questions
regarding marital status, name changes, and children.
• Avoid asking about criminal convictions unless there is a legitimate business
reason for the inquiry.
• Avoid asking about arrest records; because of the disproportionate number
of minority arrests, this inquiry may be viewed as an impermissible attempt
to exclude minority applicants.
• Avoid using gender-specific terms (e.g., salesman, waiter).
[u]nwelcome sexual advances, requests for sexual favors, and other verbal
or physical conduct of a sexual nature constitute sexual harassment when
this conduct explicitly or implicitly affects an individual’s employment,
unreasonably interferes with an individual’s work performance, or creates an
intimidating, hostile, or offensive work environment.
(U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, 2009)
The first portion of the definition encompasses the obvious cases. Hopefully,
there is little question that unwelcome sexual advances and inappropriate requests
constitute harassment that should not be tolerated in a workplace. The more
subtle distinctions fall within in the latter portion of the definition: what,
precisely, constitutes activity that creates an “intimidating, hostile, or offensive
work environment” under the statute?
The latitude within the definition is intentional. The point of the definition
is to capture the subjective state of the victim, and employers are wise to err on
the side of caution in crafting a sexual harassment policy. To emphasize the
subjective nature of the definition of a hostile workplace, note the following
examples of activities that have been found to constitute sexual harassment:
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Eric Franklin Amarante
A sexual harassment policy should make clear such activities are not tolerated,
and all complaints of sexual harassment will be vigorously investigated and
addressed.
Although sexual harassment is generally the most well-known form of legally
actionable workplace-based harassment, harassment on the basis of any protected
characteristic may expose the organization to liability. This includes harassment
based upon race, religion, national origin, disability, and age. Some examples of
behavior that have been found to constitute harassment include: racial epithets
or race-based jokes; comments on a person’s skin color, hair, or other racially or
ethnically identifiable characteristics; negative comments or jokes about certain
religions or religious practices; negative comments or jokes based on age (when
the employee is over 40 years of age); and negative comments or jokes about a
person’s physical or mental disability.
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Legal Aspects of Nonprofit Employment
Terminating Employees
At this point, it is clear an organization might have to terminate an employee
under certain circumstances. In addition to harassment claims, an organization
may have to terminate an employee to avoid potential liability through vicarious
liability, negligent retention, and negligent hiring claims. However, it is important
to be careful when terminating an employee. Terminating an employee is a
sensitive situation and should be treated as such. If an employee is treated fairly
and respectfully during termination, the employee is less likely to sue the employer.
Thus, it is in an organization’s best interest to be honest with the employee, give
the employee as much notice as possible, and provide appropriate transition
services.
Even if all precautions are taken to make the termination as respectful and fair
as possible, a lawsuit is a very real possibility. The following section discusses the
facts that might give rise to a wrongful termination claim. For example, if an
employee is terminated for a discriminatory purpose (i.e., the termination is based
upon the employee’s race, gender, religion, etc.), then the employee may have
a legal claim against the organization for wrongful termination. However, a
terminated employee is not limited to the rights detailed in federal and state
statutes. In the absence of a statutory right, an employee may make a claim based
upon: (1) breach of contract; (2) breach of the duty of good faith and fair dealing;
or (3) violation of public policy.
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Eric Franklin Amarante
In addition to the implied contract theory of liability, there is the possibility that
an employee might sue for breach of the duty of good faith and fair dealing. This
common law duty is implied in every contract and requires contracting parties
to act fairly with one another, honor commonly understood obligations, and
avoid frustrating the other party’s understanding of the contract. For employment
relationships, a minority of state courts have held this duty requires employers to
avoid dealing with their employees in an arbitrary manner3 (Equal Employment
Opportunity Commission v. Chestnut Hill Hospital, 1995). In some of the states that
recognize this cause of action, there is an implied “just cause” standard in the
employment relationship (i.e., an employer must have just cause to terminate an
employee) (Chambers v. Valley National Bank of Arizona, 1988).4 In other states,
courts have held that employers may not terminate employees for malicious
reasons (i.e., the terminations must be in good faith). The quintessential example
of malicious termination is when an employer terminates an employee prior to
retirement in order to avoid paying retirement benefits. Several state courts have
held that this constitutes bad faith and violates the implied duty of good faith and
fair dealing (Stafford v. Purofied Down Products Corporation, 1992).5
In some cases, a court may deem a termination against public policy. This
rarely used doctrine is invoked when a court determines an employee’s termi-
nation would harm the public. Such cases involve an employee refusing to engage
in illegal activity, such as terminating an employee for not bribing a public official
or refusing to file an inaccurate public document. Other examples include
terminations for actions states have determined to be in the public interest. These
situations include, for example, a termination as retaliation for an employee filing
a workers’ compensation claim.
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Legal Aspects of Nonprofit Employment
you must follow any terms of the contract, some of which may limit the
circumstances in which an employee may be terminated. Further, an organization
should check all other written documents (e.g. employee handbook, documents
distributed upon hiring) to ensure there were no written assurances of continued
employment. Once an organization has determined there are no written
agreements of continued employment, it must make sure there has been no oral
statement that might be construed as a promise of continued employment.
Even if an organization has determined it has no legal obligation to continue
employment, it is a good idea to have a legitimate reason for the termination.
Again, the “at-will” employment doctrine generally means an employer does not
need a reason for termination. However, a legitimate reason for firing may help
discourage any potential wrongful termination claims. Legitimate reasons may
include excessive tardiness, poor performance, use of alcohol or drugs at work,
or violating organizational rules. However, a legitimate reason for termination
will not provide much protection if the employer does not consistently enforce
the rules. For example, if an organization terminates a black employee for violat-
ing a particular organizational rule routinely violated by white employees, then
a court might uphold a wrongful termination claim.
Finally, it is imperative that an organization carefully documents the terminat-
ion process. If an employee brings a lawsuit claiming wrongful termination, it
is important the organization is able to provide proof of the reasons for the
termination.
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Eric Franklin Amarante
Paying Employees
The federal law that governs payment of employees is the Fair Labor Standards
Act (FLSA), which in part establishes a federal minimum wage and overtime
requirements (Elaws: Employment Laws Assistance for Workers & Small
Businesses, n.d.).6 In addition to the FLSA, most states have minimum wage laws
that are higher than the federal minimum. Indeed, some localities have their own
minimum wage laws. For example, San Francisco has a minimum wage of $14.00
(as of July 2017), Albuquerque has a minimum wage of $8.80 (as of January 1,
2017 if the employer does not provide healthcare benefits), and Chicago is phasing
in a minimum wage that will reach $13.00 by 2019. Thus, it is important to
understand not only federal minimum wage laws, but also the state and local laws
that may affect the minimum payment requirements of your employees.
However, not all employees are subject to all minimum wage laws. Many of
the local laws apply to certain sectors (e.g., New York City is raising the minimum
wage of fast-food workers to $15.00). In addition, the federal minimum wage
requirement does not apply to all employees. Such employees are called “exempt”
employees, and it is important to understand how employees are classified under
the FLSA.
The minimum wage requirements of the FLSA are complex, but there are
certain employees who are always considered exempt and certain employees who
are always classified as non-exempt. The former category includes “blue-collar”
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Legal Aspects of Nonprofit Employment
employees and first responders, who are always subject to the FLSA’s minimum
wage and overtime requirements. Similarly, the FLSA also describes a category
of employees who are always exempt (e.g., employees of seasonal businesses,
small circulation newspaper employees, and newspaper deliverers).
Further, there are provisions in the FLSA that permit certain organizations to
apply to pay disabled employees less than the minimum wage. Specifically,
Section 14(c) of the FLSA allows employers to pay subminimum wages to
employees with disabilities directly affecting their job performance. In order
to qualify for this exception, employers must obtain a special certification from
the DOL. It is important to note that Section 14(c) is somewhat controversial,
with some commentators arguing it does more harm than good for the disabled
community. Organizations relying upon this exemption should pay careful
attention to changes in the law, as there are several organizations attempting to
repeal or phase-out the exemption.
Outside of those specific situations, an organization has to look at the FLSA’s
requirements to determine if a particular employee is exempt or nonexempt. The
FLSA lists the following employees as common exemptions on their website
(“Compliance Assistance: Wages and the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA),” n.d.):7
The foregoing exemptions do not represent all of the exemptions set forth in the
law, and this list is not intended to be exhaustive. Rather, this list is provided to
show the precision of the federal wage and hour regime and emphasize the need
to engage legal help. Given the complexity of the FLSA and its exemptions, it
is vital for an organization to consult with an attorney to ensure compliance with
federal, state, and local wage and hour laws.
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Table 4.1 Federal regulations and protections
Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 15 or more employees working for 20 or more Prohibits discrimination based upon race, color,
weeks during previous or current calendar year religion, gender, or national origin
Age Discrimination in Employment 20 or more employees Prohibits discrimination against workers older than 40
Act years of age (but note that an organization may
discriminate in favor of older workers)
Employee Retirement Income Security Applies to most private benefit plans (e.g., Imposes protections of benefits, including continuation
Program (ERISA) health and disability, pension, and retirement) of coverage (COBRA) and confidentiality requirements
(HIPPA)
Fair Labor Standards Act Employees that engage in interstate commerce Establishes minimum wage, overtime pay,
recordkeeping, and child labor standards
Organizations that (i) have annual sales or
business of over $500,000 or (ii) are hospitals,
businesses that provide medical or nursing
care for residents, schools, or government
agencies
Equal Pay Act All employers subject to Fair Labor Standards Prohibits pay discrimination based upon gender for
Act work of equal skill, effort, and responsibility
Family and Medical Leave Act 50 or more employees (within a 50 mile Employees entitled to a total of 12 work weeks of leave
radius) due to birth, adoption, or serious health condition of
employee, spouse, child, or parent
Federal Fair Credit Reporting Act All employers Requires disclosure of use of investigative consumer
reports (e.g., credit reports)
Law Federal Threshold Protection
Federal Protection of Juror’s All employers Prohibits discharging employees for taking time to serve
Employment Act on a jury
Occupational Safety and Health Act All employers engaged in interstate commerce Requires employers to provide workplaces free from
(including nonprofits) hazards
Older Workers Benefit Protection Act 20 or more employees for at least 20 weeks a Prohibits discriminating against workers over 40 years
year of age in providing benefits (e.g., lowering life
insurance benefits for older employees)
Pregnancy Discrimination Act 15 or more employees Prohibits discrimination based upon an employee’s
pregnancy, childbirth, or related condition
Immigration Reform and Control Act 4 or more employees Prohibits discrimination against workers who are not
of 1986 U.S. citizens or nationals
Vocational Rehabilitation Act of 1973 Recipients of federal funds Prohibits discrimination on the basis of disability
Genetic Information 15 or more employees Prohibits discrimination on the basis of a person’s
Nondiscrimination Act genetic make-up (e.g., family history of disease)
Americans with Disabilities Act 15 or more employees working for 20 or more Prohibits discrimination based upon disability. If a
weeks during previous or current calendar year person can perform a job (with a reasonable
accommodation), such person must be treated the
same as others
Eric Franklin Amarante
intended to serve as a general guide to the types of laws that may apply to your
organization, and should serve as a starting point in discussing compliance with
an attorney. The list is not exhaustive, but it will provide a good idea of the type
of federal regulations that may apply to your organization.
Conclusion
This chapter opened with a warning about the breadth and scope of employment
law. While every effort has been made to cover the more important steps that
nonprofits might take to comply with employment laws, there are many areas
that simply could not be addressed. The requirements of OSHA, for example,
are too complex to adequately cover in this format. Further, this chapter did not
mention obligations to provide continuation of certain health benefits under the
Consolidated Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act (COBRA), the mass layoff
notice requirements of the Worker Adjustment and Retraining Notification
(WARN) Act, or the anti-discrimination requirements and reasonable accom-
modation provisions of the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA). This chapter
provides a foundation of employment law, empowering nonprofits to recognize
issues and identify areas of concern, but it is absolutely imperative for nonprofits
to recognize the need for legal counsel. Only an attorney well versed in your
industry and local jurisdictional laws will be able to adequately protect your
organization.
Discussion Questions
1 Reflect on your own experience as a worker or job candidate. Have you
seen instances where legal guidelines presented in this chapter have been
violated? If so, what, if any, negative events or changes occurred?
2 Issues of sexual harassment and discrimination are some of the most often
litigated issues for employers. What are some actions your employer or
volunteer organization has taken to avoid these issues? If they have not, what
actions do you suggest they take?
3 Termination of an employee is also often litigated. Have you ever been fired
from a job or do you know of someone fired from a job? If so, in what ways
was the termination handled well (in a legally defensible way) and in what
ways was it handled poorly?
Notes
1 Dole v. Snell, 875 F. 2d 802 (10th Cir. 1989).
2 Sec’y of Labor v. Lauritzen, 835 F. 2d 1529 (7th Cir. 1987).
3 E.E.O.C. v. Chestnut Hill Hosp., 874 F. Supp. 92, 96 (1995):
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Legal Aspects of Nonprofit Employment
The Superior Court has observed that this duty “does not evaporate merely
because the contract is an employment contract, and the employee has been held
to be an employee at will.”
(citations omitted)
Kankonde v. Richmond Cancer & Blood Disease Center, Inc., 2012 WL 423366 (February
8, 2012) (“[Plaintiff] is correct that, unlike with most other contracts, Indiana law will
imply a duty of good faith and fair dealing into employment contracts.”).
4 Chambers v. Valley Nat. Bank of Arizona, 721 F. Supp. 1128, 1131 (1988):
5 Stafford v. Purofied Down Products Corp., 801 F. Supp. 130, 135 (1992):
[Plaintiff] argues that [Defendant] terminated his employment in bad faith and
for the malicious purpose of depriving him of commissions to which he was
and would be entitled. Under Seventh Circuit precedent, an employee at will may
bring such a claim, despite the lack of an employment contract.
6 The FLSA also protects against pay discrepancies based upon gender and establishes
rules for the employment of minors.
7 See www.dol.gov.
References
Chambers v. Valley National Bank of Arizona, 721 F. Supp. 1128, 1131 (United States
District Court, D. Arizona, Phoenix Division October 4, 1988).
Dole v. Snell, 875 F.2d 802 (United States Court of Appeals, Tenth Circuit May 23, 1989).
Elaws: Employment Laws Assistance for Workers & Small Businesses – Fair Labor
Standards Act Advisor. (n.d.). elaws – employment laws assistance for workers and
small businesses. Available at: webapps.dol.gov/elaws/whd/flsa/screen75.asp
Equal Employment Opportunity Commission v. Chestnut Hill Hospital, 874 F. Supp. 92, 96
(United States District Court, E.D. Pennsylvania. January 26, 1995).
Harris, S. D. (2010). Statement of Seth D. Harris Deputy Secretary U.S. Department of
Labor. Address presented at Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions
U.S. Senate, Washington, DC. Available at: www.dol.gov/_sec/media/congress/
20100617_Harris.htm
Independent Contractor (Self-Employed) or Employee? (2016, July 7 Available at:
www.irs.gov/businesses/small-businesses-self-employed/independent-contractor-
self-employed-or-employee
Kearney, B. J. (2014). Lionbridge Technologies Case 19-CA-115285 (Advice
Memorandum, pp. 1-6) (United States, National Labor Relations Board, Office of the
General Counsel).
Secretary of Labor United States Department of Labor v. Lauritzen, 835 F.2d 1529 (United
States Court of Appeals, Seventh Circuit. December 15, 1987).
Stafford v. Purofied Down Products Corp., 801 F. Supp. 130, 135 (United States District
Court, N.D. Illinois, E.D. September 2, 1992).
65
Eric Franklin Amarante
U.S. Department of Labor. (n.d.). Compliance Assistance – Wages and the Fair Labor
Standards Act (FLSA) – Wage and Hour Division (WHD). Available at: www.dol.gov/
whd/flsa
U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. Facts about Sexual Harassment.
(2009, December 14). Available at: www.eeoc.gov/eeoc/publications/upload/fs-sex.
pdf
Weil, D. (2015). Administrator’s Interpretation No. 2015-1 (The Application of the Fair
Labor Standards Act’s “Suffer or Permit” Standard in the Identification of Employees
Who Are Misclassified as Independent Contractors) (pp. 1–15). Washington, DC: U.S.
Department of Labor.
66
Part II
Building an HRM
Infrastructure in a Nonprofit
Organization
5
Strategic Human Resource
Management
Hans-Gerd Ridder and Alina McCandless Baluch
Introduction
Ask nonprofit managers and they will likely concur that their employees are their
most valuable asset—trumping their mission, reputation, or program of activities
in importance. Given that nonprofit organizations (NPOs) often provide services
to vulnerable groups in society and their employees are engaged in some form
of knowledge work, the value attributed to human resources is hardly surprising.
Managing and sustaining the commitment of these employees is therefore a
central management function in NPOs.
This human resource (HR) function is often carried out by an HR department,
or, if the NPO is a small organization, managers or employees themselves are
responsible for selecting, socializing, organizing, developing, rewarding, promot-
ing, and even dismissing employees. These HR practices are often understood as
“administrative” if they are not very well connected to the organization’s goals.
On the other hand, the organizational goals may well be strategic. In this case,
the NPO would carefully align its strategic goals with the question: “Which HR
practices are most important to achieve these goals?” Instead of having repetitive
administrative practices, specific practices are developed or supported, whereas
other practices are neglected if they are not important for the outlined goals.
Consider, for example, NPOs that believe a strong strategic orientation should be
transferred from the top down into the organizational departments. HR practices
are then evaluated in terms of how they contribute to achieving the nonprofit
mission and organizational strategy. Alternatively, NPOs might believe the careful
selection and development of employees are central to adapting to their uncertain
environments and responding to these challenges. Again, HR practices will be
assessed with regard to these goals. These orientations—whether administrative,
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Hans-Gerd Ridder and Alina McCandless Baluch
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Hans-Gerd Ridder and Alina McCandless Baluch
and flexibility-focused HRM, Akingbola’s (2013b) case study of two NPOs points
to evidence of both vertical and horizontal fit. HRM was aligned with strategy
to achieve fit through practices such as strategic recruitment, employee involve-
ment, managerial training, and performance management, yet few HR practices
consistent with indicators of resource and coordination flexibility were imple-
mented. Taking the wider context into account, Walk, Schinnenburg, and
Handy’s (2014) case study in a large German NPO sheds light on the dominant
factors influencing SHRM. Based on interviews with HR managers and employees,
they identified the overwhelming perception of environmental influences,
especially the policy environment and dramatic changes in labor supply. Themes
regarding the architecture of SHRM in NPOs underscore the dominance of
the overall pressure exerted by the external environment. Walk et al. conclude:
“Thus, the interaction of external changes on internal processes exacerbates the
influence of external factors and hinders the development and implementation of
comprehensive HR bundles” (p. 1016).
As mentioned above, we do not have a clear picture of SHRM in NPOs
yet. The prior studies take place across different countries and are usually based
on small samples within various NPOs, using a range of methods. The non-
profit field would thus still benefit from theory building and empirical research
on SHRM. In this vein, Akingbola (2013a) provides a model with a twofold
purpose. The model is developed as a basis for further research. At the same time,
it offers nonprofit managers a framework to plan and implement SHRM. The
model is theoretically founded and its core essentials consider the specifics of
what we know about NPOs. It contains the following three aggregates (Akingbola,
2013a):
• A social mission is the foundation of the goals of the NPO. These goals are
mediated by the resource base of the NPO leading to the NPO strategy.
This strategy is interrelated with principles of the NPO. These principles
are defined as “the overarching values, beliefs and approach adopted by
management and/or board of directors in the design of its NHRM system”
(Akingbola, 2013a, p. 223).
• The resulting HR policies and practices are embedded in interactions and
processes. Akingbola (2013a) delineates four main parts of this interaction.
In line with the literature, HR policies and practices interact heavily with the
competency and behavior of managers, organization characteristics, funders
and government, and system-level characteristics, such as social legitimacy and
commitment of the employees. System-level characteristics and contextual
variables drive HR policies and practices.
• HR policies and practices result in attitudes and skills of the workforce of
the NPO, which finally lead to nonprofit performance.
This model considers the research on NPOs at length and its dual character
(guidance for research, framework for managers) has several implications. First,
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Hans-Gerd Ridder and Alina McCandless Baluch
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Strategic Human Resource Management
dimensions revealed four quadrants (Ridder et al., 2012), which are depicted
in Figure 5.1.
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Hans-Gerd Ridder and Alina McCandless Baluch
4 Lastly, we propose that each of the types will have different HR architectures
that, in turn, lead to variations in performance in NPOs (Ridder et al.,
2012). HR practices are expected to impact organizational outcomes (e.g.
service quality or productivity) through the mediating effect of employee
outcomes (e.g. employee commitment and satisfaction) (Boselie, Dietz, &
Boon, 2005; Dyer & Reeves, 1995; Paauwe, 2009). Depending on the
strategic and HR orientations, the four types of HRM in NPOs are likely
to display different performance outcomes.
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Strategic Human Resource Management
and strategic HR architectures, values are clearly translated into strategic goals. As
a result, positive employee outcomes are accomplished through balancing the
mission with strategic imperatives to invest in the workforce. This balancing is
achieved, for example, by viewing strategic outcomes as a vehicle to reinvest in
developing and retaining employees.
Drawing on the typology by Ridder et al. (2012) as well, Walk et al. (2014)
empirically examine the HRM types in their case study of HR managers and
employees from a large German NPO. Identifying dominant themes within the
quadrants, their interviews reveal the overwhelming perception that NPOs have
to consider external pressures. By explicitly addressing these influences, the
authors extend the original model. With regard to the typology, the following
main themes emerged.
In administrative HR, the interviewees perceived three themes as critical: short-
term employment contracts, cost-cutting strategies, and compensation. There is a
striking difference between managers’ and employees’ perceptions of compen-
sation levels as employees are dissatisfied while employers perceive this level as
fair. Cost-cutting strategies are the answer to the dual problem of increasing tasks
and shrinking budgets. Finally, short-term contracts are used as a means to reduce
costs in anticipation of an uncertain future. In contrast, the main themes in strategic
HR are the absence of strategic practices and professional development. Both
time pressure and an uncertain future hinder any long-term strategic planning.
Professional development is needed for managers as well as for workers (career
planning, professional qualification). In motivational HR, working conditions,
on-the-job-training, and appraisals are dominant themes on the agenda. Given the
intrinsic motivation of employees in NPOs, good working conditions, especially
the work climate, are seen as critical for employees. Although managers consider
this need, it is at the same time contradicted by the decrease in public funding.
On-the job training is regarded as important in this orientation but conflicts with
day-to-day routines and the lack of time. Although appraisal reviews are highly
valued in the orientation, their extent and quality are below these expectations.
Finally, in values-based HR, religious values and organizational identification are
highlighted. Although these values play an important role in this orientation, they
are weakened by external pressures.
To summarize, these few empirical studies using the model support our
assumptions about the heterogeneity of HRM in NPOs. It could be argued that
the empirical data in the study of Walk, Schinnenburg, and Handy (2014) centers
on one large NPO in which the pressures facing its strategic orientation stem
from the same environment. But even with this shared background, the spectrum
of perceptions and reactions is impressive. NPOs do not respond automatically
or similarly to decreasing budgets, increasing competition, and mounting tasks.
Instead, their interpretation of the current situation and the anticipation of the
future vary, leading to differences in strategic thinking and acting.
When the range of NPOs is broader, as demonstrated in the case study by
Ridder, Piening, and Baluch (2012), these variations in organizational responses
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Hans-Gerd Ridder and Alina McCandless Baluch
• HR principles pertain to the choice about which policies and practices are
in use in the organization. In NPOs, missions and values are of utmost
importance and the organization must clarify what are the guiding principles
for their HR architecture.
• HR policies are aligned with organizational goals or objectives (staffing,
training, rewards, and job design). Organizations have to decide whether
these practices are focused on performance, productivity, or other financial
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Strategic Human Resource Management
variables. Particularly in NPOs these practices are the basis for individual
commitment as well.
• HR programs entail the assessment of whether bundles of internally consistent
HR programs and practices exist. The organization will also evaluate the
relationship between these programs and the desired employee-related
outcomes (e.g. satisfaction, retention).
• HR climate: The organization evaluates whether there is a climate in place
that supports the employees in collectively perceiving and interpreting the
HR principles, politics, programs, and practices as intended.
Assessing these levels and their coherence will reveal the type of HRM in the
NPO. The next lesson learned concerns whether this HR architecture is adequate
for achieving the organization’s goals or has to be adapted.
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Hans-Gerd Ridder and Alina McCandless Baluch
NPOs are faced with the challenge of combining strategic orientations and HR
orientations under difficult competitive environments. Although the values-based
quadrant is not imbued with a normative connotation, this HR architecture
represents such efforts of NPOs. The combination points the NPO toward two
vital aspects. With regard to the content of HRM, the translation of values into
strategic goals leads to balancing in the organization’s HRM principles, programs,
and practices. This desired balancing of values with strategic requirements is
not an easy task, but an ongoing struggle especially in changing environments
(Swanson, 2013).
The second aspect refers to the process of implementing new HR practices. As
indicated in recent research, employees’ perception and interpretation of HRM
matter for employee-related and performance outcomes (Baluch, Salge, & Piening,
2013). Intended HR practices are often mistaken for the actual practices employees
experience daily. Top managers might believe adequate programs and practices are
in place, only to find these are implemented differently by middle managers and
heterogeneously interpreted by employees. Such research underscores that profes-
sionally shifting the HR architecture entails carefully observing its implementation
and continually monitoring its further development. Regarding employees’ expe-
rience of implemented HRM in NPOs, research by Piening, Baluch, and Ridder
(2014, p. 17) demonstrates “the visibility of HR practices, consistency of HRM
messages, continuity of usage of HR practices, and fairness of HR practices as the
relevant categories that characterize the way employees perceive the organization’s
HR practices.”
In sum, these three lessons invite nonprofit managers to reflect on their practice
of HRM. All of these efforts require practitioners to devote their attention to HR
processes with regard to implementation and consider the perceptions and
acceptance of managers and employees, since these aspects have consequences for
the way HR practices are used and responded to in the NPO.
Discussion Questions
Think of a nonprofit organization you have recently encountered. This might
be, for example, a charity, church, nonprofit nursing home, or hospital you
volunteered at, a nonprofit advocacy organization you donated to or an NGO
you heard about in the media. Consider the following three questions with
regard to your chosen organization:
1 What is the NPO’s strategic orientation? Address the ways in which nonprofit
managers can ensure the organization’s HRM is aligned with its strategy.
2 Discuss why the NPO might want to pursue administrative HRM. In which
scenarios might strategic HRM or motivational HRM be more appropriate?
3 Debate whether values-based HRM is achievable, given the constraints that
NPOs are operating under. How might the NPO shift its HRM to develop
and implement a values-based HRM?
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Note
1 This paragraph was reprinted from Ridder, Piening, and Baluch (2012) with permission
of International Society for Third-Sector Research and Johns Hopkins University.
Voluntas: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations is the official
journal of the International Society for Third-Sector Research.
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6
Recruitment and Selection for
Nonprofit Organizations
Rikki Abzug
Introduction
As Millennials and all generations of workers interested in public service
increasingly focus their job search efforts on the nonprofit sector as their arena
for employment, they create an actual pool of human resources from which
organizations may choose. As such, organizations of the nonprofit sector are
increasingly (and often gratefully) challenged to upgrade their recruitment and
selection processes to ensure fit. Strategic nonprofit recruitment and selection are
so important because research continually highlights the relationship between
employment practices (such as recruitment and selection) and both organizational
performance and individual well-being in the nonprofit sector (Haley-Lock &
Kruzich, 2008).
Indeed, nonprofit practitioners and academics alike care deeply about both
nonprofit performance and the benefits to those who labor to fulfill the organi-
zational mission. To those ends, recruitment and selection are studied as both
independent variables correlated with organizational and individual sustainability/
well-being, as well as dependent variables that, themselves, may be sustained and
enhanced. In this chapter, we review the literature on nonprofit recruitment
and selection as both independent and dependent variables in order to glean best
practices for sustaining and enhancing recruitment and selection in the sector, and,
through that, organizational and individual effectiveness.
The beginning of the chapter is also a good place to remind the reader of
the importance and uniqueness of recruitment and selection to organizations
of the nonprofit sector (Watson & Abzug, 2016). Haiven argued: “The axiom of
recruiting the ‘right’ people making an organization and recruiting the ‘wrong’
ones breaking it has special significance in the voluntary and nonprofit sector for
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three reasons” (2004, p. 83). These reasons were that: (1) the relative scarcity of
funding in the sector puts excessive pressure on managers to ensure hiring decisions
do not lead to wasted resources; (2) choosing experienced people is essential to
professionalism in the sector; and (3) the sector’s relatively poor-paying and
thankless jobs need to be supplemented by amicable work environments that can
only be achieved through careful recruitment and selection processes. Just as
Haiven painted unique recruitment and selection in the sector as a burden on
nonprofit human resource professionals, Watson and Abzug (2016) highlighted
the distinctiveness in a more positive way. Noting the primacy of mission focus
in nonprofits, Watson and Abzug argued most staff are attracted to nonprofits
because they are motivated by their organization’s mission. Thus compared to
their for-profit counterparts, “nonprofits have an extremely powerful advantage
in all aspects of their human resource systems,” and they regard human resources
“as the central conduit through which organizations succeed” (pp. 599–600).
Thus, nonprofit recruitment and selection are unique on both the dependent
and independent variable dimensions because, respectively, the nonprofit mission
is a particularly effective recruitment and selection tool (see, also, Brown &
Yoshioka, 2003), and because nonprofit staff who are effectively recruited and
selected directly effectuate societally beneficial organizational performance. Of
course, despite the uniqueness we often observe and, perhaps, more often, extol,
there is also tremendous overlap in the philosophies and practices of recruitment
and selection across the sectors. In this review, we recognize and draw inspiration
from the latter (the overlap), but stay focused, where we can, on the former (the
nonprofit novelty).
And yet, before we dive in, a caveat derived from the tension between
overlap/novelty is in order. Our review of the literature is designed to unearth
“best practices” revealed in the research, in the fully plural sense of the term.
For every “best practice” identified in the literature review, there is likely to be
a nonprofit organization impervious to its impacts. Although the individual
studies reviewed may suggest a “one-size-fits-all” recruitment or selection
solution, this chapter will not follow suit. Indeed, past research in the sector has
made clear the pitfalls of “one-size-fits-all” nonprofit solutions (see Abzug, 1995;
Carson, 2002; Miller-Millesen, 2003; Robinson, 2001) and we will advocate
a configurational approach (Ridder et al., 2012; Toh et al., 2008; Watson &
Abzug, 2010) to the suggestions garnered from the literature. Specifically, we
remind the reader that because nonprofit organizations differ greatly by, at least,
size, lifecycle, and subsector/industry, all suggested “best practices” must be
reviewed in the context of such organizational variability. Indeed, just as recruit-
ing personnel for museums differs greatly from recruiting personnel for animal
welfare agencies, selecting staff for large national research universities differs
greatly from selecting staff for small, local river keeper organizations. While
not all of the reviewed literature will make explicit distinctions between organi-
zations of different sizes, ages, subsectors, etc., as solutions are proffered, we will
try to provide the context for making just such distinctions. Further, we note
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that much of the literature we review has explored nonprofit human resources
in the United States, still, we will try to incorporate findings from international
studies wherever possible.
The chapter will proceed as follows. We will begin with an overview of the
research positing differential recruitment processes in the nonprofit sector. We
will follow that with a review of the literature on predictions/antecedents of
successful nonprofit recruitment and then selection. Finally, we will review the
literature on the impact or consequences of recruitment and selection processes
in the sector.
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Haiven (2004) defined the human resource specialists as those who had taken
course work or professional certification in the personnel field.
Only about a quarter of Ban et al.’s (2003) Pennsylvania nonprofits had a
formal HR organizational structure and the others coped by relying on board
members’ expertise or the largesse of umbrella organizations. Yet, Ban et al. found
most nonprofits (regardless of size or professionalization of the HR function) were
relatively satisfied with their recruiting efforts, although hiring in technology
and development posed difficulties, and use of the internet, at least at the turn of
the Millennium, remained limited.
Whoever does the recruiting, both the prescriptive and the research literature
have outlined two major pathways to attracting recruits in the nonprofit sector:
internal (identified by Marsden (1994) as informal) approaches and external
(Marsden’s (1994) formal) approaches. The following lays out findings about
each.
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Indeed, Watson and Abzug (2016, p. 602) specifically note that “recruiting
by internal referral is so successful” because “individuals who know insiders are
much more likely to understand what the organization is about and accurately
assess whether or not they would like to work there.” And yet, they, too, caution
that “fit is not a synonym for homogeneity” (Watson & Abzug, 2016, p. 602),
suggesting that the more “successful organizations tend to seek and engage
diverse viewpoints.” Organizations would need to undertake internal recruitment
or encourage word-of-mouth referrals within the context of encouraging insiders
to think broadly about their networks and creatively about staff promotion.
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employees. She counsels that nonprofits can achieve this latter objective “by
engaging in the foundational activities of effective recruitment: job design,
screening, and interviewing, where a purposeful discussion of employee goals
can be achieved” (Gazley, 2016, p. 98). Indeed, Ban, Drahnak-Faller, and Towers
(2003) pointed out that nonprofits have particular flexibility in their human
resource strategy compared to public agencies constrained by civil service rules
and regulations. This flexibility would characterize both recruitment and selection
processes.
Reviewing the literature on recruitment, we see best practices emerging in
internal/informal recruitment, external/formal recruitment, and studies that do
not fit neatly into either of the former. We note how authors use the concepts
of increased “fit” and lower costs in explaining the popularity of internal/
informal recruitment, even as they warn that precautions must to be taken to
ensure personal networks can lead to diverse applicant pools. In the external/
formal recruitment literature, we also note a concern for attracting diverse
applicant pools, as authors describe how various media (social and traditional)
can be utilized to target different audiences. Finally, we return to the theme that
nonprofit recruitment may be differentiated from recruitment in other sectors
due to the relative advantage of using mission as an attractor compared with
for-profit recruiting and the relative advantage of private sector flexibility
compared with governmental recruiting.
Nonprofit Selection
There does not appear to be a huge scholarly empirical literature on selection in
the nonprofit sector. Perhaps because the sector as a whole (exceptions abound,
of course) seems to be perennially portrayed as under-staffed (see, for example,
Lynn, 2003; Rehling, 2000; Silverman & Taliento, 2006), there may be a sense
that selecting among multitudes of candidates is a nonprofit’s fantasy. Then again,
Ban et al.’s (2004) study of Pennsylvanian nonprofits noted that “focus group
participants reported no shortage of good resumes to choose from, especially
when the very top-level positions such as executive director became vacant”
(p. 137). In reviewing the credentials of the applicants, Ban et al.’s Pennsylvanian
nonprofits used a variety of selection methods—with some organizations
consciously trying to hire locally. One of the few studies that appears in a search
for “employee selection in nonprofits” makes the claim that the relatively lower
wages of the sector may be causing self-selection for (at least) managers in
nonprofits (Handy & Katz, 1998).
Nickson, Warhurst, Dutton, and Hurrell (2008), writing in the Scottish
context, promulgate the related idea of a social process model of recruitment
and selection to help make sense of the recruitment conundrum of lower wages
in the sector (for global perspectives on nonprofit recruitment difficulties,
see Barnard, Broach, & Wakefield, 2004, and Wilding, Collis, Lacey, &
McCullough, 2003). They suggest the social process model of recruitment and
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(1) provision of general information on the job opening, (2) participation and
control, (3) openness to assertiveness, (4) creation of transparency of testing,
(5) provision of feedback, (6) guarantee of objectivity and standardization,
(7) assurance of human treatment, and (8) respect for privacy and job relevance
of information gathering.
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staff will make the jobs of other staff more challenging. An inability to find staff
who reflect the demographic characteristics of clients will make it more difficult
to serve particular client populations.” Indeed, Kettlitz, Zbib, and Motwani
(1997) found that poor selection practices, including not using weighted application
blanks (WABs) in pre-employment screening, are correlated with nursing aides
turnover. Although focused specifically on nursing aides in nursing homes, Kettlitz
et al. (1997) linked higher turnover to applicants who left information about prior
length of service, prior wage increases, and percent of general (non-nursing)
coursework blank on their applications. They also implicated applicant unemployed
status, finding the job through the newspaper, and finding the job through referral
by a current employee as correlates to shorter tenure. Further, Kettlitz, Zbib, and
Motwani’s (1997) research supported the use of biographical information blanks
(personal history data) to predict employee theft, as well as turnover.
Research by Taylor and McGraw (2006), coming out of the study of nonprofit
sport organizations in Australia, found the strong emphasis placed on the recruit-
ment and selection of paid staff (in comparison to that of volunteers): (1) was not
correlated with further employee development or training; (2) reflected funding
limitations on training and development coupled with the belief that recruiting
and selecting for strong business and management skill and expertise would
obviate the need for training; and (3) suggested these organizations believed
employing the right people would pay off in the long run. These findings circle
back to the idea that self-selection in/to organizations of the sector helps delineate
what is both unique and potentially enviable in recruitment and selection in
nonprofit organizations.
Indeed, the limited empirical data on the impact of (poor) recruitment and
selection processes in the nonprofit sector seems to suggest that, given high costs
associated with subsequent training as well as the liabilities inherent in making
recruitment/selection mistakes, nonprofits are well advised to invest resources
upfront to strategize these all-important core activities.
Lessons Learned
This review of a somewhat delimited empirical literature on recruitment and
selection in nonprofit organizations has still unearthed some common themes:
(1) recruitment in the sector, though vitally important given scarce human
resources, is often comparatively informal; (2) such informality decreases as the
human resource function professionalizes, yet, such informality is not always seen
as problematic; (3) self-selection into the sector confirms a differentially-motivated
labor force while also, often, substituting for more formal selection processes; and
(4) recruitment and selection, especially in the nonprofit sector, have profound
individual, organizational, and societal impacts.
In the end, then, the extant literature suggests that nonprofit recruitment
and selection are of utmost strategic importance to the success of the nonprofit
mission, yet may still be, too often, performed informally. Yet, formalizing
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strategic recruitment and selection need not entail hiring staffing experts, although
that might be preferable where funding is plentiful. However, for most nonprofits
with smaller staffing budgets, where every hire is crucial, strategic planning and
implementation of recruitment and selection processes are still achievable with
commitment from the governing team. Nonprofit managers, working backwards
from thoughtfully delineated recruitment/selection goals, can economically adopt
best practices, including the strategic use of informal networks and social media
platforms coupled with a social process model of selection. Indeed, the individual,
organizational, mission, and societal payoff from investing time, thought, and
resources into the nonprofit recruitment and selection process will likely be
tremendous.
Discussion Questions
1 Think back to when you (or a friend/family member) were recruited and
selected to a nonprofit organization. To what extent did the organization
follow the best practices reviewed in the chapter? What other best practices
did the organization use?
2 In what ways would recruiting and selecting volunteers differ from the
recruitment and selection of paid staff members at nonprofits?
3 What roles might the Board of Trustees play in the recruitment and selection
of nonprofit staff?
Exercises
1 Look for nonprofit ads in the Chronicle of Philanthropy or on Idealist.org.
Work with a group to determine what other recruitment avenues the
organization might use to fill this position. Next, working in your group,
put together a plan to make a selection among qualified candidates.
2 Consider a nonprofit organization with which you have worked or
volunteered. Put yourself in the place of the Board of Trustees and write a
strategic plan for future recruitment and employee selection.
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7
Succession Planning and
Management in Nonprofit
Organizations
Yeonsoo Kim
It’s always wise to look ahead, but difficult to look further than you can see.
(Winston Churchill)
Introduction
Since many nonprofits are typically small and heavily reliant on a deeply moti-
vated staff, planning for sustained leadership is critical for nonprofit organizations
(Adams, 2010). In recent years, nonprofit practitioners and scholars have pointed
to challenges with leadership transition and succession planning for executives
as critical for organizational success (Allison, 2002; Froelich, McKee, & Rathge,
2011; Stewart, 2016). Despite the projected retirement of many nonprofit execu-
tives in the coming decade, few nonprofits have created or implemented formal
succession plans (Wolfred, 2008). Surveys have consistently demonstrated non-
profits are aware of their leadership development gaps, but have not identified
strategies to address them (Tierney, 2006). Therefore, as a key human resource
management (HRM) practice, nonprofits have a lot of work to do in building
their HRM capacity associated with transitions and succession.
Many nonprofit organizations are relying on the practices and evidence
developed for for-profit organizations for succession planning. However, a close
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examination suggests these strategies are ill suited to the nonprofit context due to
key differences between the sectors (Froelich, McKee, & Rathge, 2011). Effective
succession planning should be a system and program that address each organization’s
unique situation and help address future challenges. As Froelich et al. (2011)
highlighted, nonprofit organizations are different from for-profit organizations in
terms of end goals, reliance on volunteers, a complex relationship between the
executive director and board of directors, and an increasingly complicated mix of
revenue streams. Similar to other systems and programs of management, effective
succession planning and management begins with understanding the core concepts
of the practice, including definition and general models. Based on an accurate
understanding, each nonprofit organization should then think about their particular
context and figure out how to tailor succession planning and management practices
to their organizations. With this, these nonprofits will be able to design an effective
succession planning system and implement succession planning and management
as a program. Therefore, this chapter has two primary goals. First, we provide
general information about succession planning and management, including the
definition and an overview of some common models of succession planning and
management. Second, we provide information and best practices for nonprofit
organizations to begin to create their own succession plans and manage the process
effectively.
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Succession Planning and Management
et al., 2011). The best means to realize the potential of succession planning lies
in succession management, which moves planning into a more active approach
to leadership and talent development (Rothwell, 2005). Succession management
assumes a more dynamic organizational environment and career development of
people within an organization. In contrast, succession planning focuses upon the
slating process, which identifies individuals who are ready to lead or who have
the potential to lead. For example, traditional succession planning would look to
identify key actors who are ready now (or in six months) to take which position,
with the assumption that the position and its requirements remain largely
unchanged (Rothwell, 2005). The succession management process, on the other
hand, asks the current leadership to create a strategy to develop future leadership,
focusing on developing the needed and required future competencies and
delivering an array of supporting development opportunities, with the assumption
of changing organizational needs (Liebman et al., 1996). To be effective and com-
petitive, succession planning and management must work in concert to produce
desired outcomes for nonprofit organizations (Froelich et al., 2011; Rothwell,
2005). However, for nonprofits, especially those who struggle with resources for
training and development, succession planning and management can be a
challenge. We argue it is worth the investment and that nonprofits cannot ignore
their future leadership needs.
A succession planning and management program is a deliberate and focused
effort to maintain continuity of key positions, through both retention and devel-
opment of future intellectual and knowledge capital, and to encourage the
advancement for individuals (Rothwell, 2005). The need for succession planning
and management is not confined to management or senior roles. Effective suc-
cession planning and management work to ensure critical backups and individual
development across job categories—including key clerical, front-line, profes-
sional, technical, and production positions. The extension of succession planning
and management beyond management ranks is even more important as organiz-
ations take active steps to build higher performance and create environments
that involve their workers, as in many service areas including the nonprofit
sector, these environments involve decentralized decision-making, empowered
employees, diffused leadership throughout the workforce, and accumulated tech-
nical knowledge based on experience in the organization (Rothwell, 2005).
These environments create a fertile ground to involve employees in thinking
about the future.
A key goal of succession planning and management is the alignment of the
organization’s current talent with future talent needs: What do you have now
and what will you need in the future? A second goal is enabling organizations to
better address operational and strategic challenges by matching employees to the
needs and actions of the nonprofit at the right time. When challenges arise for
nonprofit organizations, succession planning and management should allow
a nonprofit to evaluate how well their current workforce was able to weather
these challenges and what was learned about the existing human capital stock and
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how it could be improved. In this sense, succession planning and management are
important tools to allow organizational learning. Succession planning and manage-
ment ensure that the institutional memory and collective experiences are preserved
and synthesized to achieve continuous improvement in work outcomes. This
can enable double loop learning, which helps to challenge underlying values and
assumptions that may get in the way of organizational progress (Argyris, 1999;
Senge, 1990). In other words, succession planning ensures continued development
of leadership and talent through structured reflection and development and aids in
the management of knowledge in the nonprofit organization over the long term
(Froelich et al., 2011; Rothwell, 2005).
Replacement Planning
Although replacement planning is often a compatible and overlapping activity,
succession planning and management are distinct from replacement planning.
Replacement planning is “the process of identifying short-term and long-term
emergency backups to fill critical positions or to take the place of critical people”
(Rothwell, 2011, p. 87). This planning focuses more on filling gaps based on
extraordinary circumstances or temporary disruptions versus more sustained
leadership development and succession. At its core, replacement planning is a
strategy to manage organizational risk. In contrast, succession planning does not
focus per se on identifying staffing backups within a department; it is a more
comprehensive approach to examining needs at different levels of the organization.
However, many people consider replacement planning as succession planning or
as a part of succession planning. Unlike replacement planning, succession planning
is a strategic effort and system of human resource management instead of a plan
to address an episodic event. Having backups identified is a good first step, but
it is not enough for the long term.
Workforce Planning
Unlike succession planning, which focuses on succession, transition, and devel-
opment of key positions in an organization, workforce planning is a broader
HRM practice tied to the planning and development of the workforce, a
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Talent Management
The recent interest in talent management has led to the growing popularity of
the terms talent strategy, talent management and succession planning being used
interchangeably to capture a larger approach to developing an organization’s
human capital (Kim et al., 2014). However, the differences between talent
management and succession planning are distinct. Talent management moves
beyond succession planning toward the larger goal of competing and developing
talent. Generally, talent is a tool for managing the “best-in-class talent”—the
upper 1–10 % of employees (Smart, 2005). Talent management involves a broad
spectrum of HR activities, including identifying, developing, appraising,
deploying, and retaining high performing and high potential employees (Collings
& Scullion, 2007). It is the process of attracting, developing, and retaining the
best people. This threefold-integrated focus distinguishes talent management from
succession planning (Rothwell, 2011). Talent management and development are
covered in Chapter 8 of this volume.
Talent management is comprised of many typical human resource management
(HRM) practices, functions, and activities (Lewis & Heckman, 2006). In this way,
talent management is similar to strategic human resource management. Talent
management focuses on the most talented employees (commonly mentioned as
high performing and high potentials). Therefore, talent management typically
classifies employees into top, middle, and low performers. It then focuses on
development activities for these top performers. Talent management also
concentrates on mobility and flows of employees within an organization, which
encompasses succession planning and human resource planning (Collings, 2014).
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succession planning and management program. This model formed the basis for
modern succession planning (Mahler & Graines, 1983, p. ix). Charan et al. (2001)
propose that in large decentralized organizations, career hierarchy can be
represented by six career passages or pipeline turns (Figure 7.1). The pipeline is
not a direct path and each bend represents a change in organizational hierarchy
and complexity, requiring attention to the HR process and how the individual
is managed at those different levels. At each level, a significant turn must be made
to reach a different level of complexity and leadership. Making these turns
involves large shifts in job requirements, new skills demands, and work values.
If an organization is unable to identify and recruit candidates at the top, it is likely
they will face difficulties at lower levels of leadership.
Based on this assumption, Charan et al. (2001) argue organization must fill the
pipeline with high-performing people to ensure every leadership level has
sufficient talent to draw from for current and future needs. In order to do so, they
propose a five-step plan for succession planning. In the first step, the organization
adjusts the Leadership Pipeline Model to the needs of their organization. In the
second step, the organization translates standards for performance and potential
that can be used to guide individuals in the positions and targeted for the positions.
In the third step, the organization documents and communicates the standards set
in the previous step. In the fourth step, organizations evaluate succession candidates
using a combined potential-performance matrix. The matrix used employs a nine-
box grid, which rates the potential of the candidate and their performance. In the
final step, the plans and progress in terms of talent pipeline are seriously reviewed
on a regular basis. The applicability of this model would vary for nonprofits based
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on the depth of their career ladders and the complexity of their organizations.
However, it could be useful for nonprofits where staff are making significant steps
in their development that would require some job shifts. For example, in a
nonprofit where expert front-line workers, such as teachers or social workers, are
moved into nonprofit management positions, this could help the workers be
identified and given targeted management development training before moving
into those positions. In addition, in nonprofits where workers may work in
lower levels of operations, such as development or financial management, and
are identified as possible future leadership, this could be used to develop them
gradually for those positions.
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Figure 7.2 The Acceleration Pools Model
Source: Adapted in part from Byham et al. (2002, pp. 20–21).
Yeonsoo Kim
and present employee performance appraisals. During the sixth step, organizations
create an ongoing internal program for leadership development. In order to
supplement leadership development, alternatives to traditional promotion-from-
within methods must be examined to meet succession needs. The seventh and
final step involves continual evaluation of effectiveness of the program. The results
of the evaluation refine the program and maintain commitment to the program
(Rothwell, 2001; 2005).
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Table 7.1 Five generations of the succession planning and management lifecycle
Typical implementation
Lifecycle of SP plan Major components
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resources are already stretched thin and most organizations cannot support
multiple managers for replacement planning. Due to the smaller size of these
organizations and few dedicated resources for leadership development, succession
planning for nonprofits focuses on the search outside the organization (Froelich
et al., 2011; Santora, Caro, & Sarros, 2007). It is important to note that small
nonprofit organizations are likely at more risk if they fail to plan for the future
in terms of leadership and other needs because their margin for error is so tight.
Nonprofits need to scale their succession planning based on their level of
management capacity, but this planning and management cannot be ignored if
nonprofits want to maintain their sustainability.
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• Emergency succession (or leadership) planning ensures that key leadership and
administrative functions, as well as agency services, continue uninterrupted.
This is meant for organizations facing an unplanned or temporary but
longer-term absence of a key leader.
• Departure-defined succession planning is recommended for organizations facing
the announced departure of a long-term leader with two or more years of
lead-time. This process involves identifying the agency’s future goals and
how the next leader should connect to those goals; determining the skill
needs of a possible successor; and building the capacity of the remaining
leadership team and systems to sustain the organization.
• Strategic leader development is recommended for organizations not facing the
imminent departure of a leader but who want to prepare for future leadership
needs. This practice engages the agency’s strategic vision to identify the
leadership and management skills needed to achieve those goals. It also
involves recruiting and retaining talented individuals who currently have or
have the potential to develop the needed skills (Wolfred, 2011).
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Source: Adapted from the Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City (2009).
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1 Draft and approve a strategic plan that encompasses goals for leadership and
talent development needed to achieve identified strategies.
2 Implementation of an annual executive performance review including assess-
ment and feedback about performance relative to the strategic objectives.
3 A process for annual self-assessment of the board’s performance in key areas
including: quality of financial oversight, legal compliance, understanding and
assessment of programs, and feedback given to the executive.
4 Implementation of an annual staff evaluations system to ensure performance
on job duties and skills.
5 Promotion of ability of senior management to work as a team.
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1 Engage senior leaders: The CEO and senior leadership team need to be on the
same page about the importance of leadership development and succession
planning. This group should design the process, including expectations and
processes and ensure the organization moves forward with implementation.
The CEO’s role is critical here—the CEO needs to emphasize leadership
development as a priority, set clear expectations with associated accountability,
build (and develop) a senior leadership team, engage the board, and harness
the power of the nonprofit’s human resources (Kramer & Nayak, 2013,
pp. 24–25).
2 Map out a vision of the future leadership team: This kind of structured develop-
ment process requires thinking about what the future should look like. With
this understanding and associated strategic discussion, the organization can
assess the potential of current staff to become future leaders to meet emerging
needs. Kramer and Nayak (2013, p. 53) suggest these procedures:
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strategically to ensure the organization will keep its agility and sustain its success
through the leadership transition.
As mentioned earlier, while there are many similarities in successful succession
planning programs, but there is no single approach to succession planning and
management which will work in all venues and organizations. Similar to the for-
profit sector, for each nonprofit organization, the most important part of succession
planning is to develop a realistic and effective succession planning with careful
consideration of constraints and resources available. As Rothwell (2015) mentioned,
organizations cannot jump from nothing to a state-of-art high succession planning
in a short time. As a systematic strategic planning process, succession planning is
a process that requires engagement of all aspects and people associated with the
organization.
Efforts to streamline and increase the effectiveness of leadership transitions
began as early as the 1960s. Succession planning and management started to gain
attention from leaders of organizations in the 1980s. It went on to become a
critical component of management in the 1990s. In the early years of succession
planning, the vast majority of attention was on top management and executives.
Currently organizations realize succession planning and management are not
only about executives and senior leadership positions but also the broader work-
force. To be effective and strategically contribute to the organization’s vitality
and sustainability, succession planning has evolved and broadened its scope to
all key positions, including professional, technical, and administrative positions
and the key knowledge needs of the organization. As Rothwell (2015) empha-
sizes, an organization cannot jump into a state-of-art succession planning in
a short time, it takes many years of collaborative efforts of leaders and members
of an organizations to plan, design, and implement a succession planning and
management program that fits into an organization. The unique challenges of the
nonprofit sector have led to the underdevelopment of succession planning
in nonprofit organizations so far. Many nonprofit organizations are still in the
early stages of succession planning development such as focusing exclusively on
executive succession. While the importance of effective succession planning
for executives should not be ignored or belittled, nonprofits still need to prepare
themselves to be more strategic and forward-thinking in terms of succession
planning and succession management to ensure the continuity of the organization
beyond current leaders.
As Froelich et al. (2011) pointed out, while nonprofit organizations often
strongly prefer their next leaders to come from within or from similar
organizations, the investment in leadership development activities in nonprofit
organizations is not high. In addition, many nonprofits are still not prepared to
implement succession planning as a strategic and systematic program rather than
due to an event of the chief officer’s transition. Furthermore, traditional leadership
development and succession planning do not provide the flexibility needed for
the rapidly changing environment facing organizations today (Gothard & Austin,
2013). The current literature calls for a fundamental shift from traditional
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Discussion Questions
1 Examining the vignettes below (modified from Rothwell, 2015, pp. 3–4),
how would you address these succession problems?
2 What aspects of the nonprofit sector would make these situations challenging?
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References
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organizations. 10 things every board member needs to know. Chicago: First Nonprofit
Foundation.
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Argyris, C. (1999). On organizational learning (2nd ed.). Malden, MA: Blackwell Business.
Bechet, T. (2008). Strategic staffing: A comprehensive system for effective workforce planning (2nd
ed.). New York: Amacom.
Bell, J., Moyers, R., & Wolfred, T. R. (2006). Daring to lead 2006: A national study of
nonprofit executive leadership. New York: CompassPoint/Meyer Foundation.
Byham, W. C., Smith, A. B., & Paese, M. J. (2002). Grow your own leaders: How to identify,
develop, and retain leadership talent. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall.
Carter, N. H. (1986). Guaranteeing management’s future through succession planning,
Journal of Information System Management, 3(3), 13–14.
Charan, R., Drotter, S. J., & Noel, J. L. (2001). The leadership pipeline: How to build the
leadership-powered company. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
Collings, D. G. (2014). Integrating global mobility and global talent management:
Exploring the challenges and strategic opportunities. Journal of World Business, 49(2),
253–261. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jwb.2013.11.009.
Collings, D. G. & Mellahi, K. (2009). Strategic talent management: A review and research
agenda. Human Resource Management Review, 19(4), 304–313. doi: 10.1016/j.hrmr.
2009.04.001.
Collings, D. G., & Scullion, H. (2007). Resourcing international assignees. In C. Brewster,
P. Sparrow, & M. Dickman (Eds.), International human resource management: Comtemporary
issues in Europe (pp. 87–106). Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City. (2009). Nonprofit Executive Succession-Planning
Toolkit. Kansas City, MO: Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City.
Froelich, K., McKee, G., & Rathge, R. (2011). Succession planning in nonprofit
organizations. Nonprofit Management & Leadership, 22: 3–20. doi:10.1002/nml.20037.
Gandossy, R. P. & Verma, N. (2006). Passing the torch of leadership. Leader to Leader, 40,
37–44.
Gothard, S. & Austin, M. J. (2013). Leadership succession planning: Implications for
nonprofit human service organizations. Administration in Social Work, 37(3), 272–285.
doi:10.1080/03643107.2012.684741.
Kim, Y., Williams, R., Rothwell, W. J., & Penaloza, P. (2014). A strategic model for
technical talent management: A model based on a qualitative case study. Performance
Improvement Quarterly, 26(4), 93–121.
Kramer, K. & Nayak, P. (2013). Nonprofit leadership development: What’s your “Plan A” for
growing future leaders? Boston, MA: The Bridgespan Group.
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Leibman, M., Bruer, R. A., & Maki, B. R. (1996). Succession management: The next
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resources/succession-planning-nonprofits
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strategic approach (4th ed.). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
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talent from within (2nd ed.). New York: Amacom.
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talent from within (3rd ed.). New York: Amacom.
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talent from within (5th ed.). New York: Amacom.
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employment during a decade of turmoil. Nonprofit Employment Bulletin, 39, 1–17.
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the best players(Rev. ed.). New York: Portfolio.
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Leadership, 27(1), 43–58.
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sites/default/files/documents/Depature-Defined%20Sccession%20planning%20-%20
final_0.pdf
Workforce Magazine. (2012, May). Is there a meaningful distinction between workforce
planning and succession planning? Available at: www.workforce.com/2012/05/01/
is-there-a-meaningful-distinction-between-workforce-planning-and-succession-
planning
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8
Talent Management
Heather L. Carpenter
Introduction
Talent management is defined as “systematically and strategically picking the best
people and developing them to make them even more productive” (Rothwell,
2012, p. 33). Even though the nonprofit sector employs 10% of the US private
workforce (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2014), talent management is often over-
looked as a viable option for organizational success. However, talent management
cannot be ignored by nonprofit organizations. A recent article by the Bridgespan
Group, “The Talent Development Deficit,” shows that nonprofits continually
struggle with developing their internal talent and as a result are dealing with the
“Turnover Treadmill,” which means nonprofits are losing their internal talent
(Landles-Cobb, Kramer, & Smith Milway, 2015). There is not necessarily a talent
deficit as previous studies have implied, but the problem lies with nonprofits not
developing their internal talent and, as a result, people are leaving to find better
opportunities where their skills are developed. This chapter discusses various talent
manage-ment components and models to help nonprofits develop their internal
talent. The chapter also provides resources and discusses barriers nonprofits face
in implementing talent management strategies.
Talent management is a competency-based approach comprised of acquiring
new talent, developing the talent you have, and retaining good talent. There are
three stages of talent management, which include personnel control, people
development, and talent multiplication (Cheese, Thomas, & Craig, 2007).
Personnel control is focused on administering people, making sure they are
doing the required tasks; whereas people development is about developing
your people; and talent multiplication is about using employees’ knowledge,
skills, and abilities as a collective and collaborative force to achieve the overall
strategy of the organization (Cheese et al., 2007). Most organizations tend to
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focus on personnel control and need to move toward talent multiplication. Lack
of time and money are the main reasons why organizations get stuck in the
personnel control mode, but they can make the move to talent multiplication by
employing the following strategies:
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The gap analysis and key workforce statistics should reveal talent gaps, areas
where the organization needs additional talent as well as talent surpluses and
shifting roles.
Developing Competencies
Once organizations have identified their talent needs, they should develop
the competencies to meet their strategic goals. Competencies are defined as the
knowledge, skills, abilities, and other characteristics (KSAOCs) that a position
must include in order to achieve those strategic goals (Pynes, 2009). Competencies
are often mapped to a proficiency level so employees know at which level to
perform the competency. Competencies have been discussed for many years as
being important in building a high performance team and a high performance
organization (Rodriguez, Patel, Bright, Gregory, & Gowing, 2002). Although
competencies are rarely discussed in the context of nonprofit sector employment,
Carpenter and Qualls (2015) identified a set of ten core social change competencies,
after an extensive review of scholarly and practitioner literature assessing the
training needs and general competencies nonprofit managers should possess.
The competencies can be used as a starting point for nonprofit organizations.
These ten core competencies1 include:
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Recruiting Talent
Once the competencies and sub-competencies are identified, they are added into
employee and volunteers’ job descriptions. There are different philosophies,
methodologies, and resources for creating and revising job descriptions, which will
not be covered in this chapter. However, experts emphasize the importance of
current job descriptions (Rothwell, 2012). Figure 8.1 presents the main components
of job descriptions.
Another aspect of recruiting top talent is providing marketing to get the right
individuals to apply for positions, offering competitive salaries to attract talent, and
developing candidates once they are hired (Kim et al., 2014). Since most nonprof-
its lack a human resource manager (Guo et al., 2011), recruiting top talent is often
a struggle. However, organizations that make efforts to recruit top talent have seen
lower turnover rates.
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Talent Retention
The last component of talent management is talent retention. Talent retention
involves rewarding employees for their work. Talent rewards, along with all the
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127
Figure 8.2 The Talent Development Platform
Source: Carpenter & Qualls (2015).
Talent Management
undertake the other steps in the platform. The next stage of the platform is to
develop a talent map. The talent map is developed to support the organization’s
strategic goals and mission achievement. Through the talent mapping process,
organizations write and revise their job descriptions, create competencies (using
the ten core social change competencies developed by Carpenter and Qualls, and
identify proficiency levels that fit with the created competencies. The process
also involves developing organization, department, and position-based sub-
competencies, and then assessing employees against the competencies and
proficiency levels with the Individual Professional Development Assessment.
After the Talent Map has been developed, organizations administer the
Learning Styles Assessment. Then, based on the results of the Individual
Professional Development Assessment and Learning Styles assessments, organiz-
ations and individual employees develop professional development goals and
objectives that enhance the organization’s strategic goals. The professional
development goals are tied to on-the-job learning, mentoring, and training. The
next step is implementing the professional development activities in a year-long
time frame. The Talent Development Platform provides a variety of resources
including timelines, mentoring plans, budgets, and a return on investment
calculator to help with talent retention. The last stage of the Talent Development
Platform is evaluating professional development goals and employee performance.
A year into the professional development implementation, employees retake the
Individual Professional Development Assessment and evaluate the progress of
the talent development implementation. The Talent Development Platform is a
step forward for the nonprofit sector’s understanding of talent management. It
allows organizations to integrate talent management in their strategic planning
process.
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the fourth step is to recruit and select the best people; the fifth step is to clarify
work performance and the best people to do the work; the sixth step is to
evaluate performance; the seventh step is to clarify future work to be performed
and the people needed to perform that work; the eighth step is to identify people
within the organization who have potential for promotion and help them
develop/or identify their career goals; the ninth step is to close development gaps
and build future competencies; the tenth step is to reward for talent; the eleventh
step is to help senior employees to transfer knowledge to junior employees;
the twelfth step is to plan for integrating talent management into daily work; the
thirteenth and final step is to evaluate talent management results. The model is
cyclical so once an organization gets through the 13 steps, they start the process
again (Rothwell, 2012). Since nonprofits struggle with developing internal talent,
retaining internal talent, and identifying the talent for the future (Landles-Cobb
et al., 2015) the Strategic and Tactical Talent Management Model cyclical steps
help organizations identify and develop talent planning, talent development, and
talent retention strategies into overall organizational planning.
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Heather L. Carpenter
can contribute to the organization; the sixth step is creating a tailored develop-
ment program for each individual within the organization so they can become
ready for their new positions. The seventh step is measuring progress frequently
and providing feedback to their employees on their performance. The last step
is moving people to their new positions when they have achieved their devel-
opment goals (Bonner & Obergas, 2009). The model for nonprofit leadership
development is important for talent management within nonprofit organizations
because it also helps organizations identify high potential successors. The model
also combines nonprofit competencies, succession planning, and training and
development.
In this section, five talent management models were described that nonprofits
can use when implementing talent development strategies within their organiza-
tions. The next section discusses the efforts of infrastructure organizations in
supporting and developing talent within the nonprofit and philanthropic sector.
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5
Invest in teams and systems beyond the C-suite.
6
Advance values and offer living wages to grantees.
7
Make advancing diversity among grantees a top priority.
8
See that talent philanthropy benefits staff, constituents and the community
as a whole.
9 View talent as integral at all levels of the organization.
10 Support talent within foundations as well (Stahl, 2013, pp. 41–42).
In more recent work, Stahl (2015) provides examples of funders who are investing
in their grantees. These examples include the Community Memorial Foundation,
providing a variety of support for talent philanthropy to their grantees including:
technical assistant grants, professional coaching to executive directors, educational
workshops on board leadership, leadership development for middle managers,
and memberships to professional organizations. Another example is the Evelyn and
Walter Hass Jr. Fund, which provides a consultant to grantees to implement talent
development, and hosts convenings to share the talent development successes
and challenges (Stahl, 2015). The Talent Philanthropy Project is one of the only
initiatives that focuses on the funding side of talent management and it provides
real case studies and solutions for funders to support talent within nonprofit
organizations.
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EPIP has also created a series of competencies that emerging leaders can strive
for and use to prepare for leadership within the nonprofit and philanthropic
sector. The Nonprofit Leadership and Talent toolkit is helpful to advancing
talent management practices within the sector because it provides solutions to
help prevent burnout of senior leaders within organizations. The toolkit also
helps organizations with succession planning efforts.
1 Introduce people to ways their energies and abilities can make a difference
and have a profound impact upon their own lives.
2 Bridge the gaps in the path to nonprofit leadership so that people from
all backgrounds can become involved in creating effective, dynamic
organizations.
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During the Talent Initiative, Pathfinder Solutions worked with many foundations,
nonprofit associations, college classes, and groups such as AmeriCorp across the
United States and even in other countries. Two products were created as a result
of the Initiative. First, the work became the research underpinnings for the book
Compassionate Careers: Making a Living by Making a Difference (Pryor & Mitchell,
2015). Second, Pathfinder Solutions created a comprehensive talent assessment
and an online workbook to accompany the book. In all, the Talent Initiative
confirmed nonprofits are more sustainable when they prioritize talent management
and leadership development (Pathfinder Solutions, 2016).
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Heather L. Carpenter
American Express has seen tremendous growth and success in the program since
its inception and most recently partnered with the Presidio Institute in San
Francisco to deliver online leadership development trainings to nonprofit
organizations.
The efforts described above were created to help develop and retain talent
within the nonprofit sector and continue to gain momentum each day. As more
nonprofits receive funding for their people, take leadership development training,
and implement succession planning best practices, they will reap the benefits of
lower turnover and increased sustainability, as indicated by the research. With
that said, there are still major barriers, which are listed below, that nonprofits
must overcome to implement talent management strategies.
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Heather L. Carpenter
lack of critical feedback, and limited professional development support for staff
(Bonner & Obergas, 2009). Therefore, with small professional development
resources as well as not seeing the talent they currently have, talent management
efforts are stifled.
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Discussion Questions
1 If you were an executive director of a nonprofit organization, which talent
management model would you choose to implement and why?
2 What talent management resource(s) would be the most appealing to
emerging leaders or established leaders and why?
3 The chapter discussed barriers to implementing talent management strategies
within nonprofit organizations. What are they and how can nonprofits
overcome these barriers?
Note
1 Full descriptions of the social change competencies can be found at: www.talent
4socialchange.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/02/Competency-Descriptions1.pdf
References
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and teams, organizations and society. Available at: www.annualreviews.org/doi/
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American Express Foundation. (2015). American Express Leadership Academy. Available
at: http://about.americanexpress.com/csr/nla.aspx (accessed August 6, 2015).
Bureau of Labor Statistics. (2014). US Nonprofit Workforce Statistics. Available at: http://
beta.bls.gov/labs/blogs/2014/10/17/announcing-new-research-data-on-jobs-and-
pay-in-the-nonprofit-sector/ (accessed August 6, 2015).
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growing leaders within nonprofit organizations. Pittsburgh, PA: Looking Glass Institute.
Carpenter, H., Clarke, A., & Gregg, R. (2013). 2013 Nonprofit needs assessment: A profile
of Michigan’s most urgent professional development needs. Michigan: Grand Valley State
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Cheese, P., Thomas, R. J., & Craig, E. (2007). The talent powered organization: Strategies
for globalization, talent management and high performance (Reprint ed.). London: Kogan
Page.
Cotton, A. (2007). Seven steps to effective workplace planning. Available at: www.
uquebec.ca/observgo/fichiers/92684_qqq.pdf (accessed August 6, 2015).
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at: https://d3n8a8pro7vhmx.cloudfront.net/ynpn/pages/302/attachments/original/
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1434746810 (accessed August 6, 2015).
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org/about (accessed August 6, 2015).
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141
9
Compensation Practices in
Nonprofit Organizations
Examining Practices Adopted by High
Performing Nonprofits
Introduction
Recruiting, retaining, and motivating employees in the nonprofit sector is critical
to an organization’s ability to accomplish its mission. A critical practice associated
with recruiting, retaining, and motivating employees is compensation. Few studies
have examined compensation practices comprehensively in nonprofits or in high-
performing nonprofits (Hallock, 2002). Most compensation studies in the non-
profit sector focus on executive compensation or differences in compensation
between the nonprofit, public, and private sectors (Barragato, 2002; Cortis, 2000;
Garner & Harrison, 2013; Grasse, Davis, & Ihrke, 2014; Faulk et al., 2012;
Nikolova, 2014; Oster, 1998; Roomkin & Weisbrod, 1999; Ruhm & Borkoski,
2003; Theuvsen, 2004). In order to design a compensation system that attracts,
retains, and motivates high quality employees, nonprofit managers need an under-
standing of how other nonprofit organizations leverage different compensation
strategies and which strategies are most effective.
The nonprofit sector, comprised of nearly 2 million nonprofit organizations,
employs more than 10.7 million people and produces more than $1.9 trillion in
revenue (Salamon, Sokolowski, & Geller, 2012). The Bureau of Labor Statistics
estimated that in 2012, nonprofits accounted for 11.4 million jobs, which is
10.3% of the U.S. private-sector workforce. Between 2000 and 2010, employment
in the nonprofit sector grew faster than the overall U.S. economy (Roeger,
Blackwood, & Pettijohn, 2012). During the Great Recession, the sector con-
tinued to add jobs as the need for nonprofit services grew. McKeever (2015)
estimated the nonprofit sector contributed about $905.9 billion to the U.S.
economy in 2013, which is around 5.4% of the gross domestic product (GDP).
In a 2015 survey of nonprofits, the most common retention challenge mentioned
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by 27% of nonprofits was competitive pay, which is consistent with the fact that
many nonprofits operate within a limited salary budget (Nonprofit HR, 2015).
Given the importance of the nonprofit sector to the U.S. economy and to the
delivery of human services, there is a strong need to understand compensation
and how to ensure effective compensation practices in nonprofits. As nonprofits
grow and employ a more professional human capital stock, these organizations
need to develop more capacity to manage these professionals to maintain them
in their roles and direct them toward the accomplishment of organizational goals
and nonprofit missions.
Although compensation has always been challenging for the nonprofit sector,
the period since the Great Recession has resulted in a particularly constrained
funding environment. While demand for services provided by nonprofits has
increased, the competition for funding has grown. Although we know that
individuals often do not elect to work in the nonprofit sector for high wages,
research has demonstrated that compensation impacts employee satisfaction and
performance (Selden & Sowa, 2014). Because nonprofits compete in a common
labor market, they need to understand the larger environment in which they
compete for labor and formulate strategic choices about compensation to help
them leverage their human capital. The differences in compensation in the
nonprofit sector reflect the competitive pressures they face in the labor market
where shifts in the supply and demand impact the market rate.
Alliances have developed within and across states to develop and conduct
compensation surveys, which provide guidance to nonprofits about setting wages.
While useful for setting levels of compensation, these studies are much less likely
to explore different compensation strategies that can be used to reward perfor-
mance or loyalty; they are generally focused on occupational and market rates,
which are discussed later in this chapter. Scholars and practitioners need to move
beyond studying rates of compensation and compensation comparisons to think
about how compensation connects to human capital acquisition and development,
overall sustainability, and performance in nonprofit organizations. This chapter
briefly reviews the regulatory context related to compensation, the literature
examining compensation in the nonprofit sector, and presents results from an
eight-state study of human service nonprofits, focusing on compensation strategies
adopted by high performing nonprofits.
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The new regulation raises the minimum salary level that white-collar employees
must be paid (from $23,660 to $47,476) in order for them to be classified as
exempt from overtime pay, which is time and half of wages for hours worked in
excess of 40 in any week. Moreover, the new regulation increases the minimum
salary level for “highly compensated employees” from $100,000 to over $134,004
per year. The Department of Labor regulations exempt “highly compensated
employees” if these employees’ total annual compensation exceeds $134,004
and they “customarily and regularly perform at least one of the exempt duties
or responsibilities of an executive, administrative, or professional employee”
(National Council of Nonprofits, 2016).2
Nonprofits will be faced with determining whether to classify employees as
exempt from overtime given the new salary test, which is one of three required
conditions. The Department of Labor places the burden on the employer to
demonstrate that an employee is exempt from the overtime provisions by requir-
ing that an employee satisfy three tests. First, the salary basis test requires that
the employee be paid a predetermined weekly or annual salary not adjusted,
based on whether the person worked certain hours. In other words, they are paid
a salary rather than being paid and tracked by the hour. Second, the duties test
requires that the individual’s primary job duties involve executive, administra-
tive, and professional duties as defined by the Labor Department regulations.
Third, the salary level test requires that an employee be paid at or above the
minimum specified amount, defined as $47,476 per year (National Council of
Nonprofits, 2016).
The minimum wage and overtime provisions of the FLSA generally apply to
nonprofit organizations, which is not a change. The newly adopted regulations
may result in nonprofits reclassifying employees who were exempt to nonexempt
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Compensation Practices
status if they are unable to meet the new salary threshold. Nonprofits are not
permitted to utilize compensatory time for salaried employees instead of paying
overtime. However, government agencies (including federal, state, and local
government agencies) are permitted to use compensatory time rather than paying
overtime (Department of Labor, 2016c). Nonprofits need to critically examine
their compensation structures and the design of jobs to make sure that they are
in compliance with these regulations, but also to ensure that they are designing
compensation systems that will support the well-being of employees and the goals
and sustainability of the nonprofit.
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Sally Coleman Selden
The next two sections of this chapter address concepts that are directly applicable
for understanding, establishing, and implementing compensation systems in
nonprofit organizations.
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Compensation Practices
to those who perform similar jobs in other organizations in the local market. For
example, if a nonprofit human service organization employs licensed clinical
social workers (LCSW) to provide casework services to their clients, this nonprofit
should compare the pay rates of LCSWs in similar size nonprofits and in public
organizations and make a decision about where to position the salaries of the
employees in relation to those comparison groups.
It is sometimes difficult for organizations to maintain internal alignment and
external competitiveness, which can result in salary compression, whereas newly
hired employees may receive compensation nearly as large as their more senior
colleagues (Toutkoushian, 1998). More challenging is salary inversion when
compensation paid to newer employees is higher than the compensation of more
senior employees. Using a different approach to equity, Hamann and Ren (2013)
examined the impact of wage inequality on service quality and employee effort
in nursing homes. They measured inequality using two internal measures: the
80th/20th percentiles salary ratio and the ratio of the salaries of Registered Nurses
to Certified Nursing Assistants. The study showed that ownership—whether it
was a nonprofit or a for-profit nursing home—moderated the relationship between
wage inequality and service quality. Wage inequality negatively impacted service
quality in the nonprofit nursing homes, which was the opposite of the impact of
wage inequity in the for-profit sector. The study also showed that wage inequality
in the nonprofit sector had a more significant impact or influence on employee
discretionary action. They also found that wages in the nonprofit sector were
more compressed than in the private sector.
Faulk et al. (2012) found that gender gaps in the nonprofit sector were lower
than in the for-profit sector. Faulk et al. (2012, p. 1281), however, concluded
that “instead of intentionally compensating women more equitably in the non-
profit sector, relative gender pay equality appears to be a convenient consequence
of men accepting lower pay in traditionally nonprofit and female jobs.” But
Hallock’s (2002) study of nonprofit managers suggests that real pay disparity exists
between men and women in the sector. His research revealed that women in
the role of executive director earned approximately 20% less than men in the
same role. Lewin’s (2001) article highlighted a recent study by GuideStar, which
also demonstrated a significant gap in pay between women and men executive
directors both for large and smaller nonprofit organizations. Therefore, when
designing their compensation systems, nonprofits need to clearly understand
the underlying principles for effective compensation systems and settle upon
clear principles that will determine pay rates and allow them to promote a sense
of equity along multiple dimensions for their employees to the degree that they
have the available resources.
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the compensation system is establishing base pay rates, which may be guided by
both internal and external equity, and establishing a salary structure. Once an
organization determines how to establish base pay, the second element is to
establish how to adjust compensation, which is most frequently done on an
annual basis. Historically, organizations adjusted salaries by rewarding longevity
by periodic step increases based upon years of service or adjusted for the changes
in the cost of living by implementing across the board cost of living adjustments
(COLA). Longevity and step adjustments signal that the organization values
employees who remain with the organization, whereas COLA awards recognize
that employees are impacted by changes in the cost of living.
Today, organizations tend to place more attention on linking pay adjustments
to performance than on tenure either individually or collectively as a team as a
bonus or added to the base salary, but the research on this topic in the nonprofit
human services and smaller nonprofits is limited. Some studies have examined
the application of pay for performance in the nonprofit sector (Brandl & Güttel,
2007; Chen, Ren, & Knoke, 2013; Jobome, 2006; Werner & Gemeinhardt,
1995). Because nonprofits have historically avoided paying bonuses even for
executive directors, introducing performance-based pay in the sector has been
controversial (Speckbacher, 2013). Speckbacher (2013) derived three “nonprofit
characteristics” that he theorized would impact the use and effectiveness of
incentive pay in nonprofits. The characteristics, which may vary across non-
profits, include the challenge of developing an overall measure of performance,
the difficulty of identifying factors that motivate nonprofit employees, and “the
trust-based social character.” Quatt Associates conduct an annual compensation
survey of large nonprofits, including public broadcasting, museums, performing
arts institutions, foundations, and others. In 2013, they found that of those large
nonprofits providing an annual bonus to executive directors, the middle 50% of
bonuses were, on average, between 11 and 36% of the executive director’s annual
salary (Quatt Associates, 2013).
Using a case study design, Brandl and Güttel (2007) explored why some
nonprofits adopted pay for performance and others did not. At the time of their
study, none of the nonprofits examined had fully implemented a pay-for-
performance compensation system. However, their findings suggested that non-
profits that perceived their environment to be more competitive were more
likely to adopt pay for performance. Chen, Ren, and Knoke (2013) found that
for-profit organizations were significantly more likely to employ bonuses or
profit sharing and gain sharing than public and nonprofit organizations. This
finding held whether the authors examined group or individual performance-
based pay. When examining pay for skill systems, however, the differences
between sectors were not significant (Chen, Ren, & Knoke, 2013). A recent
study examining the impact of high performance work systems on job satisfaction
and performance in human service nonprofits found employees who worked in
nonprofits with performance-based compensation elements were more satisfied
(Selden & Sowa, 2014). Johnson and Ng’s (2015) study of Millennials found that
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Compensation Practices
young nonprofit workers are less likely to move from the nonprofit sector to the
for-profit or government sector due to pay. On the other hand, they found that
pay mattered to Millennial managers. Managers who were compensated more
were significantly more likely to remain within the nonprofit sector (Johnson
& Ng, 2015).
Studies have also examined the influence of organizational size on nonprofit
compensation (Chen, Ren, & Knoke, 2013; Gray & Benson, 2003; Hallock,
2002). In general, executive compensation increases with the size of the organi-
zation, which may be an indirect reflection of organizational complexity (Gray
& Benson, 2003). Thus, we might expect that larger human service nonprofits
would adopt more sophisticated employment practices related to compensation
than smaller nonprofit organizations with less complexity. Overall, the effect of
organizational size has also been supported by the literature (Brown & Medoff,
1989). Chen, Ren, and Knoke (2013) found that larger organizations were
more likely to adopt incentive, performance, and skills compensation systems.
Therefore, when considering the compensation practices of a nonprofit, it is
important to understand their size and complexity and how this may influence
the systems and practices that are both available to them and that they have the
capacity to implement.
This study adds to the emerging research on nonprofit compensation systems
by exploring the compensation practices of human service nonprofit organizations
and whether those practices differ between high performing nonprofits, between
nonprofits led by men and women, and between nonprofits of different sizes.
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Sally Coleman Selden
How would you compare the organization’s performance over the past 2 years
to that of other nonprofit organizations in your local community of similar
size or that provide similar services and programs? (response: 5 point Likert
scale from a lot below average to a lot better than average):5
• Quality of services and programs
• Ability to raise money
• Ability to secure grants
• Ability to attract essential employees
• Ability to retain essential employees
• Satisfaction of customers or clients
• Relations between management and employees
• Relations among employees
• Relations with funders
• Relations with volunteers
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Compensation Practices
Standard
Practice N Mean deviation
To a
Little to To some great
none extent extent Total
more likely to engage in both practices (see Table 9.3). In total, 57.9% of high
performing nonprofits consulted wage and salary surveys to determine external
equity (e.g., pay competitive to the market) to a great extent and 61.1% of
nonprofits examined internal equity to a great extent. High performing nonprofits
were more likely to assess internal equity when compared to the entire sample of
nonprofits, 61.9% and 46.1%, respectively. Similarly, high performing nonprofits
were more likely to assess external equity when compared to the entire sample of
nonprofits, 57.0% and 40.0%, respectively.
One executive director of a high performing nonprofit observed that she
participates in nonprofit wage surveys so she can have access to the data to help
establish wages. She recognizes the need to think systematically about the
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Table 9.3 Difference of means tests for internal and external equity consideration: High
performing nonprofits
Std.
N Mean Deviation T test
The first time I ever did one of these . . . probably eight years ago . . . part of
that I was (like) you know . . . this is the person’s level of responsibility . . . it
should follow this way because if I need somebody else to take that job, I
want it to be appealing, and so on. When it got to the surveys and I realized
I’m going to have to pay someone who has a Master’s level in Social Work
. . . to keep them, I’m going to have to pay them more competitively. I have
more competition in the area than I have for a receptionist. I can find another
receptionist. It’s going to be harder to find that person . . . But I also can look
and say the hospital pays their Social Workers this . . . schools pay this . . .
other non-profits pay this. Where do I want to fall? I want to fall somewhere
in the middle of that so that when someone leaves me, we’re still competitive.
They’re only going to make a few thousand more and I say that they’re not
going to get a $15,000 jump because we pay so pathetically. That’s where I
don’t want to be. I want to be (kind of) in the middle and that’s a discussion
with the Executive Committee.
As shown in Table 9.4, almost half (47.6%) of the high performing nonprofits
(HPN) used both internal and external equity studies when setting salaries,
compared to 29.6% of the total sample of nonprofits. This helps the nonprofits
to be more strategic in relation to particular positions in their organization. For
example, one executive director observed:
We, probably, focus more on internal equity than external equity because
being a non-profit, it’s difficult for us to compete with the marketplace. Over
the years we’ve tended to raise particular job groups up when we were
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Compensation Practices
Table 9.4 Cross-tabulation of organizations exploring internal and external equity for high
performing nonprofits
To a
Little to To some great
none extent extent Total
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Sally Coleman Selden
Std.
N Mean Deviation
Std.
N Mean Deviation T test
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Compensation Practices
Std.
N Mean Deviation T test
(2.68, 3.19 for HPN). High performing nonprofits were also significantly more
likely to use nonfinancial rewards to recognize high performing employees (2.39,
2.81 for HPN). Their patterns of using seniority-based pay and group performance
rewards did not vary.
Interviews with executive directors of the high performing nonprofit
organizations hinted that across the board small raises were often used rather than
merit or performance-based pay. One director noted that he had supported
giving smaller across-the-board increases but planned to return to the merit pay
system. This decision was driven, in part, because managers had not been
consistent with providing performance reviews and, in part, because there were
concerns about the budget. Every decision about compensation requires larger
discussions about where these nonprofits are going to find the funding, so they
are not decisions made lightly. Another organization shared that rather than a
percentage, they award $1,000 per year and periodically adjust salaries based upon
market rates. This same nonprofit had a policy that limits the executive director’s
salary to no more than 30% of the lowest paid person in the organization. In
general, high performing nonprofits are more likely to link compensation to high
performance and to leverage nonfinancial rewards to recognize performance.
Previous studies have explored differences in pay for women and men executive
directors, demonstrating that male executive directors are paid, on average, higher
than female executive directors (Faulk et al., 2012; Hallock, 2002; Lewin, 2001).
This study, however, focuses on whether adoption of different compensation
system differs depending upon whether the executive is male or female. In this
sample, 71% of the human service organizations had a female executive director.
As shown in Table 9.7, patterns of adoption of compensation strategies did not
differ significantly between nonprofits led by women and men.
Previous studies have examined the relationship between organizational size and
compensation systems. As illustrated in Table 9.8, this study examined whether
organizational size was associated with different adoption patterns. Only two of the
seven compensation practices were significantly related to size: examination of
market rates and increased compensation for high performance. Larger nonprofits
were significantly more likely to consider market competitiveness or external
equity. Similarly, larger nonprofits were more likely to leverage compensation to
recognize high performance.
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Table 9.7 Difference of means tests: Male and female executive directors
Std.
N Mean Deviation T test
Conclusion
The data presented in this chapter demonstrated that the adoption of compensation
practices varied across the studied nonprofit organizations. Interviews with execu-
tive directors of 16 high performing nonprofits revealed that they were reflective
and strategic in their thinking about rewards, often mentioning the need to align
pay with the market and to develop benefits packages that could make employment
more attractive. High performing nonprofits leveraged both compensation and
nonmonetary rewards to recognize employees for high performance and to demon-
strate how much the organization values their contributions. One executive
director reflected:
I think there are certain things we do here, like, we have a staff picnic every
year, we have staff appreciation in June and for the last number of years, if we
have had a good fiscal year, and we know in June, we’ve given out staff
bonuses. Then, the other fun thing we do, is our board authorizes $3,000.00
to be utilized through various gift cards.You come to this thing, or if you are
on duty, your name is put into the hat, and the top two people get $300.00,
and it goes down from there. We are doing stuff and then we do some fun
team building things together and you know, crazy stupid kind of stuff and it
gets back to that old [XXX] family.
156
Table 9.8 ANOVA: Size and use of compensation systems
Consultation of wage and salary surveys to determine Between $100,000 and $500,000 21 2.62 1.02 7.30
external equity (e.g., pay competitive to the market)
Between $500,001 and $1.5 million 103 2.90 1.16 p =.00
Between $1.51 million and $5 million 76 3.32 1.17
Above $5 million 36 3.78 1.10
Internal evaluations to determine internal equity Between $100,000 and $500,000 21 2.95 0.97 1.86
(e.g., pay levels are consistent across the organization)
Between $500,001 and $1.5 million 105 3.20 1.10 p =.14
Between $1.51 million and $5 million 77 3.45 1.05
Above $5 million 36 3.44 0.94
Increased compensation for high performers Between $100,000 and $500,000 21 2.67 0.97 3.41
Between $500,001 and $1.5 million 105 2.54 1.10 p =.02
Between $1.51 million and $5 million 76 2.97 1.20
Above $5 million 36 3.14 1.31
Pay increases tied to group or team performance Between $100,000 and $500,000 21 1.90 0.94 p =.96
Between $500,001 and $1.5 million 105 1.72 0.90 .41
Between $1.51 million and $5 million 77 1.81 1.00
Above $5 million 36 2.03 1.06
Pay increases tied to knowledge, skills, or competencies Between $100,000 and $500,000 21 2.86 1.11 1.75
Between $500,001 and $1.5 million 105 2.77 1.06 P=.16
Between $1.51 million and $5 million 76 3.12 1.22
Above $5 million 36 2.69 1.19
(continued)
Table 9.8 ANOVA: size and use of compensation systems (continued)
Another executive director noted that she had explained to her staff:
We weren’t able to give you a raise but this is a way we can say thank you.
I know it would be so much better if I could give you a dollar an hour more
but I can’t. But, here’s something at the end of the year the Board can do.
And, sometimes, it looks like $200 but sometimes it’s been $1000 and I’ve
heard staff say, wow, I got to buy that recliner I’ve always wanted . . . or I got
to buy . . . or I was able to pay for my . . . pay off some of my student loan
. . . I’m not somebody who considers the financial management as strongly
as I consider caring for [XXX]. So my first inclination is to be (like) . . . give
it to her. I care so I want her to be here. And my second thing . . . that I don’t
act on the first one before I consider is . . . how does that affect the
organization? It’s slowly becoming where they are equal.
Theuvsen (2004) would agree that nonprofits are not likely to attract employees
who primarily seek extrinsic rewards and seek income maximization. In an
empirical study, Leete (2000) found that nonprofit employees were not primarily
motivated by financial rewards. Because the dominant type of employees attracted
to and working in the nonprofit sector historically has not been focused on
contingent rewards, this may account for the limited use of performance pay in
this study of human service nonprofits (Beyer & Nutzinger, 1993; Rawls et al.,
1975). However, as more people are seeking to serve the public and give back
through nonprofit organizations as their primary career venue, well-designed,
supportive compensation systems that support these nonprofit professionals cannot
be ignored by nonprofits and are worth the necessary capacity investment.
Brandl and Güttel (2007) found differences between groups of nonprofits
that had not adopted pay for performance and those that were beginning to adopt
pay for performance. For nonprofits that had not adopted a pay for performance
system, Brandl and Güttel observed that the nonprofits emphasized the incompat-
ibility of monetary incentives with their culture and the potential negative
impact of awarding monetary rewards for employees performing similar tasks
and holding similar positions. They further reflected that nonprofits who had
not adopted pay for performance perceived that the “NPO’s mission, objectives,
activities, and values form the core stimulation for intrinsic motivation. The
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Compensation Practices
For example, based upon Johnson and Ng’s (2015) recent studies, nonprofits may
want to consider their objectives as it relates to generational need, expectations,
and reward preferences.
Because nonprofit budgets are typically limited, executive directors and their
leadership team will need to make difficult decisions about how to allocate
resources. Nonprofits should consider how they will balance benefits and com-
pensation. By implementing a strategic compensation and recognition philosophy
that is consistent with their mission, nonprofits will be better able to inculcate a
culture that includes their philosophy and guides resource allocation. Whether to
devote resources to attracting the best candidates or to retaining existing employ-
ees will continue to be a critical question for nonprofits to address. At the same
time, a strategic approach will encourage nonprofit leaders to be intentional about
the creative ways in which they can recognize employee performance and can
make employees feel that they are valued by the organization.
Discussion Questions
1 For those of you currently employed in the nonprofit sector, locate a salary
survey and see where your position falls in relation to that salary survey.
What do the results tell you about what compensation principles are held
by your organization?
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2 Why should nonprofits consider aligning pay with performance? What are
some of the positives and negatives of this?
3 What are some ways that nonprofit organizations can be creative with their
compensation strategies, especially when they have limited resources?
4 How should nonprofit organizations adjust pay during a recession or a
period of economic stress?
5 How does budget size influence compensation?
Notes
1 While compensation includes pay and benefits, this chapter does not cover benefits in
great detail due to space constraints. For further discussion of benefits in nonprofit
organizations, see Pynes (2013).
2 After a federal judge’s decision in Texas against delayed the implementation of the
Obama administration’s new overtime rule regarding the Fair Labor Standard Act’s
salary threshold. The judge placed a temporary injunction against the overtime rule,
placing employers in the United States in legal limbo (Miller, 2017). The decision has
been appealed to the 5th Circuit Court, but the case had not been heard as of the
writing of this chapter.
3 The author would like to thank the Society for Human Resource Management
(SHRM) Foundation for the grant that supported this research.
4 The National Taxonomy of Exempt Entities (NTEE) is a classification system for tax-
exempt organizations that was developed by both practitioners and scholars. The NTEE
codes were designed to create a common language for reporting on organizational pur-
pose and are used by the IRS on the 990 form and by the National Center for Charitable
Statistics to classify organizations (Lampkin, Romeo, & Finnin, 2001). The NTEE codes
used in the sampling strategy for this study were the following: E32 E40 E42 I70 I71
I72 I73 K30 K31 K34 K35 K36 O20 O21 O22 023 030 031P20 P21 P22 P24 P26P
P27 P28 P29 P30 P40 P42 P43 P44 P45 P46 P60 P61 P62 P70 P72 P73 P74 P75 P80
P81 P82 P83 P84 P85 P86 P87.
5 This study used the approach employed by Dess and Robinson (1984) modified for
the nonprofit sector.
6 The measures used to assess compensation were drawn from the following sources:
Datta et al. (2005); Jensen et al. (2011); Messersmith and Wales (2011); WorldatWork
and Towers Watson (2010).
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Labor Relations in Nonprofit
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Joan E. Pynes
Unite Here is the union that represents food service workers at the National
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more than $5 million in stolen wages from migrant workers. Many employment
and labor laws are regularly violated impacting the low wage and often immigrant
labor force.
(Erickson, Jr, 2015)
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Introduction
These are examples of current activities of employees working for nonprofit
organizations and attempts to have some influence over their work life. In the
first two examples, the employees were locked out of work or went on strike.
During the recession, nonprofits faced significant economic pressures; a number
merged with other nonprofits and some closed, due to significant reductions in
public funding, a loss of donations, fees for services, subscriptions and memberships
resulted in stagnant wages. In addition to no pay increases, in many cases employees
were tasked with contributing more of their salaries toward their fringe benefits.
Once the economy improved and organizations’ revenues increased, employees
were looking to regain what they lost during the recession and unions became
more assertive. The third example is one where employees working for a for-
profit firm contracted to provide services to a large nonprofit organization joined
a union to raise their wages and improve their benefits. The last example indicates
a newer strategy by nonprofit organizations to assist non-unionized employees
and make sure they are not being exploited.
According to the U.S. Bureau of labor Statistics, in 2014, the unionized
private workforce was 7.4 million workers, which is 6.6% of the private sector
workforce (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2015). There has been a consistent
decrease in the number of employees belonging to unions.
Despite the overall downward trend in union membership, an increasing
number of professional and service industry employees have joined unions.
Professional union members account for 54% of union members in March 2015
(Department of Professional Employees, AFL-CIO, 2015a, p. 6). Professional
employees such as medical doctors, social workers, graduate students, lawyers,
musicians, and nurses, are examples of some professional/occupational groups that
have unionized in nonprofit organizations (Department of Professional Employees,
AFL-CIO, 2014a, 2015a). There has also been an increase in the number of
technical workers and paraprofessional workers such as nursing assistants, labora-
tory technicians, and other service workers joining unions. This chapter discusses
the legal environment of labor relations, threats to union organizing activities, the
ambivalence of support of unions and collective bargaining, why workers join
unions, and changes in social policy.
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This provision means an employer can reject a union’s demands for the recogni-
tion of union security arrangements illegal under state law. Union security regula-
tions address the degree to which unions can require or mandate the payment
of dues to support activities related to collective bargaining. Most collective
bargaining contracts contain some kind of union security provision. Employers
typically deduct the payments from the employees’ pay and give them to the
union. This reduces the administrative costs unions have in collecting the funds
and also ensures payment from employees who might prefer to be free riders. This
is a way to reduce the financial resources of unions and ultimately their strength
when opposing management.
Originally, most “Right-to-Work” states were found in southern or Sunbelt
states, but the three most recent states to pass legislation, Michigan, Indiana, and
Wisconsin, are Midwestern states with long traditions in collective bargaining.
Missouri almost became the 26th state to have enacted “Right-to-Work”
legislation. Most of the Republican legislature voted to pass the Bill but 24
Republicans broke rank and voted against making Missouri a “Right-to-Work”
state citing support for unions by their constituents who may be socially
conservative but who belong to unions. The Republicans who broke rank based
it on the following: Unions can attract employers because they provide a trained
workforce that corporate leaders need to do business; There are plenty of
nonunionized employers that individuals who are opposed to unions can work
for; and that debates over “Right-to-Work” legislation distract from other issues
that need attention, such as taxes, education, and infrastructure (DePillis, 2015).
The split opinion in regard to the value of unions and collective bargaining
in the Republicans that dominated state legislature appears to reflect the mixed
views the general public holds in regard to unions and collective bargaining.
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Worker Interests
Today, the most active union-organizing activity among nonprofit subsectors is
in healthcare. The Service Employees International Union (SEIU) has a unit, SEIU
Healthcare, that specializes in unionizing employees working in healthcare organi-
zations. It represents doctors and nurses, home care, and nursing home workers,
lab techs, environmental service workers, and dietary aides. Its members can be
found working in hospitals, health centers, nursing homes, in-home care and in
the community (SEIU Healthcare; www.seiu.org/seiuhealthcare/). CIO, AFSCME
also organizes healthcare workers. The National Union of Hospital and Health
Care Employees mission can be found at www.nuhhce.org/Mission. Priorities
in its mission include protecting all its workers, promoting and safeguarding the
economic interests of its members and families, and protecting and advancing
the technical status of its members in all types of healthcare institutions.
Market-based healthcare reforms are having a negative impact on the work
environment of registered nurses. These reforms, aimed at cost savings, means
they have been replaced with less qualified and less expensive personnel, such as
licensed practical nurses and technicians. Reforms have also meant an increase
in patient-staffing ratios. Many nurses believe some of the reforms threaten the
quality of patient care. Many nurses are now seeking union membership as a
means to gain greater control over patient care. Under collective bargaining,
professionals are able to demand the standards of their profession be respected
and enforced. Often the decision to vote for unionization is done under the
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Worker Rights
In addition to bargaining for the interests of employees, unions help guarantee
or protect the “rights” of employees in regard to how they are treated and how
rules are administered. When a union believes that management has violated the
terms of a labor contract and files a grievance, a neutral third party is asked to
resolve the disagreement that could not be settled by the union and management.
This is referred to as grievance arbitration. A hearing is held and the arbitrator
renders a decision based on the merits of the case. The decision tends to be final
and legally binding on both parties.
Grievance arbitration is expressly authorized by statute in the nonprofit and
for-profit sectors. The NLRA/LMRA requires that all contracts contain a griev-
ance resolution procedure. It is believed that grievance arbitration is necessary to
protect employees from unfair, discriminatory, unsafe, and arbitrary treatment by
employers.
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members into their unions. There have been union leaders found guilty of corrup-
tion and stealing from the union and its members for their personal gain. Unions
have been associated with organized crime and have been criticized for being
reluctant to change and adapt to new technologies and flexible work rules (Bielski
Boris, 2010; Crain, 1995; Jacobs & Peters, 2003; Kelly & Lubitow, 2015; Leymon,
2011; Riccucci, 1990; Zullo, 2012).
While that is accurate, some progressive unions have been at the forefront of
social policy issues (Craver, 2011; Clawson & Clawson, 1999; Fletcher & Gapasin,
2011). Craver (2011) notes that many of the social movements of the 1960s
utilized union tactics and civil rights organizations like the NAACP often worked
closely with sympathetic unions leaders to oppose segregation policies (p. 9).
Liberal trade union leaders protested with anti-war groups to end the involvement
of the United States in the Vietnam War (DeBenedetti & Chatfield, 1990, cited
in Craver, 2011). In other locations, unions also provided support to rent strikers.
Joint Council 13 of the Teamsters Union in St. Louis, MO, helped low cost
housing residents form the Civil Alliance for Housing to protest rent increases
that the tenants could not afford. The Southern Christian Leadership Conference,
the Black Coalition, CORE, Action, the Zulu 1200s, the Black Liberators, and
African American politicians, churches, fraternities, and sororities, along with
white organizations, supported the strike including church groups, the St. Louis
Post Dispatch, the National Tenants Organization and the New Democratic Party.
Members were from a broad coalition of religious, civic and business organizations
(Corr, 1991, pp. 155, 166).
In an effort to remain viable, many unions shifted their focus to public policy
concerns that went beyond the wages and benefit self-interests of their member-
ship. They began to focus on workforce diversity and the promotion of equal
job opportunities, equal access to the allocation of benefits such as training and
career-enhancing opportunities, commitment to workforce productivity, the
need for affordable and safe daycare, maternal and family leave benefits, an
increased ability to work flexible hours, the elimination of sexual harassment and
discrimination in the workplace, and eliminating the exploitation of immigrant
workers (Brown & Peters-Hamlin, 1989; Craver, 2011; Milkman, 2012; Pynes,
1996).
Due to changes in family structures and society, some union contracts included
flexible benefit programs that include coverage for childcare, eldercare, and
domestic partners. Public sector unions were at the forefront of advocating for
comparable worth for job positions typically occupied by women and developing
upward-mobility training programs for lower-skilled members. Some union
contract provisions included newborn care leave, family care leave, dependent
care reimbursement accounts, professional family care resources, referral services,
adoption assistance, flexible work hours and on-site child care to dependent care
financial assistance (Cowlee, 1993; Watts, 1983; York, 1993).
Unions have also been significant in advancing education and training oppor-
tunities. Going back to the 1950s, unions have negotiated career advancement
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Joan E. Pynes
opportunities in the industrial and craft sectors. More than 40 years ago, there
were training and education programs in the healthcare sector in New York City
and across New York State and efforts have continued to expand across the
country (Klingel & Lipsky, 2010). Recognizing the limited ability of low-wage
workers in the healthcare industry to move into higher-paying occupations due
to the lack of education and training credentials, unions and management have
developed multi-employer joint labor-management healthcare training programs
(Klingel & Lipsky, 2010). According to Klingel and Lipsky, the joint labor-
management multi-employer training partnership and fund model is different
from other models of workforce training because it relies on the cooperation
of labor and management and different employers within a region as its main
organizing principle. Education is linked to employment opportunities through
a labor-management partnership. Employers benefit by linking training invest-
ments to the retention and development of incumbent employees. The multi-
employer approach combines employer investments with those of other employers
to fund programs that would be cost-prohibitive or might not attract enough
participants at a single location or employer. Training needs can be targeted to
the needs within a specific geographic area and the strategic human resource needs
of an employer.
Union members benefit because they are provided with educational oppor-
tunities ranging from obtaining a GED to college preparation courses, college
and university degree programs, continuing education and certification programs,
and other skill training programs. This often leads to higher-paying positions.
Partnering with unions and their members assisted in identifying obstacles to
participating in career advancements. As a result, classes began to be provided
on-site and at non-traditional hours for the convenience of the employee stu-
dents who had alternative working hours. Improved morale and retention
have been an outgrowth of the joint multi-employer programs. Nonprofits and
foundations have often been criticized for not investing in the training and
development of nonprofit employees and for funding infrastructure and technol-
ogy improvements (Bridgespan Group, 2011; Dorfman, 2015). As executives and
managers retire, and greater accountability from funders becomes the rule, non-
profits and unions can partner to develop new training programs for internal
talent and develop longer-term objectives to address impending changes.
Most of the national unions have revised their platforms to emphasize issues
dealing with the growing inequality and instability, such as wage stagnation,
employment insecurity, and the increasing economic inequality between workers
and owners. Unions are attempting to address issues such as corporate responsi-
bility, democracy in the workplace, and worker rights. Unions have begun to
emphasize the need for greater racial, gender, and class equality and improving
the political and economic status of workers and their communities. However,
employer responsibility, democracy in the workplace and worker rights, health-
care, and providing wages at levels where families can support their families need
to be addressed. These are issues that affect a broader population beyond union
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177
Joan E. Pynes
Conclusion
There has been a change in the social contract between workers and employers.
As noted by Baines (2010, p. 10), the nonprofit services sector has been affected
by neoliberal and pro-market restructuring and alternative forms of service
delivery. It is not just public agencies that have been affected by the new public
management approach to redesign agencies to operate more like the private
sector with an emphasis on cost-effectiveness. Market mechanisms have been
integrated to the nonprofit sector as well. Competition, reducing costs, and
greater productivity have become more important. As a result, organizations
often are restructured and jobs are lost. Retained employees are often expected
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to do more with less. Wage and salary increases tend to be infrequent and benefits
are often reduced. There has been an increase in alternative work arrangements
such as part-time work, project-based work or temporary work; strategies often
used to decrease costs. On the positive side there has been recent recognition
that American workers are falling behind. A number of the candidates running
for President of the United States have called attention to the decline in the
middle class. There have also been statewide and citywide successes in raising
the minimum wage to be above the federal minimum wage. Unions have
mobilized workers and joined with other nonprofit advocacy groups to call
attention to low wages, and a number of health and safety and other workplace
issues.
In the Spring 2015 edition of the Nonprofit Quarterly, an article written by Jon
Pratt and Ruth McCambridge offers seven practices for nonprofits to adopt. They
suggest: (1) nonprofit employees be paid a livable wage; (2) the ethnic and racial
diversity in its leadership and staff should be reviewed; (3) leaders should advance
the organization’s mission and the people they serve; (4) Board members should
be recruited who represent the organization’s constituents; (5) each organization
should assess its own equality footprint to examine whether it has an effect on the
equality of conditions; (6) organizations should assess their diversity both in leader-
ship and other parts of the organization; and (7) executive compensation should
be proportionate (Pratt & McCambridge, 2015, pp. 1, 20, 21).
Providing an environment free from discrimination, offering healthcare and
other benefits, providing training and career opportunities to staff, and offering
wages and salaries where workers can support their families should exist. If not, we
may see an increase in the unionization of nonprofit organizations. For nonprofit
organizations that are not yet unionized, it is important to have a progressive human
resources management system in place that respects employees. Often, whether
workers join unions depends on their perceptions of the work environment and
their desire to participate in or influence employment conditions.
Discussion Questions
1 Go to the DPE website and look under public policy. What are the issues
that the DPE is concerned about?
2 Identify and explain the two issues that are most important to you and why.
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1 Explain what you think about the need for social justice unionism. What
are the issues that are most important to you?
2 How can unions, other nonprofits, individuals, and the community benefit
from social justice unionism?
1 Assume you are a member of the collective bargaining team for a healthcare
union. What would be the contract terms/language you would seek to place
in the contract for the following issues?
i staffing levels
ii quality of patient care
iii workload distribution
2 Do you believe the above contract issues are interrelated? Do you believe
that employees should have some influence on them? Explain your reasoning
with specific examples or data.
Note
1. This has been covered previously (Pynes, 1997, 2004, 2009, 2013; Pynes & Lombardi,
2012).
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11
Engagement, Satisfaction,
and Nonprofit Organizations
Kunle Akingbola
Introduction
There are many things an archetypal nonprofit is supposed to represent, actualize,
and advocate as an organization. In addition to their basic characteristics such as
providers of public goods, harbinger of the values of society, protector of social
justice, channel for addressing the problems and opportunities not addressed by
the government and for-profit organizations (Quarter, Mook, & Richmond,
2003; Salamon & Anheier, 1998) and many more highlighted characteristics in
this book, nonprofits are also expected to be a progressive type of organization
for employees. Irrespective of the size and type of nonprofit, the progressive
orientation is assumed to play out in the human resources (HR) policy and
practices of the organization (Akingbola, 2013). To achieve this orientation, a
number of behavioral antecedents are imperative. The behavior of employees and
volunteers is the essential ingredient that nonprofit organizations must facilitate
and influence to achieve this orientation. In this chapter, we explore two of the
behavioral antecedents: engagement and satisfaction.
The chapter starts with a background of the concept of engagement and
satisfaction. This is followed by a discussion of the varied definitions of engagement
from the perspective of management practitioners and the academic literature.
Next, the chapter offers a review of the existing research on engagement and
briefly discusses the link between engagement and satisfaction. It ends with an
examination of research on engagement in nonprofits and what this portends for
human resource management in the sector.
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What Is Engagement?
Similar to many recent concepts in human resource management and organizational
behavior, employee engagement is a relatively new concept that draws upon and
combines many existing concepts (Wefald & Downey, 2009a). Beyond the relative
newness of the concept, employee engagement has gained significant currency
among management practitioners to the extent that research is playing catch-up
to provide empirical evidence to explain its meaning, dimension, contributory
antecedents, and its impact on employees and the organization (Macey & Schneider,
2008). Hence, it is logical to start with an overview of the definition and deter-
minants of employee engagement offered by management practitioners.
Management Practitioners
For management consultants, engagement appears to be all about discretionary
effort. Towers Perrin defines engagement as the “employees’ willingness and
ability to help their company succeed, largely by providing discretionary effort
on a sustainable basis” (Towers Perrin, 2003a). Their second report explained
that engagement could be seen as “the extent to which employees put discretionary
effort into their work, in the form of extra time, brainpower, and energy”
(Towers Perrin, 2003b, p. 3). In a literature review for the Conference Board,
Gibbons (2006) defines employee engagement as the connection an employee
has to their job, organization, manager, or co-workers, a connection that should
lead to the application of additional discretionary effort in their work. The
discretionary effort narrative has been further simplified in recent reports by
consultants, emphasizing the discretionary effort of employees to go beyond their
job expectations (Towers Watson, 2014). The Towers Watson report noted that
there are three measurable elements that are essential to sustainable engagement:
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Perrin (2003b) report identified the following as key drivers of employee engage-
ment: challenging work; senior management’s sincere interest in employees’
well-being; employees have appropriate decision-making authority, customer
satisfaction, employees work well in teams; employees have resources needed to
perform jobs in a high-quality way; employees have appropriate decision-making
input; career opportunities; company’s reputation as a good employer.
Over time, the number of drivers has since been extended to include more
dimensions, especially the role of managers and the learning environment. The
two examples below from the management practitioner literature incorporated
these additional drivers. Key drivers of engagement are (Schmidt, 2009):
Research
For all its popularity with management consultants, employee engagement is
rooted firmly in empirical research. The original coining of the concept has been
traced to the work of Kahn (1990) in which he introduced the concept of personal
engagement. Kahn defines personal engagement as “the simultaneous employ-
ment and expression of a person’s ‘preferred self’ in task behaviors that promote
connections to work and to others, personal presence (physical, cognitive, and
emotional), and active, full role performances” (p. 700). In this initial perspective
on the concept, engagement is about how much of the physical, cognitive, and
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emotional energy or resources individuals are willing to draw upon from their
personal selves in order to perform in their work roles.
A subsequent work that operationalized the concept of engagement with
empirical measures defines it “as a positive, fulfilling, work-related state of mind
that is characterized by vigor, dedication, and absorption” (Schaufeli, Salanova,
Gonzalez-Roma, & Bakker, 2002, p. 74). They noted that engagement involves
an ongoing and persistent state of mind that shows a disposition towards relentless
effort, a high level of energy, and a drive for the job role. It also includes affective
behavior such as enthusiasm, attachment to the job and the ability to overlook
difficulties in the work role. In this definition, engagement includes presence of
mind and an unencumbered focus on the job.
Saks (2006) introduced a multidimensional approach to the definition and
conceptualization of engagement. He defines employee engagement as “a distinct
and unique construct consisting of cognitive, emotional, and behavioral compo-
nents . . . associated with individual role performance” (p. 602). He emphasized
that there is a difference between job engagement and organization engagement.
The importance of the organizational dimension was clear in a subsequent
definition that described employee engagement as “an individual employee’s
cognitive, emotional and behavioral state directed toward desired organizational
outcomes” (Shuck & Wollard, 2010, p. 103). This suggests that employees who
are engaged will demonstrate attentiveness and mental absorption in their work
and at the same time, they will have a high level of emotional connection to the
organization (Kahn, 1990; Saks, 2006). Recently, it has been suggested engage-
ment can manifest at an organizational level through social processes that facilitate
shared perception and a degree of homogeneity in terms of characteristics and
values of employees (Barrick, Thurgood, Smith, & Courtright, 2015). This
conceptualization raises important questions especially for nonprofit organiz-
ations where value congruence and the relationship between employees and
the organization are part of the fundamental characteristics of the sector. This
perspective is discussed further later in the chapter. It also reinforces the position
of theorists who have suggested that engagement includes legacy organizational
behavior concepts such as job satisfaction.
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Since the idea of job satisfaction has been around for a long time, there is
abundant research on factors that could contribute to whether employees
experience job satisfaction or not. Similarly, research has also provided valuable
insight on the impact of job satisfaction for the employee and the organization.
The summary below outlines some of the factors that have been identified as
determinants of job satisfaction (Melnik, Petrella, & Richez-Battesti, 2013).
In terms of impact, research has linked job satisfaction to the following outcomes
for employees and the organization (Gould-Williams, 2003; Lum, Kervin, Clark,
Reid, & Sirola, 1998; Wall, Clegg, & Jackson, 1978).
• Reduced turnover
• Reduced absenteeism
• Increased employee performance
• Improved employee wellness and life expectancy.
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Management Practitioners
Management consultants and managers have been particularly concerned about
the need to explain the impact of employee engagement on organizational out-
comes (Wefald & Downey, 2009b). The numerous reports have suggested there
is a relationship between employee engagement and organizational outcomes
at employee, team, and organizational levels. For example, at the employee level,
a meta-analysis of dozens of different studies by the Gallup organization indicated
that a positive employee engagement environment is consistently associated with
decreased employee turnover and higher employee productivity (Harter, Schmidt,
& Keyes, 2003). For teams, a study of a case organization found teams that are
highly engaged achieved better business sales results than less engaged teams with
a difference of $2.1 million dollars in total sales (Vance, 2006).
It is perhaps at the organizational level that most of the practitioner studies have
tried to highlight the impacts of employee engagement. In addition to the findings
of the meta-analysis above, which also included positive association between
employee engagement and increased customer satisfaction, the findings from the
study by Towers Perrin (2003a) pointed out the positive relationship between
employee engagement and organizational outcomes such as product quality, better
cost control, and financial performance. The findings on financial performance
were consistent in the Watson Wyatt Worldwide (2007) study which also indi-
cated the link between the nature of management communication practices and
employee engagement. The communication finding suggests employee engage-
ment was associated with better organizational communication practices. In their
survey on employee engagement in nonprofit organizations, Accenture suggested
that the correlation between engagement and organizational performance could
explain why retention is a significant challenge in nonprofits (Accenture, 2014).
They found that 25% of engaged employees—those with the highest measured
levels of engagement—were “likely” or “extremely likely” in the next year to be
actively pursuing other job opportunities.
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Research
The benefits of employee engagement for the employee and the organization
have also been central in the discourse among scholars. This has specifically been
prominent in many subsequent definitions of the concept. For example, Shuck
and Wollard (2010) proposed that employee engagement involves “an individual
employee’s cognitive, emotional, and behavioral state directed toward desired
organizational outcomes”(p. 15). Similarly, Robinson, Perryman, and Hayday
(2004) define engagement as “a positive attitude held by the employee towards
the organization and its values. An engaged employee is aware of the business
context, works with colleagues to improve performance within the job for the
benefit of the organization” (p. 2). From this standpoint, employee engagement
is explained not only in terms of driving the relationship between the employee
and the work role but also how this relationship contributes to organizational
outcomes. This perspective is increasingly dominating the discourse among
scholars who research engagement. However, as discussed below, the limited
research on engagement in nonprofit organizations is basically at the onset phase
and is yet to discuss the organizational outcomes angle of engagement. Moreover,
one should expect this line of research to be limited because of the multidimensional
indicators of performance of nonprofit organizations.
For the employees, research has found a relationship between engagement and
many individual employee outcomes. First, engagement has been linked to the
enhanced quality of experience at work (Kahn, 1992). When employees are
engaged, the individuals are likely to derive better experience from their work
life than others who are not engaged. Second, research has also showed that
employee engagement could help to mitigate burnout (Maslach, Schaufeli, &
Leiter, 2001). The link to burnout was one of the early findings that demonstrated
how engagement is inversely associated with a negative psychological outcome
of the job for the individual employee. Third, engagement encourages employees
to invest the self more in the work they deem and find challenging (Leiter &
Bakker, 2010). Engaged employees know and are better able to put in effort and
skills because the work is independently challenging to them. Fourth, engaged
employees are better placed to access positive emotions (Yalabik, Popaitoon,
Chowne, & Rayton, 2013), attitudes and behavior that are desirable to them
(Bakker & Schaufeli, 2008). The research on the impact of engagement on
employees continues to highlight the different dimensions of how engagement
enhances critical individual outcomes that could contribute to organizational
performance.
At the organizational level, the research interest in the outcomes of employee
engagement mirrors similar efforts in the management practitioner literature.
Thus, it is no surprise that the consequences of employee engagement have
become a dominant research focus for academic scholars. The specific conse-
quences of employee engagement for the organization that have been suggested
in empirical research include profit, customer satisfaction, productivity, and
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employee turnover (Bakker & Schaufeli, 2008; Harter, Schmidt, & Hayes, 2002).
A brief overview of the key findings is discussed below.
Beyond the specific examples highlighted in the brief overview, research has also
suggested that employee engagement is associated with other organizational out-
comes such as workplace accidents, organizational commitment and organization
citizenship behavior (Rich et al., 2010; Shuck & Wollard, 2010). Furthermore, it
has been suggested that employee engagement could play a role in organizational
change (Reissner & Pagan, 2013). The continuously growing body of research
has reiterated how the deployment of cognitive, emotional, and behavioral energy
by employees could have an impact for the outcomes of the organization.
Although the nonprofit context would add unique and additional dimensions
to the research on engagement, the concept is yet to elicit significant inquiry
among nonprofit management scholars. The summary of research presented
below highlights the beginning of empirical work on engagement in nonprofit
organizations.
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Theoretical Approaches
Research on employee engagement has evolved alongside the examination of the
theoretical explanation of the construct. Scholars have offered theories to elucidate
the theoretical background and how engagement is related to relevant organiz-
ational behavior concepts. The chapter highlights five theoretical approaches that
explain the state of employee engagement: (1) Kahn’s (1990) need-satisfying
approach; (2) Maslach et al.’s (2001) burnout-antithesis approach; (3) Harter et al.’s
(2002) satisfaction-engagement approach; (4) Saks’s (2006) multidimensional
approach; and (5) Barrick, Thurgood, Smith, and Courtright’s (2015) collective
engagement approach. Shuck (2011) provides a detailed overview of four of the
five approaches.
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on relevant burnout research to extend the measures and to develop the Utrecht
Work Engagement Scale (UWES), a popular measure of engagement (Shuck,
2011).
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Management Practitioners
In a comparison of engagement level across different industries, the Towers
Perrin (2003b) study found that employee engagement is substantially higher in
the nonprofit sector than in every other sector they examined. The report noted
that the higher level of engagement should be expected in nonprofits because
employees are attracted to the sector due to the mission of the organization and
not based on the compensation (Towers Perrin, 2003b). They contended that
the findings on the nonprofit sector could be an indication that an organization
cannot buy engagement with compensation.
The consulting firm, Accenture, has focused specifically on how to increase
employee engagement in nonprofit organizations (Accenture, 2014). The Accenture
report found that nonprofit employees are likely to evaluate the importance of their
work based on their perceived connection between their job and the mission of
the organization. They suggested that it is more common for nonprofit employees
who are disengaged to choose not to quit because they strongly identify with the
mission of the organization (Accenture, 2014). This could point to the importance
of the context of nonprofits in explaining engagement in the sector.
Research
Empirical research on employee engagement that is specifically focused on
nonprofit organizations is very rare. To date, Selander (2015) is one of only two
of such empirical research. Selander applied the job demand-resources (JD-R)
model to examine work engagement in a survey of Finnish third-sector employees.
The JD-R model is an upshot of the Maslach et al. (2001) burnout-antithesis
approach discussed above. Selander emphasized the importance of nonprofit
contextual factors and characteristics of employees such as public employees’
ideological orientation and funding in relation to work engagement. The findings
indicate that nonprofit employees reported higher work engagement than other
employees in similar work engagement studies (Selander, 2015). Also, the study
found a relationship between work engagement and value congruence as well
public service motivation. However, the focus on work engagement is limiting.
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Conclusion
The issue of employee engagement is fundamental in nonprofits at the individual,
organizational, and community levels. It is therefore imperative for nonprofit
managers, employees, and board members to understand the concept and how it
could impact the outcomes of the organization. This chapter provides an overview
of employee engagement from the literature by management practitioners and in
research. It highlights engagement as an umbrella construct that incorporates other
well-known concepts such as organizational commitment and job satisfaction.
The chapter also offers a detailed insight into the evolution and the theoretical
approaches that showcase the state of employee engagement. Although research
on employee engagement in nonprofits is limited, the available evidence points
to the importance of understanding the context of the sector in relation to
engagement. The findings from the research and management practitioner
literature emphasize the need for human resource management in nonprofit
organizations to pay particular attention to employee engagement.
Discussion Questions
1 You have been hired as a consultant to a small nonprofit organization. The
board of directors has invited you to explain why the organization should
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be concerned about employee engagement. What are the major points you
will highlight in your presentation?
2 Jane has told you that she is satisfied with her job. However, she is not sure
whether she is truly engaged. She wants you to explain the difference
between the two concepts.
3 To be engaged involves the use of the physical, cognitive, and emotional
energy in the performance of an individual’s work role. Drawing on your
experience, describe examples of when you showed you were engaged or
disengaged.
4 Employee engagement impacts individual and organizational outcomes.
Discuss some of the specific ways engagement could impact employee,
volunteer, and organizational outcomes in nonprofit organizations.
5 In a recent management team meeting, a manager explained that employee
engagement is the latest buzz word that is not supported by research. You
offered to present a summary of the research on employee engagement at
the next meeting. In bullet form, outline the key points and the research
you will include in your presentation.
References
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Vance, R. J. (2006). Employee engagement and commitment: A guide to understanding,
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12
Volunteer Management
It All Depends
Introduction
According to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, in the year ending in September
2015, 62.6 million Americans volunteered at least one time for an organization.
In 2014, the U.S. Corporation for National and Community Service reported a
total of 7.9 billion hours of volunteer service worth an estimated $184 billion.
This “volunteer energy” (Brudney & Meijs, 2009) is critical in meeting the needs
of our communities through service in public and nonprofit organizations.
Managing this enormous repository of volunteer labor effectively is an essential
skill for nonprofit leaders and managers.
The great majority of literature surrounding volunteer resource management
presents a “universal” approach for the management of volunteer programs.
Universal volunteer management holds that a single set of managerial principles
works well, or at least well enough, to achieve results that meet organizational
goals and fulfill volunteer needs. However, others argue that no one “best” way to
manage volunteers works in every situation (for example, Meijs & Ten Hoorn,
2008; Paull, 2002). In this chapter we first review the universal approach to elaborate
the fundamental elements of volunteer program management. Although the field
does not question its general validity, we advise that to achieve best results the
application of the universal model should be contingent on the varying circumstances
facing the manager or administrator of volunteers. The key to volunteer management
is to recognize these contingencies and adapt the precepts of the universal model
accordingly.
We begin this chapter by presenting the various interpretations of the universal
approach offered by scholars and practitioners. We then turn to the conditions
and circumstances that influence how the various aspects of the universal approach
can and should be applied. We ask, under what circumstances does the coordinator
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Jeffrey L. Brudney and Hayley K. Sink
[t]here are far too many ex-volunteers, able and conscientious people who
have withdrawn from being personally involved, because of negative feelings
about volunteer work. Some feel they were not appreciated, some feel that
they were not making an important contribution, some that they cannot
manage responsibilities that conflict with other interests and obligations.
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Volunteer Management
contributions to the field of adult education to develop the model known by the
acronym ISOTURE, which entails the following processes:
Brudney’s (1990) model also supports important aspects of the volunteer program
described in the other models described above, such as recruitment, screening
and interviewing applicants for defined volunteer positions; carefully placing
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volunteers; educating and training volunteers and employees for their respective
work roles; evaluating volunteers to avoid poor performance that could hinder
the effectiveness of the organization; and recognizing volunteers for their effort
and performance.
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Jeffrey L. Brudney and Hayley K. Sink
of the universal model (for a full discussion see Brudney & Meijs, 2014). As Meijs
and Ten Hoorn (2008, p. 29) summarize, “volunteering, volunteers and the way
they are organized and managed differs from context to context.”
Studer and von Schnurbein (2013) offer the most prominent example. Based
on an extensive, theoretical qualitative analysis of the voluminous research in the
field (N = 386 publications), found that
Their analysis yields three primary clusters that influence effective volunteer
administration: (1) volunteer coordination practices and human resource
management influences; (2) volunteer coordination attitudes and social processes;
and (3) organizational features affecting volunteers and volunteer coordination.
The authors found that volunteer management practice varied according to these
three sets of factors.
Contingency Approaches
The literature advances several contingency approaches. For example, Rochester
(1999) elaborates four models of volunteer administration: service delivery,
support role, member/activist, and co-worker. The service delivery model
implies that volunteers are recruited based on knowledge, skills, and abilities.
In the service delivery model, volunteers are supervised in a hierarchical structure.
The support role focuses on how the volunteers can supplement paid staff in the
organization; oversight in the support role ranges from collaborative-participatory
to hierarchical. The service delivery and the support role models of volunteer
management resemble a part-time employment approach. Conversely, the
member/activist model illustrates a volunteer program where all roles within
the organization are held by volunteers who support a shared cause, with no paid
staff present to provide oversight. The co-worker approach encompasses a fluid
relationship between the volunteer and the paid staff member. Volunteers identify
their purpose or goals in the organization, as well as their desire to learn new
skills. The member/activist model, with exclusively volunteer participation, and
the co-worker model with volunteers often considered counterparts to paid-staff,
are examples of participatory volunteer management. Rochester’s (1999)
approach illustrates the range of appropriate volunteer administration models that
would align with the types of organization hosting the volunteers.
Meijs and Ten Hoorn (2008) propose a different contingency approach. They
argue that the universal approach to volunteer management reflects too narrow a
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Organizational members
view of the volunteer administrator’s job and fails to appreciate the contingencies
affecting volunteer management. These authors present a contingency approach to
volunteer management, focusing on three types of organization: service delivery,
campaigning, and mutual support (compare Handy, 1988). Service delivery organiz-
ations tend to use volunteers as if they were part-time, paid staff. By contrast,
campaigning organizations are unique as they seek numerous supporters as
volunteers but also exclude many individuals who do not share the same ideological
or issue preference. Given the strong emotions that are aroused in campaigning
organizations, tensions tend to arise between volunteers and paid staff (Meijs &
Ten Hoorn, 2008). Mutual support organizations form as a result of a common
cause. Although they often have scarce resources, they are fueled by the affiliation
and membership of volunteers with the organization. For mutual support
organizations, the volunteer management task is reduced to a coordinator role that
organizes the efforts of members to support a shared goal but lacks the hierarchical
structure or authority among members to enforce task assignments (Meijs & Ten
Hoorn, 2008). Table 12.2 identifies the mutual support, service delivery, and
campaigning models.
In her contingency approach, Rehnborg (2009) presents two dimensions that
affect volunteer management. The first is the volunteer’s connection to service,
and the second is the volunteer’s time commitment to service. Connection to
service considers whether the volunteer is motivated by the mission of the
organization, i.e., affiliation focused, or by the need to acquire a skill or fulfill a
requirement, i.e., skills focused. A volunteer’s time commitment considers
whether the volunteer’s contributed time to the organization is episodic or
ongoing. Crossing the categories of connection to service and time for service,
Rehnborg (2009) derives four contingencies that require different models of
volunteer management (for a complete discussion see Rehnborg, 2009).
The universal model of volunteer management offers a valuable toolkit volun-
teer administrators must know and master. Although this approach normally
appears without qualification in the literature, based on the research on
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volunteers seek, for example, personal growth and development, a sense of solidar-
ity and belonging, friendships and networks, job experimentation and experience,
an opportunity to pursue a desired vision or goals, or a feeling of self-confidence
or mastery. These aspirations cannot be met solely through performing specific
part-time “jobs” as in the employment model. Instead, the volunteers must be
viewed from the participant perspective as citizens motivated to achieve their own
goals through helping the organization. Thus, the volunteer administrator cannot,
and should not, apply the universal model so strictly that the volunteer experience
resembles part-time paid employment that “anyone” could fill but must leaven
or loosen volunteer involvement so that the volunteer also feels like a valued and
unique participant.
Yet, the administrator must not reduce volunteer involvement to focus
exclusively on the needs of volunteer participants either, lest the organization
be distracted from pursuing its own goals—which require the employment
(productive labor) of volunteers as well. To us, recognizing the poles of the
universal approach toward the employment perspective on the one end and
the participation perspective on the other, and tightening the balance between
them toward the employment model when necessary or loosening it toward
participation as required by organizational circumstances (contingencies),
constitute the essence of volunteer management.
Some evidence for this perspective emanates from statistical trends and
commentary. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics (2015) the number of
volunteers and time spent volunteering in the United States has declined over
the past decade; the rate of volunteering stood at 26.7% in 2006 and by 2015
had dropped to 24.9%. Volunteer retention continues to falter according to
Yanay and Yanay (2008) due to failure in volunteer management to meet the
needs, desires, motivations, and experiences sought by volunteers as participants.
Similarly, Brudney and Meijs (2009) maintain that the decline in volunteers
results, at least in part, from the continued application of universal volunteer
management toward the traditional workplace model that conceives of the
volunteer as a part-time employee. Brudney and Meijs (2009) are concerned that
this application of the universal model is not always well-suited to the circum-
stances confronting volunteer managers. Because volunteers are a valuable human
resource to nonprofit organizations, accounting for an estimated 65% of total
philanthropic resources (Salamon & Sokolowski, 2001), volunteer administrators
must strive to ensure that volunteers are fulfilled in their work for host organiza-
tions. If volunteers are not fulfilled, they may show a lack of concern for their
work, or even discontinue their service to the organization. Thus, adapting the
universal model of volunteer management to embrace the needs of volunteers,
for participation, as well as the organization, for employment, is a priority.
Brudney and Meijs (2009) have introduced a “regenerative approach” to volun-
teer management, which encompasses the asset-based community development
model (Kretzmann & McKnight, 1993). Regenerative volunteer management is
centered on meeting the needs of the community, the volunteer, and the
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Volunteer Management
plugs on an automobile engine or the lug nuts that secure the wheels. The ratchet
can access places that lie obscure or are difficult to locate and fix; these places
correspond to the contingencies facing the volunteer program that need
addressing. The ratchet device is designed so that the force needed by the
operator to move or maneuver the screw or nut is greatly reduced. As with
volunteer management, it takes just a supple twist of the wrist, i.e., a deft
managerial intervention, to move the screw or nut to either tighten it (toward
employment) or loosen it (toward participation) according to the tension
(balance) required.
Analogous to the management craft, the ratchet device places the emphasis
on finesse rather than power. It does most, though not all, of the work: The
ratchet responds subtly and immediately to the wishes of the operator. As in
management, the ratchet provides feedback to the operator as he or she tightens
or loosens the tension. The role of the volunteer manager is to adjust the tension
between strict or tight application of the universal model toward employment or
a more relaxed or loose application toward participation.
Table 12.3 shows the ratchet model as it relates to the employment and
participation models of volunteer management. The full turning of the ratchet
“Loosen” “Tighten”
Volunteer management
element Participation model Employment model
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to either extreme will not benefit the volunteer program or the organization. A
program based solely on the employment model will likely encounter a volunteer
deficit leading to hasty recruitment, volunteer retention problems, and an
organization that has to enlist more paid employees. Conversely, if the program
is fixed solely on the participation model, the volunteers would likely not have
the direction or the ability to achieve the desired goals or results sought by the
organization—or their own individual goals.
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Management adjustment
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Conclusion
In this chapter we have presented a new approach to volunteer administration
and management that applies the universal model to contingencies volunteer
administrators are likely to confront on the job, and provides direction for
adjusting the volunteer program accordingly. We label this approach the ratchet
model. We use this name because the ratchet tool offers analogies to management
with respect to tightening or loosening organizational control over work processes
and behavior, and relying more on finesse than force to accomplish desired
organizational ends or goals. With respect to volunteer management, tightening
the ratchet refers to adjusting the volunteer program to resemble more closely
part-time paid work or employment to meet the goals of the organization. By
contrast, loosening the ratchet means adjusting the program toward a more
flexible, open participation style that helps volunteers meet their own needs,
for example, for stimulation, interesting work, solidarity, networking, self-
expression, or career exploration. The ratchet model encourages the volunteer
administrator to achieve a balance between the two poles of employment versus
participation in managing the volunteer program based on the key contingencies
confronted.
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Jeffrey L. Brudney and Hayley K. Sink
This chapter elaborates a framework for the volunteer administrator to use for
successful adaptation of the volunteer program to various circumstances or con-
tingencies. Two models of volunteer management—the Preparation Engagement
and Perpetuation (PEP) model (Safrit, Schmiesing, Gliem, & Gliem, 2005) and
the volunteer administrator guidelines of the Council for Certification in Volunteer
Administration (2015)—likewise acknowledge that contingencies exist that may
impact volunteer program administration.
The authors of the PEP model (Safrit, Schmiesing, Gliem, & Gliem, 2005)
assert that theirs is the first empirical model of volunteer management. The model
is based on findings from a study of volunteer administrators and experts in the
field and highlights three categories: personal preparation, volunteer engagement,
and program perpetuation. Across the three categories, the PEP model for volun-
teer administration derives seven “domain topic areas” (pp. 21–22): professional
development, volunteer selection and recruitment, volunteer orientation and
training, volunteer recognition, program maintenance, resource development,
and program advocacy. The researchers maintain that the PEP model addresses
the primary topics identified since the inauguration of the volunteer administra-
tion field (Safrit et al., 2005). Similarly, the Council for Certification in Volunteer
Administration (2015) recognizes that the position of the volunteer administrator
is multifaceted. CCVA (2015) alludes to the influence of contingencies on the
effective performance of the job, which encompasses several different roles:
strategic architect, articulate ambassador, relationship builder, talent cultivator,
data manager, champion of quality, and passionate leader. The many roles of
the volunteer administrator signify the importance of adapting management to the
contingencies confronted in the volunteer program.
To make these adaptations, we recommend that both new and experienced
volunteer administrators strive to seek a balance between the needs of the
organization for productive work, as captured in the employment model, and
the needs of volunteers for meeting their own aspirations, as articulated in the
participation model. In our view, understanding these poles and creating an
effective balance form the essence of the volunteer administration task.
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Discussion Questions
1 What are the contingencies that you think would impact the volunteer
administrator’s job?
2 As a normal way of doing business (the “default option”) on an everyday
basis, how should the volunteer administrator go about doing his or her job?
3 What skills would be most useful to you in recognizing important contingencies
in the workplace or among volunteers so that you would know when to
tighten, or loosen, administration of the volunteer program?
References
Boyce, M. (1971). A systematic approach to leadership development. Washington, DC: USDA,
Extension Service (ERIC document reproduction service no. ED 065-763).
Brudney, J. L. (1990). Fostering volunteer programs in the public sector. San Francisco,
CA: Jossey-Bass.
Brudney, J. L. & Meijs, L. C. P. M. (2009). It ain’t natural: Toward a new (natural)
resource conceptualization for volunteer management. Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector
Quarterly, 38(4), 564–581.
Brudney, J. L. & Meijs, L. C. P. M. (2014). Models of volunteer management: Professional
volunteer program management in social work. Human Service Organizations Management,
Leadership & Governance, 38(3), 297–309.
Bureau of Labor Statistics. (2015). Volunteering in the United States, 2015. Available at:
www.bls.gov/news.release/volun.nr0.htm (accessed March 9, 2016).
Carroll, M. & Harris, M. (1999). Voluntary action in a campaigning context: An
exploratory study of Greenpeace. Voluntary Action, 2(1), 9–18.
Corporation for National & Community Service. (2015). The state of volunteering in America,
2015. Available at: www.volunteeringinamerica.gov/infographic.cfm (accessed March
9, 2016).
Council for Certification in Volunteer Administration. (2015). CCVA body of knowledge
and competency framework. Available at: http://cvacert.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/
09/2015-CVA-Competency-Framework-FINAL-2015-Sep-03.pdf (accessed October
15, 2015).
Cravens, J. & Ellis, S. J. (2014). The last virtual volunteering guidebook: Fully integrating online
service into volunteering. Philadelphia, PA: Energize, Inc.
Ellis, S. J. (2010). From the top down: The executive role in successful volunteer involvement.
Philadelphia, PA: Energize, Inc.
Handy, C. (1988). Understanding voluntary organizations: How to make them function effectively.
London: Penguin Books.
Kretzmann, J. P. & McKnight, J. L. (1993). Building communities from the inside out: A path
toward finding and mobilizing a community’s assets. (3rd ed.). Chicago: ACTA.
Meijs, L. C. P. M. & Ten Hoorn, E. M. (2008). No “one best” volunteer management
and organizing: Two fundamentally different approaches. In M. Liao-Troth (Ed.),
Challenges in volunteer management (pp. 25–90). Charlotte, NC: Information Age
Publishing, Inc.
Naylor, N. H. (1967). Volunteers today: Finding, training, and working with them. New York,
NY: Dryden Association Press.
Paull, M. (2002). Reframing volunteer management: A view from the West. Australian
Journal on Volunteering, 7, 21–27.
Rehnborg, S. J. (2009). Strategic volunteer engagement: A guide for nonprofit and public sector
leaders. Austin, TX: University of Texas, RGK Center for Philanthropy and Community
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13
Training and Development in
Nonprofit Organizations
Toby Egan
Across sectors, training and development (T&D) is a vital individual and career
concern, as well as an important dimension in the life of organizations.
Introduction
As varied organizations have identified employee and managerial training and
development needs, multiple approaches to learning at and about work emerged,
with T&D situated in the broader contexts of human resource development and
organizational learning.
Employee and managerial T&D is viewed as an essential ingredient to
improved nonprofit organizational effectiveness and performance outcomes
(Hodgkinson & Nelson, 2001; Riddoch, 2009). Over the past three decades,
T&D-related practitioners and scholars have increasingly come to see training
from a “systems view”—important from individual, group/team, organizational,
community, and sectoral perspectives (Jacobs, 1989). While nonprofit leaders and
employees require training on a variety of topics and have continuous learning
needs, it has become progressively clear that nonprofit training and development
is firmly situated within the context of a larger organizational learning culture
and system (Ebrahim, 2005; Egan, Yang, & Bartlett, 2004; McHargue, 2003).
T&D-related theory, practice, and research overall, and then with a focus on
the nonprofit sector, are examined in this chapter. Over time, T&D professionals
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have utilized and shared related concepts and practices across sectors in a variety
of professional roles. In many cases, the underlying T&D assumptions and
practices share more similarities than differences; however, the nonprofit sector
has distinct characteristics that can require unique T&D approaches. In addition,
organization size plays an important role in determining the appropriate T&D
strategy, and this dimension is particularly salient in the context of nonprofit
organizations. This chapter is organized in the following way: exploring a brief
history of T&D; defining and situating T&D in the larger context of organizational
learning; examining related theories and professional practices; contrasting
nonprofit training from other sectors; and elaborating on challenges faced by
different sized nonprofits.
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a natural laboratory born out of necessity and brought forth more opportunities
to design, test, and refine T&D than ever before.
Social scientist Elton Mayo (1933) and colleagues conducted the Hawthorne
Studies exploring the role of working conditions and stimuli, other than financial
compensation, on worker productivity. Later research would support the hypoth-
esis that T&D positively influenced employee productivity (Bartlett, 2001).
Frederick Herzberg, Kurt Lewin, Abraham Maslow, David McClelland, and Max
Weber each contributed research that influenced thinking about T&D practices
through related fields of study such as industrial-organizational psychology,
organizational behavior, human resource management, and human resource
development.
At this time a rich interplay between practice and academia began to emerge
that stimulated the professionalization of T&D. Several T&D-related professional
associations formed in the first half of the 20th century. One of the oldest,
identified professional human resources associations, the Chartered Institute of
Personnel Development (CIPD), opened in 1913 and was originally named the
Welfare Workers’ Association of England. The post-TWI of the 1940s war effort
brought about the formation of several key HR-related developments in the
United States, including the establishment of the American Society for Training
and Development, now known as the Association for Talent Development or
ATD, in 1944 (Koppes, 2006); the Society for Human Resource Management
(SHRM) in 1948; and Cornell University’s early industrial and labor relations
higher education program in 1945. Soon after, the academic fields of industrial
organizational psychology, industrial relations, industrial education, and vocational
education emerged, with more recent advent of human resource development,
organization development, and T&D specific academic programs.
As the 20th century progressed, so did training and human resources efforts
in a great diversity of other national contexts. Workplace complexities, increased
use of technology, and evolving organizational strategies led to greater appreciation
in all sectors for the employee as a key asset. The work of U.S. economists
Becker (1962) and Harbison and Myers (1964) advanced the importance of
human capital and human resource development for individual, organizational,
community, and even national impact.
As human capital was better understood as a key aspect of organizational
success, T&D took center stage as a core element of human resource development
(HRD) practice. Environmental complexity intensified in the 1980s with the
emergence of new technologies and steady growth of global organizations, and
continues unabated today. These complexities mandated agility by employees
and more adaptive management. As a result, in the for-profit arena, investment
by business and industry in T&D steadily increased over the last 30 years. ATD
estimated that large U.S. companies spent $164 billion overall in 2013,
approximately $1200 per employee, on training. As T&D practices evolved,
related job roles became better defined and some aspects of professionalization
and formalized training have emerged. Those working in T&D and related areas
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parts. The key is the interrelationships between parts in order to better understand
how an organization is structured, its inputs, functioning, and outcomes. It
requires changes in points of view from holism to reductionism. Systems theory
can be found in a variety of contexts including science, nature, economics, and
organizations. The learning organization concept uses a systems perspective to
consider learning across an organization. In this context, T&D is viewed as one
part of the system. Systems can be found in nature, in science, in society, in an
economic context, and within information systems. A distinctive characteristic
of systems theory is that it developed simultaneously across various disciplines,
with scholars working from a systems theory perspective building on the
knowledge and concepts developed within other disciplines.
HRD viewpoints serve as a critique in that systems and learning organization
perspectives demonstrated the work of trainers and trainees were insufficient if
not well aligned with the larger organizational and stakeholder systems. At the
same time, the systems perspective inherent in HRD incorporated T&D as an
essential ingredient to organizational effectiveness. In effect, HRD introduced a
systemic, strategic approach that shifted training as the central approach to work-
place learning to one of a set of important tools to be utilized in the deployment
of a learning organization strategy. The implications for this repositioning of T&D
were strongly influenced by McLagan’s study of for-profit HR, but with impli-
cations (and evidence of adoption) for nonprofit and governmental organizations
as well (Kim, 2012).
With the incorporation of systems theory (described in more detail below)
into social science scholarship and organizational HR and learning organization
functions, the growth of HR and T&D related professional roles naturally led to
the formation and growth of related professional associations, specified academic
programs, and policymaking. Based on her study of HR practices in a number
of large organizations, McLagan (1989) developed the HR Wheel (Figure 13.1).
This model represents the larger organizational Human Resources System divided
into three major subsets: (1) Human Resource Management (HRM); (2) Human
Resource Development (HRD); and (3) Human Resources Information Systems
(HRIS). Based on McLagan’s study, T&D is situated within HRD and is
interrelated with two other HRD areas—Organization Development (OD) and
Career Development (CD).
McLagan’s findings not only differentiated HR functions more clearly than
before, they also provided key insights into managerial and employee development
strategies and functions and their interrelationships within HRD. McLagan’s
study ran parallel to the emerging popularity of Peter Senge’s (1990) work on
learning organizations. As organizations in all three sectors began to experience
increased dynamism and rapid change, Senge emphasized learning as key for
organizational resilience and success. He also viewed systems-oriented, or holistic,
approaches to learning as central to the survival and advancement of every
organization. Senge adherents (along with predecessors like Argyris and Schön,
1980) elevated the importance of learning to boardroom and managerial levels
that, until then, had not regularly occurred. This rising learning organization tide
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Nonprofit Challenges
There are several challenges and opportunities when considering nonprofit train-
ing and development. A key starting point is the size of the nonprofit organization
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Training Theories
Whether one is cognizant of the underlying influence of training theories in an
overt way, or if such influences are the unnamed or underlying ‘theories-in-use’
(Argyris, 2000), assumptions about what T&D is for and how it works are
important considerations. Similar to the aforementioned similarities and differences
in T&D definitions, underlying theories of T&D elaborate and position key
concepts such as training design and delivery assumptions, key outcomes,
mechanisms underlying training transfer, and the ways in which trainers and
trainees construct meaning and use power and influence. According to Noe
(2010), while there are a number of training and development-related theories,
there are a few highlighted more often. As emphasized by Lewin’s (1945) oft-
repeated statement “nothing is so practical as good theory” (p. 169), “it is important
to examine these theories not only from a scholarly perspective, but from a practical
perspective as well. Training and development and learning theories should have
clear implications for practice” (Egan, 2009, p. 130).
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Action Learning
Well aligned with the important intersection between theory and application,
action learning theory emphasizes the core idea action and learning are firmly
intertwined. The founder of action learning (Revans, 1980, 1983) regularly
underscored that there cannot be action without learning, nor learning without
action. As a theory and model associated with workplace training, action learn-
ing is viewed from a process perspective that includes: (1) focus problem or
issue; (2) action learning team or group; (3) questioning and reflective listening
process; (4) action to address the problem or issue; (5) focus on learning
throughout; and (6) action learning coach/facilitator (Marquardt, 2004).
Revan’s representative expression of action learning’s underlying theory is
P + Q = L—where P is programmed knowledge, Q is thoughtful questioning
and L is learning.
Action learning-oriented training and development often blends existing or
prepared learning materials (P) with a large amount of time for questioning and
reflective listening (Q). Learning exchange is important because the action
learning process (L) requires a commitment by participants to learn from each
other in a manner aimed at accepting one another’s points of view and offering
constructive feedback and critiques (Zuber-Skerritt, 1996). Effective T&D
facilitators utilizing action research emphasize participation and the expertise and
experiences of trainees. It is most common for action learning trainers to support
action-oriented learning through facilitated interaction between participants
and invite experts and new information into the learning environment—rather
than primarily engaging in PowerPoint presentations, or ‘platform’ training
performances. The challenge of the action learning approach is that it may be
very difficult to apply when highly technical or complex—requiring related
subject-matter expertise from members, more time, or both. Conversely, the
strength of this approach is that the participatory orientation to learning increases
trainee buy-in and can lead to context/organization relevant outcomes and
innovations. Revans and others have provided narratives and anecdotal support
for the use of action learning in nonprofit organizations, the majority of action
learning literature outside of the for-profit sector focuses on K-12 education.
Andragogy
Often juxtaposed in relationship to pedagogy, andragogy is defined as a learning
approach aimed at adults and effective approaches to adult learning—which are
considered to be unique as compared to pedagogy (Knowles, Holton, & Swanson,
1998). Like action learning theory, the theoretical viewpoint underlying
andragogy is a humanist approach (Cooper & Henschke, 2007). However, unlike
action learning theory, andragogy is often used to emphasize a more individually
oriented approach to each training participant. While focusing on adult learning,
andragogy does not identify a desired age for participation, rather it emphasizes
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(1) critical collaborative enquiry that is also self-critical and; (2) reflective framing
learners as co-researchers and reflective practitioners aimed toward (3) account-
ability in making group outcomes and results public; (4) self-evaluating practice
and engaged in (5) participatory problem solving and continuous professional
development. As with action learning, participants’ learning process is active and
rooted in the experiences of each participant. Those critiquing this approach have
indicated that trainers/facilitators of this type of learning must be careful to not
be seen as coercive.
Additionally, while critical action research activities may lead to change, some
worry the upheaval involved in the change process may lead to a different set of
problems with similarly negative impacts. Conversely, “although organizations
may not be interested, or may resist critical action, the breaking down of
unnecessary or prohibitive power structures is beneficial in a variety of contexts:
from corporate to NGO or other development related efforts” (Egan, 2009
p. 134). Critical action research can make great strides in development of greater
awareness of organizational and community diversity, the formation of more just
working environments, and commitments to redressing policies and decisions
that perpetuate unfairness or that are implemented inequitably.
Facilitation Theory
Facilitation theory situates the trainer in a position to form and maintain a
learning context in which trainees are able to explore new ideas. Training
undergirded by facilitation theory supports trainees sharing their individual
reactions in a nonthreatening environment. Facilitation theory is informed
by psychologist Carl Rogers’ one-on-one counseling approach called client-
centered therapy (CCT). Rogers’ (1970) CCT concepts of unconditional positive
regard and empathic understanding are central for trainers enacting facilitation theory
based training. As with Rogers’ one-on-one approach with clients, training
facilitators convey attitudes that are non-judgmental and are listening oriented.
Time is built into such training for in-depth, trainee generated discussion that
gives trainees the opportunity to discuss reactions, disclose feelings, and elaborate
on their ideas and experiences. As with CCT, Kahn (1999) suggested the
facilitator/trainer is unable to be entirely nondirective as her/his ideas will
influence the direction of participants. Another major critique of training framed
by facilitation theory is the dependence on learners to establish their own interests
making the training sessions seem to some as lacking direction, clear objectives,
and structure.
At the same time, recent developments in emerging fields such as positive
psychology (Sheldon & King, 2001) and an infusion of appreciative inquiry
practices in organization development (Bushe & Kassam, 2005; Cooperrider &
Whitney, 1999) clearly support the foundations of facilitation theory. Those
supporting this approach indicate a greater likelihood for productive learning
outcomes and that, similar to andragogy, adults are ultimately made more
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responsible for (and perhaps are even enlightened to) the formation of their own
learning and learning outcomes. Finally, such a facilitative approach can benefit
multicultural contexts and diverse learning environments by formulating a way
for all participants to voice their experiences and expand their sense of self-
direction and influence through the openness and empathy of the facilitator.
While literature directly connecting facilitation theory to nonprofits is uncommon,
facilitative approaches to nonprofits, undoubtedly aligned with facilitation theory,
can be found in case study narratives (Cooperrider & Whitney, 1999) and
examination of leadership practices (Yukl, 1999).
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Systems Theory
As described above, systems theory has been incorporated into our understanding
of organizational learning and T&D. Most often credited to biologist von
Bertalanffy (1969), systems theory was also adapted to the social sciences. Systems
theory takes a transdisciplinary approach to examining the abstract, broad
configurations of phenomena. This theory often situates a system as containing
four aspects: (1) the elements, variables, or parts within a system; (2) attributes,
properties, and/or qualities of a system and its objects; (3) the interrelationships
between objects within a system; and (4) the environment in which the system
is situated (von Bertalynffy, 1969). Brought together, these four aspects comprise
a set of elements that impact one another within the context of the surrounding
environment from which a unique set of interactions occurs.
Systems theory takes the notion of “the whole being the sum of its parts” and
adds interaction, context and/or environment to describe the very unique way
the parts interact within the whole. Systems theory transcends disciplines and
applied fields of practice, including chemical and biological sciences (autopoietic
elements; Maturana & Varela, 1975); natural sciences (equifinality, organic
elements and homeostasis; Hannan & Freeman, 1977); information technology
(cybernetic elements; Beer, 1985); and sociology and psychology (cognitive
elements; Clark, 1993). Within organization and human resource development
sciences, Senge (1990), Swanson (2001) and others incorporated the fundamental
systems-interactive paradigm of organizational analysis (inputsàthroughputsà
outputs) to explicate the manner in which learning exchanges occur naturally and
organizational structures and processes (like T&D) can be shaped with the
intention of impacting employee learning and performance.
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240
Table 13.1 ADDIE Training Model: Steps, tasks and deliverables
r u
C SAMPLE TASKS SAMPLE DELIVERABLES
Q
Develop training materials Lesson plans
- Develop relevant training activities
Develop approaches to assess learner
Training materials
Training activities
g knowledge Evaluation instruments
0
V
( C
-0 SAMPLE TASKS
Collect more evaluation data
SAMPLE DELIVERABLES
Evaluation report
Analyze and report the results Revised curriculum and program
>
YI
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Training and Development
Written Training
Policy (%) 5 15 33 45 63 65 78
Informal Training
Policy (%) 38 44 40 40 26 23 15
None, need-based
approach (%)
37 30 22 11 8 10 6
No system
at all (%) 20 11 5 4 3 2 1
# Responding 33 33 33 33 33 33 33 231
External
Courses (%) 36 47 66 72 70 74 78
Internal
Courses (%) 22 41 69 82 85 88 89
External
Consultants/
Advisors (%) 22 25 37 40 42 41 58
Internal Mentors/
Apprenticeships (%) 54 49 34 33 35 39 40
Job Rotation (%) 19 26 31 40 42 44 52
# of Organizations
Responding 33 33 33 33 33 33 33
external (Table 13.3). Overall, larger organizations were more likely to offer
T&D developed and delivered by T&D-related staff internal to the organization
and externally delivered courses developed and delivered by T&D-related staff
external to the organization. Additionally, larger nonprofits were more likely to
contract with T&D-related consultants and advisors. The smallest organizations
in this study were most likely to offer internal mentors—with half the organiza-
tions with between 5 and 50 employees supporting internal mentoring and
apprenticeships. Given that smaller organizations are likely to depend on many
employees serving generalist roles, it was perhaps not surprising that larger organi-
zations provided more job rotation as part of their employee T&D than smaller
organizations.
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In-Person Training
Delivery (%) 45 48 51 55 53 54 48
Online Training
Delivery (%) 40 32 31 24 23 19 20
Combined Training (both
Online & In-person
Delivery) (%) 15 20 18 21 24 27 32
# of Organizations
Responding 33 33 33 33 33 33 33
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Smaller Larger
5–500 employees (%) 500 or more employees (%)
Job Specific 16 13
Managerial/Supervisory 10 12
Work Processes 12 10
IT & Technology 12 11
Other (including grant writing) 11 9
Compliance 5 9
Basic Skills 11 7
Communication 6 8
Fundraising/Sales 6 7
Employee Orientation 5 7
Customer Service 4 6
Training Volunteers 3 2
Executive Leadership 2 5
Executive Board Training 1 <1
Conclusion
T&D is a foundational need for nonprofit organizations as the development of
the nonprofit sector is inextricably tied to the effectiveness of its managers and
employees. The systematic examination of nonprofit T&D is at a very early stage.
While we are just beginning to map the history and future of nonprofit T&D, it
has been strongly influenced by past T&D-related events and current T&D trends
across sectors. T&D theory, practice and research are beginning to emerge more
strongly in the nonprofit context. Across sectors many of the underlying T&D
assumptions and practices share more similarities than differences. At the same
time, the nonprofit sector has distinct characteristics requiring sector-specific
T&D approaches. In addition, the framing of T&D within a broader learning
system and the varieties of nonprofit organizations in terms of size, plays an
important role in determining the T&D strategy to be used. The relatively early
history of the nonprofit sector, and even more recent focus on related organizational
learning and T&D, create opportunities for further cross-sector integration of
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Discussion Questions
1 To gain a better understanding of your learning style go online to www.
personal.psu.edu/bxb11/LSI/LSI.htm
2 What does your learning style suggest about the types of training/learning
methods you should use? How is your style different from your classmates?
3 What are some of the challenges to training and employee development in
the nonprofit sector? What are some ways organizations can deal with those
challenges?
4 What was the last training you attended as part of work? In what ways was
it effective? In what ways could it have been improved?
5 McLagan's model (Figure 13.1) suggests HR has many interrelated parts.
What theory(ies) support the idea that T&D is interdependent? What are
some examples where T&D can be made most effective through integration
with other parts of Hr and/or the organization?
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14
Making Nonprofits
More Effective
Performance Management and
Performance Appraisals
Introduction
Human resources are regarded as the most critical asset contributing to the
success and mission achievement of nonprofit organizations. Nonprofit organi-
zations are increasingly confronted with pressures to become more competitive,
thus, knowledge concerning how to effectively and efficiently manage human
resources is vital. The implementation of performance management systems is
regarded as a valuable way to demonstrate the continuous performance of
employees to the organizations’ stakeholders (Akingbola, 2015). Performance
management also helps employees to identify their roles and responsibilities
in mission achievement (Pynes, 2013). As such, performance management in
nonprofit organizations is of both individual and organizational importance.
In this chapter, we follow Akingbola’s (2015) definition of performance manage-
ment as encompassing “all the activities, systems and processes that are deployed
to enable and support employees to contribute the maximum of their knowledge,
skills and abilities to the organization” (p. 164). Performance management is
characterized as a continuous process that identifies, measures, and develops
individual and team performance aiming to align performance with the strategic
objectives of the organization (Aguinis, 2009a). Performance appraisals are regarded
as a key component of any performance management system (Akingbola, 2015;
Selden & Sowa, 2011).
Performance management and performance appraisals have long been regarded
as key for effective strategic human resource management (SHRM) in the for-
profit sector (Devanna, Fombrun, & Tichy, 1984) and have been widely researched
in for-profit contexts (Cawley, Keeping, & Levy, 1998; Fletcher & Perry, 2002;
Levy & Williams, 2004). As part of SHRM, performance management attempts
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to increase the fit between human resource (HR) practices to enhance individual
performance with the objective of maximizing organizational outcomes (Den
Hartog, Boselie, & Paauwe, 2004). Well-designed performance management
systems have been found to positively affect employees, managers, and organiza-
tions (Aguinis, 2009a; Thomas & Bretz Jr, 1994). For instance, performance
management systems help employees to comprehend how their behaviors affect
the results required of their work, boost their self-esteem, and identify their
strengths and mitigate their weaknesses. Performance management systems enable
managers to learn about their subordinates, to develop their subordinates’ perfor-
mance awareness, and to better differentiate between good and poor performers.
Through the introduction of performance management systems, organizations
emphasize greater goal clarity, enable organizational change, and increase employee
commitment and engagement (Aguinis, 2009a; Thomas & Bretz Jr, 1994).
Performance appraisals, now a key element of performance management, have,
over time, evolved from being an annually reoccurring administrative require-
ment where individuals’ strengths and weaknesses are discussed (Aguinis, Joo, &
Gottfredson, 2011) and their past performance is documented (Lee, 2006) to a
more strategic function within performance management (Den Hartog et al.,
2004). Consequently, performance appraisals are now conceptualized as a process
“including establishment of performance standards, appraisal related behaviors of
raters within the performance appraisal period, determination of performance
rating, and communication of the rating to the ratee” (Erdogan, 2003, p. 556).
As such, performance appraisals today fulfill a broader, more holistic, function
that is tightly integrated into the organizational strategy in form of performance
management systems.
The mere existence of performance management systems might not be
sufficient to increase organizational performance. To ensure a positive effect of
performance management systems on organizational performance, the rating
systems used should be reliable and valid to effectively discriminate between
certain levels of performance (Twomey & Feuerbach Twomey, 1992). Moreover,
scholars recommend a communicative process between managers and their
employees (Den Hartog et al., 2004). It is important that the communication
with the employee focuses on the organization’s strategic objectives and the
employee’s contributions to achieve these while also being fair (Erdogan, 2003).
Having bilateral processes in place facilitates the evaluation of employees, but
also gives them a voice in the process (Erdogan, 2003; Roberts, 2003). Participative
performance management systems that—by design—offer opportunities for
regular feedback and ensure employee ownership in the evaluation of their
performance, are more effective in attaining improved organizational performance
(Roberts, 2003).
When implementing and evaluating performance management systems,
scholars caution to pay attention to differences of employees’ experience with
performance management practices, how these practices are enacted by managers,
and the initial intention when instituted by organizational leadership (Nishii &
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Wright, 2008). For instance, Farndale and Kelliher (2013) find that employees
are willing to reciprocate benefits through increased organizational commitment
if they perceive performance appraisals to be enacted fairly by their managers.
As such, organizational performance is only likely to increase when employees’
perceptions and evaluation of performance management practices are acknow-
ledged (Nishii, Lepak, & Schneider, 2008). Similarly, in another study employees’
satisfaction with performance appraisals was found to contribute to organiza-
tional commitment and to reduce employees’ intentions to leave the organization
(Kuvaas, 2008).
Similar to the for-profit context, a variety of functions of performance manage-
ment systems in nonprofit organizations have been identified, such as the trans-
lation of organizational goals to individual activities, evaluation of employee
engagement, legal mitigation, job design, and career planning (Akingbola, 2015)
as well as strategic decision-making on employee promotion, development and
training, compensation, and retention or separation (Pynes, 2013). Despite the
known merits of performance management systems, including appraisals (Aguinis,
2009b; Den Hartog et al., 2004), the extent of which these systems are imple-
mented in nonprofit organizations varies widely (Pynes, 2013), both domestically
(Selden & Sowa, 2011) and internationally (Walk, Schinnenburg, & Handy,
2014).
Given the specific set up of nonprofit organizations, tools for performance
management from the for-profit sector might not be easily applicable to nonprofit
organizations (Speckbacher, 2003). For instance, employees in nonprofit organiz-
ations tend to be highly intrinsically motivated and identify with the mission of
the organization. As such, their preference structure differs from those of for-profit
employees, who tend to be characterized as extrinsically motivated. From an
organizational perspective, nonprofit organizations cannot easily reward employee
performance with financial incentives such as salary raises or bonus payments,
given their organizational characteristics (e.g., the non-distribution constraint)
(Devaro & Brookshire, 2007; Speckbacher, 2003). Therefore, our objective is to
summarize context-specific research on performance management and perfor-
mance appraisals in nonprofit organizations and, based on this summary, to propose
a comprehensive model of performance management and performance appraisals
for the nonprofit context.
Methods
We searched the academic literature to identify studies for our review. In
particular, we searched Google Scholar and EBSCOhost databases using terms
such as performance & management, performance & appraisals, performance
& evaluation, employee & evaluation, employee & performance, employee &
appraisal followed by the classifier nonprofit organizations/nonprofits. We also
manually searched four journals (Nonprofit Management & Leadership, Voluntas:
International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations, Nonprofit Voluntary
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Findings
In a first step, we identified four distinct clusters of studies when sorting the
review articles. The first set focuses on performance appraisals as a stand-alone
technique. Notably, three of four studies falling into this category were also the
oldest studies in our sample (Millar, 1990; Pecora & Hunter, 1988; Potter &
Smith, 2009; Wiehe, 1981). The second set of articles looked at performance
management as a strategic tool to assess employee performance (Becker, Antuar,
& Everett, 2011; Curran, 2002; Davenport & Gardiner, 2007; Helmig, Michalski,
& Lauper, 2008; Selden & Sowa, 2011). These authors conceptualize performance
appraisals as part of a broader performance management system. In the third set
of articles, performance appraisals are integrated into human resource manage-
ment strategies such as strategic human resource management or high perform-
ance work systems (Guo, Brown, Ashcraft, Yoshioka, & Dong, 2011; Ridder,
McCandless Baluch, & Piening, 2012; Ridder, Piening, & McCandless Baluch,
2012; Robineau, Ohana, & Swaton, 2015; Rodwell & Teo, 2004, 2008; Selden
& Sowa, 2015; Walk et al., 2014). In the final fourth set, neither performance
appraisals nor performance management is the main focus of the respective studies,
but aspects pertaining to either are discussed in relationship to other organizational
constructs (Beem, 2001; Deckop & Cirka, 2000; Ebrahim, 2005; Packard, 2010;
Rivas, 1984).
A clear trend emerges when looking at the first three clusters of articles. As
three of the oldest articles in this review are forming the first category followed
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Table 14.1 Article review sample
by newer studies in the next two categories, we can assume that, over time,
performance appraisals were integrated into more holistic systems of either
performance management or human resource management (Potter and Smith
(2009) is an exception). This trend might be related to the increase of scholarly
attention to effective practices in nonprofit organizations and the importance of
bundling individual practices (Ridder, Piening, et al., 2012), conceptualizing
performance appraisals as one tool among a larger set of practices that—when
well aligned—contribute to the strategic goals of the organization. Corresponding
to this trend, we noticed the conceptualization of performance appraisals was
evolving overtime. Whereas earlier works defined “employee performance as
an annual event” (Wiehe, 1981, p. 1), recent studies applied a more comprehen-
sive view defining performance appraisals as “a formal and systematic process
for reviewing performance and providing oral and written feedback to staff
about performance at least annually” (Selden & Sowa, 2011, p. 253). These
findings are well-aligned with trends in the for-profit context (Den Hartog
et al., 2004).
As a second step, we engaged in an inductive analysis of the 22 articles. We
particularly looked for patterns across clusters and identified six distinct categories:
Purpose of performance appraisals, design and implementation of performance
management and performance appraisals, integration into the organizational
context, personal characteristics and manager/employee interactions, individual
perceptions, and individual and organizational outcomes. Based on these
categories, we developed a model of performance management in nonprofit
organizations. As shown in Figure 14.1, some of these categories operate at the
individual level, some at the organizational level, and one (outcomes) on both
levels. We discuss the individual parts of the model and the relationship between
the six categories below.
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Performance Management and Appraisals
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Performance Management and Appraisals
Outcomes
A fair number of studies investigated the relationship between performance
management/performance appraisals and subsequent outcomes. Besides serving
as an antecedent, employee intrinsic motivation has also been identified as an
individual-level outcome (Davenport & Gardiner, 2007; Millar, 1990; Potter &
Smith, 2009). In particular, motivation is likely to increase if employees hold
positive attitudes toward performance appraisals (Helmig et al., 2008) and if the
process is perceived to be fair (Deckop & Cirka, 2000). Employee retention and
voluntary turnover form a second category that received considerable research
attention. Findings, however, are inconclusive. Selden and Sowa (2011) find a
significant relationship between employees’ perceptions of the performance
management process and intentions to stay as well as levels of voluntary turnover
in the organization. Similarly, Becker et al. (2011) identify increased levels of
turnover for dissatisfied employees after a new performance management system
was initially implemented. Contrary, Selden and Sowa (2015) find no relationship
between performance appraisals and voluntary turnover, but caution the
importance of the quality of implementation and the influential role of employee
perceptions during the appraisal process. Scholars have also focused on increases
in individual and organizational performance (Becker et al., 2011; Rodwell &
Teo, 2004, 2008). For instance, data collected from nonprofit executives indicate
a positive relationship between perceptions of performance appraisals and
organizational performance (Rodwell & Teo, 2004, 2008). Scholars also identify
links to other outcomes such as organizational commitment and quality of
collaboration with colleagues (Helmig et al., 2008), job satisfaction, enjoyment
of work, job commitment, and intentions to stay (Selden & Sowa, 2011), as well
as less uncertainty and more collaborative problem solving (Potter & Smith,
2009).
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Conclusion
Our aim in completing this review was to contribute to a better understanding
of the current research on performance management and performance appraisals
in the nonprofit context. We searched the literature and identified 22 articles
published in academic journals over a time span of 35 years (1980–2015). First,
we noticed that the articles fell into four distinct sets: (1) those focusing on
performance appraisals as a stand-alone technique; (2) those looking at performance
management as strategic tool to assess employee performance; (3) those integrating
performance appraisals into human resource management strategies; and (4) those
whose main focus was not on performance appraisals/performance management
but discussed aspects pertaining to either in relationship to other organizational
constructs. In a subsequent step, we inductively reviewed all articles. By going
back and forth between the articles, we identified six categories: Purpose of
performance appraisals, design and implementation of performance management
and performance appraisals, personal characteristics and manager/employee
interactions, integration into the organizational context, individual perceptions,
and individual and organizational outcomes. Based on these categories, we built
a model that illustrates the relationship between these categories (see Figure 14.1)
as emerging from the articles and provides an overview of the current research
on performance management/performance appraisals in the nonprofit context.
We particularly want to highlight two findings. First, over time, performance
appraisals have become more integrated into performance management or human
resource management strategies. Whereas some earlier works focused on practical
aspects of performance appraisals (“how to do it?”), most of the more contemporary
research focuses on performance appraisals in relation to distinct sets of antecedents
and outcomes (“what is the significance?”). Second, this review shows that the
individual actors (employees, managers) and their interactions as well as the
organizational context are important determinants of individual perceptions of
performance appraisals and performance management systems. Operating on
multiple levels, it seems, requires multilevel approaches to the study of performance
management and performance appraisals.
A few other observations are worthy of elaboration. Given the number of
research articles that we discarded during the analysis phase (n = 86), we can say
that performance management—at least how we conceptualize it in this chapter—
is not a widely researched field in the nonprofit context. When discarding
articles that did not fit our definition of performance management, we realized
that there is no uniform way in which the term performance management is used
in the nonprofit research literature yet. For instance, performance management
was used in relationship to organizational performance, effectiveness and account-
ability; concepts that mainly operate on the organizational level. Here, scholars
defined performance management as “a specification of the processes that gener-
ate firm performance and hence a specification of how management decisions
can control firm performance” (Speckbacher, 2003, p. 268). We also noticed the
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language that scholars used in the articles originates in the for-profit context
(e.g., inputs, accountability, effectiveness, efficiency, strategy). As such, research
in performance management follows the overall trend of mirroring policies and
procedures of for-profit companies (Maier, Meyer, & Steinbereithner, 2014). The
trend of becoming more businesslike might be eventually harmful to nonprofits’
ability to efficiently and effectively provide services while still maintaining a bond
to civil society (Eikenberry & Kluver, 2004).
As indicated earlier, the relationship between employees and their managers
seems to influence the perceptions of performance appraisals and the evaluations
thereof. But the relationship between managers and employees is by no means
unidirectional, since employees value being able to evaluate their manager
(Helmig et al., 2008). Therefore it is striking that the nonprofit literature to date
is relatively silent when describing the characteristics of the two-way relationship
between leaders and followers, or the quality of leader-member exchange (LMX),
a construct that is widely researched in the for-profit context (Graen & Uhl-Bien,
1995). Similarly, with the exception of Deckop and Cirka (2000), perceptions
of justice and trust between managers and employees have not been the center
of attention in the nonprofit research on performance appraisals, but have been
widely discussed in the for-profit context (Erdogan, 2003). These would be
important areas for future research (especially focussing on the leader-follower
dyad) that nonprofit scholars might want to consider.
A variety of research methodologies were applied across the 22 papers
(see Table 14.1). Six papers were conceptual in nature, 5 were qualitative, 7 used
quantitative methodologies and 4 studies were based on mixed methods. We
noticed several shortcomings across methodological categories. For instance,
some of the qualitative papers do not adequately report data collection procedures
and data analysis strategies. The quantitative papers tend to base their findings on
small sample sizes (range: 22–228), achieve varying, mostly low, response rates
(range: 18%–42%), use scales with questionable psychometric properties (e.g.,
low reliability) and most of the research uses only one source of data for
information gathering. Moreover, it was surprising to notice that only one study
was based on longitudinal research (Deckop & Cirka, 2000), even though most
of the scholars claim causal effects between performance appraisals and/or
performance management and individual and/or organizational outcomes.
Furthermore, we were intrigued by the fact that there currently is no multilevel
research on performance management in nonprofits, despite the importance
of individual perceptions. Given the lack of methodological rigor, the lack of
longitudinal research and multilevel approaches, we are currently not able to fully
disentangle the causal mechanisms between antecedents, performance appraisals/
performance management, and outcomes. Since performance management is
mission critical and the “most important system link between employee perform-
ance and organizational performance” (Akingbola, 2015, p. 189), we echo others
(Selden & Sowa, 2011) and conclude that there still is a lack of comprehensive
research in the context of nonprofit organizations. Based on our evaluation, we
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Discussion Questions
1 Have you had experiences with performance appraisals? How would you
evaluate these?
2 Given that nonprofit employees are predominantly motivated intrinsically,
what would be good incentives in your opinion?
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References
*part of the review sample.
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*Ridder, H.-G., McCandless Baluch, A., & Piening, E. P. (2012). The whole is more
than the sum of its parts? How HRM is configured in nonprofit organizations and why
it matters. Human Resource Management Review, 22, 1–14.
*Ridder, H.-G., Piening, E. P., & McCandless Baluch, A. (2012). The third way
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management. Voluntas: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations, 23,
605–635.
*Rivas, R. F. (1984). Perspectives on dismissal as a management prerogative in social
service organizations. Administration in Social Work, 8(4), 77–92.
Roberts, G. E. (2003). Employee performance appraisal system participation: A technique
that works. Public Personnel Management, 32(1), 89–98.
*Robineau, A., Ohana, M., & Swaton, S. (2015). The challenges of implementing high
performance work practices in the nonprofit sector. Journal of Applied Business Research
(JABR), 31(1), 103–114.
*Rodwell, J. J. & Teo, S. T. (2004). Strategic HRM in for-profit and non-profit
organizations in a knowledge-intensive industry. Public Management Review, 6(3),
311–331.
*Rodwell, J. J. & Teo, S. T. (2008). The influence of strategic HRM and sector on
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Schwartz, B. (2015). Why we work. New York: Simon & Schuster.
*Selden, S. C. & Sowa, J. E. (2011). Performance management and appraisal in human
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*Selden, S. C. & Sowa, J. E. (2015). Voluntary turnover in nonprofit human service
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Speckbacher, G. (2003). The economics of performance management in nonprofit
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*Walk, M., Schinnenburg, H., & Handy, F. (2014). Missing in action: strategic human
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*Wiehe, V. R. (1981). Current practices in performance appraisal. Administration in Social
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Part III
Emergent Challenges in
Nonprofit Human Resource
Management
15
Interchangeability of Labor
Managing a Mixed Paid and
Volunteer Workforce
Introduction
A strong tradition of volunteerism is one of the defining characteristics of the
nonprofit sector. Nonprofit organizations are more likely than other organiza-
tions to recruit and utilize volunteers, often alongside paid staff. But the involve-
ment of volunteers brings about a unique set of human resource management
challenges and raises questions about the best way to manage a diverse paid and
unpaid workforce. How should an organization go about finding the optimal
balance of paid and volunteer employees? Which tasks should be delegated to
volunteers, and which reserved for paid staff? How can nonprofit managers foster
positive and productive relationships and avoid conflict between paid staff and
volunteers? In times of financial hardship, tensions can arise if paid staff see
themselves being replaced by volunteers; when, if at all, is such replacement
optimal?
The answers to these questions vary considerably by country, by service
domain, and by organizational characteristics. Although many types of nonprofit
organizations involve volunteers, from hospitals to human services, from arts to
advocacy, organizations utilize volunteer hours differently in the production and
delivery of their services. The number of hours contributed by volunteers, and the
types of tasks reserved for them, are dynamic and often undefined—or, perhaps,
defined too broadly (Handy, Cnaan, Brudney, Ascoli, Meijs, & Ranade, 2000).
In some organizations, volunteers take on a central role as essential personnel,
delivering services to clients and serving in managerial roles, while in others,
volunteers support the work of paid staff. Most nonprofits rely on volunteers for
governance. For example, in the United States and Canada, nonprofits are
required to make use of a voluntary board of directors for governance as a
condition of getting nonprofit status. But the function of the board members
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Interchangeability of Labor
is best used when the net-benefits of using volunteer labor are positive to the
organization, and the net-costs to the volunteer are minimized” (p. 2).
The costs and relative productivity of volunteers as compared with paid labor
vary according to the type of volunteering utilized by the organization, from
service learning or mandated volunteering; short-term or episodic volunteering;
virtual volunteering; and long-term or traditional volunteering (Handy &
Brudney, 2007). Decisions about how many and which type of volunteers to
involve in organizational activities must therefore be weighed carefully by non-
profit managers looking to maximize the benefits of their volunteer programs
and minimize the overall costs of production both to the organization and to the
volunteers.
What Is Interchangeability?
Interchangeability refers to the extent to which nonprofit organizations exchange
paid and unpaid labor in their workforce. The degree of interchangeability in a
given organization depends on various considerations, such as mission of the
organization, management strategies, cost of operations, and workplace regulations
regarding the use of volunteers (Handy, Mook, & Quarter, 2008). As these
considerations fluctuate over time, the optimal mix of paid and unpaid employees
will also change. Ultimately, it is a question of economics: “The use of labor,
volunteer or paid, will depend on its productivity, its price, and other available
substitutes . . . . Organizations will eschew volunteer labor as its price increases
. . . and turn to substitute inputs with lower prices” (Handy, Mook, & Quarter,
2008, p. 2). Thus, the concept of interchangeability introduces a much greater
degree of complexity to nonprofits’ decisions to employ volunteers than the classic
characterization of volunteer labor as “free” would imply.
In many cases, nonprofit organizations choose to substitute volunteers for paid
staff, such as in times of financial constraints. However, they may also choose
to substitute paid staff for volunteers in an effort to professionalize their labor
force (Handy et al., 2008; Lipsky & Smith, 1993). But interchangeability does
not refer only to a decision by nonprofit organizations to replace paid staff with
volunteers, or vice versa, based on cost considerations. As volunteers can be either
substitutes for or complements to paid staff, interchangeability may also involve
more complex and nuanced decisions about how to structure the workforce
of an organization to support the continued presence of volunteer employees
whose work plays a unique but integral role in the day-to-day operations of the
organization. For example, hospital volunteers perform a distinct function that is
separate from—but also complementary to—the work of paid staff; these volun-
teers cannot be interchanged easily, but are integral to service delivery (Handy
& Srinivasan, 2005; Hotchkiss, Fottler, & Unruh, 2009). A study conducted by
Haski-Leventhal, Hustinx, and Handy (2011) at Ronald McDonald House
also found volunteers took on several specific roles that supported, but did
not supplant, the work of paid co-workers, and in the absence of volunteers, the
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services, such as their “guest chef” program, were not offered through replacement
by paid staff.
Thus, an examination of the phenomenon of interchangeability, and any
efforts to optimize the mixture of paid and unpaid staff in an organization, must
consider that the two do not always serve as perfect substitutes in every case.
Handy et al. (2008) highlight in their work that it is an open question whether
volunteers substitute for or complement paid staff, and to discern this relationship,
consideration must be paid to the nature of the service, the organization’s mission,
union regulations, and other factors.
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Both Chum et al. (2013) and Mook et al. (2014) identified religious organizations
as examples of nonprofits with high levels of interchangeability in both directions.
A study of the roles of paid staff and volunteers in faith-based programs carried
out by Netting, O’Connor, Thomas, and Yancey (2005) provides additional
evidence. According to Netting et al. (2005), a shared faith and commitment to
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for volunteer labor” (p. 195). This implies that the number of volunteers an
organization uses will depend on the costs incurred to the organization for using
volunteers. These costs involve recruiting; training, retaining, and rewarding
their volunteers—in general costs involved in HRM for volunteers. These costs
are not insignificant, if volunteers are not managed well or are unsatisfied they
can vote with their feet and leave with little cost to themselves, but significant
costs to the organization.
The higher the cost of volunteers to the organization, the fewer they will use,
which is implicit in the downward slope of the demand curve. Using survey data
from the Urban Institute’s Nonprofit Sector Project, Emanuele (1996) found
evidence to support the presence of a consistent, downward sloping demand
curve for volunteer. This lends evidence to the fact that nonprofits’ choices about
how many (and which volunteers) to use depend on the costs of using volunteers
and these costs are both direct and indirect costs; the latter can vary whether or
not volunteers act as substitutes or complements for paid labor. In their review
of economic research on volunteering, Govekar and Govekar (2002) highlight
the findings from Emanuele (1996) and call for additional research on nonprofit
demand for volunteers. The authors contextualize the issue in terms of welfare
reform and the increasing prevalence of “third party government,” that is, the
provision of public goods and services by non-governmental organizations,
especially nonprofits (Brinkerhoff, 2002, p. 19). Arguing for the importance of
focusing on the challenges and choices nonprofit organizations face in determining
the composition of their labor force, they write, “We cannot simply assume that
nonprofit organizations will use all the volunteer labor that is available. If the
government is going to transfer more responsibility to nonprofit organizations,
it is important to understand the limits of such transfer” (Govekar & Govekar,
2002, p. 44).
Handy and Srinivasan (2005) investigated the question of nonprofit demand
for volunteers more closely in a study of hospital volunteers. Using the work of
Emanuele (1996) and others as a point of departure, the authors model the
demand curve for volunteer labor. The costs of providing services include three
critical factors: the productivity of volunteer labor, the cost of volunteer labor,
and the cost of available substitutes for volunteer labor (i.e. paid labor). They
write, “[W]e expect the utilization of volunteer labor to be positively influenced
by its productivity and negatively influenced by its costs” (Handy & Srinivasan,
2005, p. 4). Thus, in cases where volunteers act as substitutes for paid labor, a
nonprofit may choose to interchange paid staff for volunteers, or vice versa,
depending on the relative costs of each input. The authors’ empirical evidence
supports the existence of the downward sloping demand curve for volunteer
labor, but they also find that organizations’ decisions to use volunteer labor is
based on their belief that volunteers bring something unique to the table that
may not be supplied by paid labor alone: a “link to their communities” (Handy
& Srinivasan, 2005, p. 12). Again, these findings point to the complex relationship
between the roles of paid and unpaid staff in nonprofit organizations, and offer
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insight into why nonprofits continue to use volunteer labor: Despite the
challenges of managing a more diverse workforce, nonprofits also stand to gain
greater perspective on the communities that they serve from working with
volunteers who live within that community, in addition to the possibility of
experiencing greater savings on the costs of labor inputs.
To continue to develop the model of nonprofit demand for volunteer labor,
Handy, Mook, and Quarter (2006) expand the focus from one service area
(hospitals) to a survey of 661 Canadian nonprofit organizations from various
domains. They argue that because of the prevalence of volunteers, and the
widespread historical legacy of volunteerism in the nonprofit sector, the decision
about the type of labor to use—whether paid, unpaid, or some mixture of both—
is a critical one faced by the majority of nonprofit organizations. The authors find
not only that organizational age is a positive and important predictor of demand
for volunteers but also that nonprofits utilizing volunteer labor do not view it as
a simple substitute for paid labor. Instead, “they [nonprofit organizations] see
positive indirect benefits over and above the direct tasks performed” by the
volunteers and “are prepared to spend resources to manage them efficiently” by
putting in place professional management for volunteer resources, just like they
do for other human resources (Handy et al., 2006, p. 34–35). As nonprofits age
and become more entrenched in the communities around them, they therefore
may continue to seek out volunteer labor, and perhaps at an even higher rate than
before, as increased financial stability makes it possible for them to hire volunteer
managers and other staff to support their volunteer programs even more effectively.
As stated above, volunteer labor is not free, neither for the organization nor
for the volunteer. Handy and Mook (2011) investigate the specific costs of
volunteering from both the individual and organizational perspective and weigh
these costs against the benefits of volunteering. They argue a cost-benefit analysis
of volunteering is critical for organizations to make the most informed decisions
about how much volunteer labor to utilize. Because organizational demand for
volunteers is a function of the costs of volunteers and other factors (Handy &
Srinivasan, 2005), both costs and benefits of volunteering should be considered
to measure the cost of volunteer labor as an input in the production process.
These costs and benefits will vary according to the roles volunteers perform and
the type of volunteers utilized (Handy & Brudney, 2007). If the costs exceed the
benefits of volunteering and if paid labor acts as a cheaper substitute for volunteer
labor, then nonprofit organizations will be less likely to choose volunteer labor
as an input.
Ultimately, nonprofit managers must make economic decisions about the
best use of labor in their organizations. These decisions involve whether or
not to use volunteer labor, how much volunteer labor to use, and the role of
nonprofit labor in the organization. They also consider the relationship between
volunteers and paid labor, and whether the two are complements, substitutes, or
both, as well as the extent and direction of interchangeability. Taken together,
these factors contribute to an understanding of how nonprofit human resources
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develop distinctly from other sectors. In the next section, we turn to a discussion
of common challenges associated with interchanging paid and volunteer labor in
the context of nonprofit human resource management, as it would be unwise to
ignore the negative aspects of interchangeability, such as tensions that may arise
between volunteers and paid labor.
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From the volunteers’ perspective, however, results have differed. For instance,
Milligan and Fyfe (2005) reported feelings of concern among volunteers in local
human service organizations in Glasgow, Scotland, who felt “pushed out” and
“disempowered” by the increasing professionalization and bureaucratization of
voluntary associations (pp. 427–428). In their study of volunteers’ perceptions
of interchangeability, Mook et al. (2014) reported about 18% of volunteers who
had been replaced by paid staff on either a permanent or temporary basis felt their
replacement was either unfair or very unfair. By contrast, only 7% of volunteers
who reported they had replaced paid staff felt this replacement was unfair or very
unfair.
Taken together, these findings suggest perceptions about interchangeability
vary among different groups in an organization’s workforce and may be favorable
or unfavorable, depending on who benefits from the change and a host of other
factors. As Netting, Nelson, Borders, and Huber (2004) suggest, “[The] level of
resistance [in the relationship between paid staff and volunteers] will vary,
depending on cultural norms” (p. 86). For instance, nonprofits that simultaneously
celebrate and clarify the roles of both paid staff and volunteers, and which provide
volunteers with the same avenues for voicing concerns to management as paid
staff, may have more success addressing and alleviating any tensions that arise.
Likewise, Rogelberg, Allen, Conway, Goh, Currie, and McFarland (2010) report
paid staff perceptions of volunteers vary according to workload and overall levels
of employee stress, such that tensions between the two groups may be exacerbated
by times of transition. Because the interchange of paid staff and volunteers in
either direction could arguably be identified as a significant transition for a
nonprofit agency, employee concerns, whether founded or unfounded, and their
potential impact on organizational performance must be considered in discussions
of nonprofit human resource management.
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Interchangeability of Labor
281
Allison R. Russell et al.
Conclusion
The interchangeability of paid staff and volunteer labor is an emerging topic in
nonprofit studies as more and more organizations in all sectors rely on a mixed
pool of human resources, from volunteers to unpaid internships. To the extent
that human resource managers must make economic decisions regarding the
development and management of a diverse workforce, interchangeability also
impacts the study of human resources and the ways in which organizations go
about maximizing their productivity and minimizing the cost of labor inputs.
The scholarship reviewed in this chapter highlights the importance of examin-
ing the phenomenon of the engagement of volunteers in the nonprofit sector
not only as a function of an individual’s willingness to contribute uncompensated
time to an agency but also as a function of the relationship between paid and
unpaid labor, the availability of substitutes and complements, the mission of the
organization, the prevailing benefits of a mixed labor force, and the costs of labor.
Together, these factors contribute to a nonprofit’s demand for volunteers and,
consequently, the extent and direction of interchangeability between paid and
unpaid staff in their workforce.
Discussion Questions
1 What are the benefits and challenges of working with a mixed labor force?
2 Why might nonprofit organizations interchange paid staff and volunteers?
3 How do economic considerations about labor inputs, volunteers, and paid
workers overlap with decisions and challenges related to nonprofit human
resource management?
4 How do labor union policies impact decisions about interchangeability?
5 What benefits do organizations receive from professionalizing their volunteer
management strategies?
6 When should an organization not incorporate a volunteer labor force?
7 If an organization incorporates volunteers, can it be argued that they are
exploiting people?
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Interchangeability of Labor
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16
Managing Human Resources
in International NGOs
Carrie R. Oelberger, Anne-Meike Fechter,
and Ishbel McWha-Hermann
Introduction
The “associational revolution” and the ongoing proliferation of nonprofits
translates to increasing numbers of individuals working within the third sector
across the globe (Salamon, 1994). International aid is a multi-sited, multi-level
phenomenon that cannot be fully understood based on how it appears in any one
location or particular level (Gould, 2004). The “aid industry” includes both long-
term international development work that attempts to address structural inequalities
like poverty, corruption, or environmental degradation, as well as shorter-term
humanitarian relief work that serves communities in need following natural or
civil disasters (Hancock, 1989; Van Rooy, 1998). The industry exists largely in
lower-income contexts, and is comprised of individuals from a wide range of
occupations (e.g. education, agriculture, health). Aid is carried out through non-
profit, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that range in size from small
community-based organizations (CBOs) to multi-national international NGOs
(INGOs), both secular and faith-based, as well as multilateral and government
agencies (e.g. United States Agency for International Development [USAID], the
United Kingdom’s Department for International Development [DFID]) and
for-profit companies (e.g. Chemonics, Development Alternatives Incorporated).
Within the spectrum of NGOs, INGOs represent the most transnational aid
organizations, and are the focus of this chapter. INGOs are formal organizations
with operations in more than one country, the majority of which are headquartered
in the United States or Western Europe, and which work on projects within
lower-income contexts. Examples of INGOs include Oxfam, CARE, and Save
the Children. This chapter focuses in particular on the human resource manage-
ment (HRM) issues INGOs face, especially with respect to the diversity of the
INGO workforce. The most obvious dimension of staff diversity is nationality,
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but as we will explain, employment status also varies considerably between inter-
national staff and national staff, as well as between those with at-will employment,
multi-year contracts, short-term consultants, and interns/volunteers. As this chapter
illustrates, a key challenge for HRM in this sector arises from the fact that nationality
and employment status do not always map onto other relevant dimensions,
such as experience, local and linguistic knowledge, and pay. This chapter sheds
light on some of the fissures and tensions arising from this situation, which
have implications for both employee motivation and successful implementation of
INGO work.
The term “expatriate” describes staff working outside their country of origin,
but is often used in a limited way to refer to European or American workers who
are employed on international-level contracts with commensurate salaries. It is
useful to bear in mind that within the aid workforce, a key distinction is made
between those who are “national staff” (that is, employed in their passport country
on “national” contracts) and those who are considered “international staff” (that
is, originating outside of the country where they work). In the context of INGOs,
international staff may include workers from the wider region, such as Kenyans
working in Sierra Leone, or from other parts of the Global South, such as Brazilians
working in Mozambique. We utilize the terms “national staff” and “international
staff” within this chapter. Furthermore, effective management demands an under-
standing that the positionality and experience of employees is not easily captured
by these formal classifications.
Such fuzziness of categories also holds for other central concepts in this chapter.
For example, as discussed below, “headquarters” often refers to an office located
in the United States or Western Europe, and “field” to a “Southern,” “developing,”
or “lower-income” country. In the context of middle-income countries such as
India, however, headquarters may well be in the capital city, while the field is
defined as geographically remote, rural areas. It is important, therefore, to be alert
to internal differentiations within a category—such as the poorer parts of a
country’s population in contrast to its urban middle class—to avoid overly simplistic
perceptions of both the national workforce and recipient groups. Furthermore,
such nuanced understandings help identify the variable and heterogeneous
motivations of INGO employees across multiple differentiations, not only national
and international staff, but also volunteers, interns, and contract-hired consultants.
Across all categories, while the desire to support resource-poor populations is often
present (either from a sense of solidarity or personal experience), this may be
combined with professional career aspirations. For international staff, it may also
include the desire to live and work abroad in culturally diverse contexts (Fechter,
2012; Roth, 2015), while members of the national workforce may need to make
a livelihood in countries that often lack a diversity of formal employment options.
As suggested above, however, belonging to a particular national or employment
category does not imply a fixed set of motivations or interests.
This chapter provides an overview of the role of INGOs in international aid
and, specifically, the human resource considerations for those organizations.
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History
The current organizational and institutional structure of international aid origi-
nated in the aftermath of World War II, when major multilateral agencies involv-
ing three or more countries, such as the International Monetary Fund and the
World Bank, were established to carry out reconstruction. World society scholars
have also noted the ideological underpinnings of international aid are rooted in
this period, when a world culture emphasizing progress and justice was on the
rise, contributing to a rationalizing discourse about international aid (Chabbott
& Ramirez, 2000). As reconstruction ended and the Cold War period began in
the 1950s, international aid organizations turned their efforts towards the Global
South, otherwise known as the “developing world” (Gardner & Lewis, 1996).
Since that time, a growing number of faith-based and secular NGOs have partici-
pated in international aid, with well over 35,000 NGOs involved in international
development and relief efforts today (Lindenberg & Dobel, 1999; UIA, 2008).
This blossoming of NGOs has been accompanied by two simultaneous processes:
one of professionalization, i.e. the increasing formal structuring of these organiza-
tions (Bromley, 2010; Chabbott, 2003; Hwang & Powell, 2009) and another
of localization, i.e. an attempt to shift the design of activities from international
actors to those within the local context. In addition to these two processes of
differentiation, INGOs are being challenged by three interrelated sets of changes
in the external environment: (1) economic globalization; (2) the reform of foreign
aid; and (3) the evolution of NGOs indigenous to the developing world (Edwards,
Hulme, & Wallace, 1999). As a result, some scholars claim INGOs defend social
change values at the same time they operate inside a framework that drives
an increasingly formalized, professionalized field further into the marketplace
(Edwards, 1998).
INGOs are also subject to more general trends affecting the entire global
landscape of work. Our analysis of international aid is rooted within the under-
standing that contemporary work across all industries is increasingly technical,
transnational, and temporary (Oelberger, 2014). Work is increasingly scientific
and professional, focused on abstracted, portable technical solutions (Habermas,
1970). This portability of skills combines with processes of globalization to result
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Division of Knowledge
Within international aid, a variety of knowledge and skills are necessary to plan,
manage, and implement complex work. Prior to professionalization, this need
was predominantly filled by American or European staff who took on generalist
roles. The cost of air travel prohibited frequent international flights, and even
until the new millennium the ability to communicate by phone or email was
extremely limited, resulting in isolated staff who were largely based “in the field”
(i.e., within country offices). With rising professionalization, skilled “national”
staff, born and raised in the country in which they are working, began undertaking
pivotal roles within local, national, and (eventually) international organizations.
Their labor costs far less than that of international staff, they often have better
cultural and linguistic knowledge, and they make inroads into assuaging the
criticism of international aid as white and neocolonial (Escobar, 1994).
The involvement of international staff, however, has not declined. On the
contrary, their participation has both grown and shifted (Comoretto, Crichton,
& Albery, 2011). Rather than employing international cultural experts familiar
with a particular region, aid organizations increasingly hire international staff
based on their technical expertise (e.g. scientific or legal expertise) for short-term
contracts to design technical solutions to social problems (Moke & Stoll, 2010;
O’Flaherty & Ulrich, 2010; Walker, 2004; Walker & Russ, 2010). International
staff are largely represented within headquarters positions, doing technical or
managerial work that can be applied across geographic settings. They use internet
technology, smartphones, and frequent travel to support programs around
the globe. Headquarters positions often have leadership responsibilities for
communication with donors, as well as providing financial, administrative, and
technical support to field offices. Rather than posting international staff in the
field for long periods of time, organizations are more likely to use short-term
consultancies, trainings, workshops, and visits in order to convey information
from the central artery to the field. Against this backdrop, only a few international
staff continue to be field-based, often in managerial roles as country directors, or
grant writers who remain in one position for three or four years before moving
on to another assignment. International staff also work within INGOs on
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Place of Work
In light of these trends, critics have discussed the relative distance between inter-
national staff and the “field,” geographically as well as culturally and linguistically.
Kothari (2006), for example, notes how the colonial officers of the past often possess-
ed greater cultural and linguistic knowledge than contemporary development
professionals, whose periods of stay in a particular place are often much shorter,
and thus whose familiarity with the social context is less extensive than their
colonial-era predecessors (on the role of cultural knowledge, see also Pottier,
Bicker, & Sillitoe, 2003). It has been argued such distance may have detrimental
effects on the conceptualization and delivery of aid. As one possible antidote, some
have proposed “immersions,” that is, short periods in which aid workers are
exposed to the living conditions of the resource-poor communities they aim to
support (Irvine, Chambers, & Eyben, 2004). The underlying rationale is that first-
hand exposure to the realities of poverty provides aid workers with a renewed sense
of urgency, as well as a better understanding of the problems they seek to solve.
Immersions have traditionally been advocated for international staff who may rarely
leave their office in the United States or Western Europe, but could easily be
argued to be useful for country nationals who have lived a middle-class lifestyle in
their country’s capital, with little understanding of what life is like in the rural areas
where many projects are based. While immersions have been implemented by
some agencies (e.g. ActionAid, 2010), it remains to be seen to what extent these
remain a symbolic rather than a substantial exercise (Fechter, 2012).
The issue of distance from the field, and its effects on aid work, has been
articulated especially in relation to humanitarian crises and conflict zones.
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Carrie R. Oelberger et al.
Collinson and Duffield (2013) point out that the tendency towards a “bunkeriz-
ation” of aid has significant implications for the way aid is carried out in these
high-risk contexts. Such a bunkerization is a response to the increased insecurity
faced by aid agencies and their staff operating in volatile environments. It becomes
manifest in the higher prevalence of fortified aid compounds, for example, as
well as in ‘remote management’ practices. Among other challenges, however,
such distance can lead to a less-informed workforce whose analysis and decision-
making may be impaired as a result of their remoteness from the affected popula-
tions. Furthermore, they argue being spatially separated as well as heavily
guarded—often by private security firms—weakens social relations between aid
workers and local communities, leads to mistrust, and ironically may actually
contribute to a lack of security for the workers (Autesserre, 2014). In addition,
such “bunkerization,” especially where it provides security measures for inter-
national but not national staff, reinforces structural inequalities between staff
categories. Such a “dual security” system becomes particularly visible in the
context of emergency evacuations, prompting the question of whose lives are
considered more valuable. As Bettina Scholz discusses in the case of Médécins
sans Frontières, the organization does not always fulfill the moral obligations to
its national staff that may be expected of them. While international staff are often
committed to informally ensure the safety of national staff, in many instances,
such as fleeing Rwanda or Darfur, national staff are left behind, to be massacred
at the hands of local militia (Scholz, 2015, p. 123).
The concept of mobility, then, is a key lens through which hierarchies among
differently categorized aid workers become visible, not just by employment
type, but also by nationality, ethnicity, personal migration history, education, and
international status. Warne Peters (2013) highlights that some aid workers, in
her case, in Angola, who may be employed as “local” staff, may have a complex
personal migration and education history, and therefore might strategically present
themselves as “international” or “expatriate” in some contexts and as “local” or
“national” in others. Presentation allows them to manage perceptions of their
expertise, conveying cosmopolitan or local knowledge respectively. Some research
also suggests that international workers on a “national” contract, including
volunteers, might be better positioned to build relationships with local colleagues
and communities, and in turn might facilitate more effective aid outcomes
(Devereux, 2008; McWha, 2011).
International staff may also experience malleable categorization related to their
positionality and mobility, especially in light of varying definitions of the “field”
where they work. Oelberger’s (2014) study of international aid workers found
that international staff who are “in the field” may feel just as disconnected from
their project beneficiaries as those working in headquarters positions in the
United States. For example, Ajay is an Indian citizen on an international contract
who is technically “field-based” in the urban setting of Lilongwe, Malawi, but
his daily interactions are all with other office-based staff. He often feels just as
disconnected from the “actual work on the ground” as headquarters staff based
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in Washington, D.C. might feel. Therefore, when he speaks about going “to the
field,” he may be referring to travel in remote villages. By contrast, when Julie,
a headquarters-based employee of the same organization, speaks about going “to
the field,” she may be traveling to Bangkok, Thailand, for meetings with staff
based in that office (Oelberger, 2014). The work of INGOs occurs across all of
these settings: U.S.-based headquarters, urban offices around the world, and
more remote, rural offices where projects are based. As a result, INGO staff are
located across these various locations, with patterns within the division of labor.
It is to this topic that we now turn.
Division of Labor
Within international aid, there are a multitude of types of workers and a hierarchy
of tracks. At the top of hierarchy are managerial and policy advising positions.
Second in line are technical positions, increasingly including those with
methodological training, expertise in monitoring and evaluation, and the ability
to conduct experimental analyses. Third in line are those with operations,
logistics, or middle-management skills. Finally, at the bottom of the hierarchy
are those with geographic, linguistic, or cultural expertise. Importantly, this
hierarchy overlays with typical expertise of international versus national staff, in
effect conferring greater value to international staff.1 McWha (2011) found the
labels given to workers (volunteer, consultant, expatriate, and local) were
implicitly underpinned by power and status, wherein expatriate workers were at
the top of the hierarchy with the most respect and status, consultants next, still
with status but less respect, then volunteers, and locals at the bottom. These
perceptions held regardless of the professional experience the workers brought
to the assignment.
Mirroring the overall rise in the use of consultants and contractors in modern
work (Barley & Kunda, 2004), many leading INGOs have reorganized to include
outsourcing, subcontracting, and short-term organizational positions as key
features of international aid staffing (Stubbs, 2003). With the rise in these practices,
international aid workers avoid the emotional commitments to other people,
communities, projects, and places that develop with long-term work, focusing on
service delivery, rather than partnership. Initial research in this area notes that
long-held, trust-based partnerships remain vital for development, and that the
contract-based relationships implicit in consultancies make this trust more difficult
to achieve (Fowler, 1998). Moreover, the impact of these practices on both the
private lives of aid workers, as well as the organizations in which they work,
remains understudied. Following global trends towards contract relationships, it
will be interesting to investigate the future impact of this reorganization towards
an increasingly technical and decreasingly relational approach to the work.
Alongside professionalization and the increasingly technical and temporary
nature of the work, the “international” component of “international aid” is
simultaneously becoming “nationalized” and “transnationalized,” representing a
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(3) assuming that HR systems that function well at headquarters, or in one country
office, will transfer seamlessly into another. Instead, in this chapter, we encourage
INGOs to find a way to balance global standardization with consideration of local
contexts and the reality of working in a complex nonprofit setting.
Investing in HRM structures can be a source of tension for INGOs. Many
NGOs have low budgets and are therefore constrained in their ability to invest
in sophisticated HRM. Often there is a challenge for NGOs around how to use
limited funding, with the understandable desire to invest in service delivery and
“getting the job done” rather than in a strategic function of the organization. As
a result, HRM is often interpreted as dealing with everyday personnel issues,
rather than as an important component of developing human capital in line with
the long-term vision of the organization (Brewster & Lee, 2006). That said, large,
well-resourced INGOs are more likely to have a commitment to HRM structures.
CHS Alliance (formerly People in Aid) and Association for Human Resource
Management in International Organizations are two umbrella organizations that
assist INGOs in developing effective HR practices.
Staff Selection
It is critical for INGOs to be able to attract and recruit the best talent. However,
this is a complex process. Project sites are regulated by different legal compliance
frameworks, and there may be complications depending on whether staff are
hired under a national or international contract. International staff can be
recruited on national contracts, and, though perhaps less common, national staff
can be recruited on international contracts. Some research suggests that recruiting
comparatively highly-paid international staff has the potential to undermine
the skills of national staff, and may lead to capacity stripping, i.e. a reduced feeling
of empowerment and belief in one’s skills to do the job and an increased depend-
ency on outside assistance, rather than capacity building, which many would
argue is a fundamental goal of INGOs (Carr, McWha, MacLachlan, & Furnham,
2010). In response, some organizations have aimed to recruit locally, or at least
regionally (e.g. see, for example, the Catholic Agency for Overseas Development).
It is essential that HR managers reflect on the context in which these jobs exist,
ensuring the desired competencies and behaviors are appropriate for the culture
and context of the role.
Compensation
Compensation is closely related to the issues underpinning staff selection. The
challenge here is balancing the need to compete with other INGOs for talent
with the desire to adapt to local contexts. INGOs commonly use a dual salary
system in which national and international staff are tracked onto different pay
scales. Typically, the international pay scale is benchmarked globally, with various
added benefits (e.g. extra compensation for workers in high-risk zones or private
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to help international staff to adjust may be very important, and national workers’
feelings of unfairness regarding a dual salary system can reduce these socialization
efforts and may undermine the international assignment (Toh & DeNisi, 2005).
Careful design of rewards systems is therefore crucial not only for the engagement
and empowerment of national workers, but also for the success of international
assignments.
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Carrie R. Oelberger et al.
arguing for much greater overlap. Further, Heaton-Shrestha (2006) points out
while there may be significant differences between national staff and clients that
run along the lines of class as well as an urban/rural divide, national staff may still
pride themselves on being able to “mix” much better with local clients than
international staff can due to language, culture, and national identity.
In the context of these differences, engagement between INGO staff and
clients has been considered central to successful aid delivery (Eyben, 2006). This
concern has underpinned the “participatory approach,” which holds that clients
of INGOs should be significantly involved in program design and implementa-
tion. However, the paradigm of participation and the ways in which it has been
applied may already be based on an inherently paternalistic approach to develop-
ment (Baaz, 2005), and therefore the approach has often failed to live up to its
democratic promise.
Staff Well-Being
While traveling for work or living overseas, staff experience a blurring of the
physical domains that separate work from home life (Shaffer, Kraimer, Chen, &
Bolino, 2012). In addition, technology bridges the domains such that personal
news can easily arrive at work, and work demands can punctuate what was
traditionally considered leisure time. This breakdown of traditional boundaries
between work and home results in increasing inter-role influence across domains.
The impact of work-family conflict is increased in international work arrange-
ments, which often involve some combination of physical relocation away from
one’s social support network, intensive travel, and long hours. In such cases, the
boundaries between work and home become blurred and there is often disruption
of traditional family roles, causing increasing stress (Caligiuri, Hyland, & Joshi,
1998). Taken together, these features interfere with aid workers’ personal lives
and often result in poor physical and mental health. Given the overlap between
gender and family roles, this work-life conflict is especially acute for women
(Harris, 2004). As such, research has shown that in addition to formal organizational
support, informal support, such as when employees have a sense that their
manager and the broader organization is concerned with their healthy personal
life, is important for success in HRM (Grant-Vallone & Ensher, 2001).
The accumulated effects of working in a range of cultural and social
environments, including high-risk locations, may significantly affect engagement,
job satisfaction, and turnover among INGO staff (e.g. Korff et al., 2015). As
Roth (2015) and others note, the aid sector is characterized by a considerable
rate of burnout and dropout. As a result, HR practitioners are beginning to
address the issue of staff well-being (see also Bjerneld, 2009 and Pigni, 2014),
joining broader efforts including initiatives by agencies such as CHS Alliance,
InterHealth, and the Headington Institute. Well-being is particularly important
in environments where the physical safety and security of staff is endangered
(Fast, 2014). While the sector previously tended to classify employee stress as
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Travel and expatriation are a prime mechanism by which professional and per-
sonal domains intersect and conflict. For national staff with families, it is often
difficult to find jobs for both individuals in rural areas, so families are apart, often
for long periods of time. Alternatively, families may live together in national capi-
tals, but must travel frequently to rural areas for work. For international staff, similar
processes are in play, though the distances between “home” and “work” are often
greater. International staff engage in cycles of expatriation (and repatriation) as well
as frequent international travel. For both national and international staff, relocation
and travel dually influence home life and professional life as staff move both their
personal and professionals selves simultaneously between geographic spaces
(Harvey, 1997). Travel and expatriation can therefore pose additional challenges
to staff well-being.
Conclusion
Strong HRM is pertinent to all organizations within the global development and
humanitarian relief sector, from the largest INGOs to the most local CBOs. This
chapter has provided an overview of the context of INGO work, including the
history of international aid work, its division of knowledge, division of labor,
and physical context. Moreover, the chapter has illuminated how these features
impact both traditional aspects of domestic HRM (e.g. staffing, compensation,
well-being, and training), as well as features that are more common in an IHRM
context (e.g. travel, expatriation, and pay discrepancies). These concerns are
all the more complex given the innumerable cultural and national differences
across the various countries in which a single INGO works. The resulting HR
considerations in global workforce management are influenced by myriad fea-
tures of both the external environment, broadly, as well as the internal environ-
ment of the organization. We emphasize that it is the complexity involved in
operating in different countries and employing people from different national and
cultural backgrounds that differentiates INGO HRM from domestic nonprofit
HRM, more than any major differences between the HR activities performed
(Dowling, Festing, & Engle, 2008). Moreover, as international aid moves more
fully into a transnationalized and nationalized model of workforce constitution,
these issues will continue to evolve and change. As managers and employees
wrestle with continuing global challenges, a responsive, strategic, and thoughtful
approach to HRM is crucial to ensure the well-being and performance of staff
and the fulfillment of their organizations’ crucial goals.
Discussion Questions
1 What are the differences between a community-based organization
(CBO), a non-governmental organization (NGO), and an international non-
governmental organization (INGO)? How would staffing look similar or
different across these organizations?
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2 What types of knowledge are necessary for international aid work? How
would you engage in staff selection to ensure you had all the necessary skills
for a particular project?
3 Define the key actors working within the international aid sector, e.g.
international and national, long-term contract, short-term consultant, and
intern/volunteer. How clear are these different categorizations and what are
the areas of overlap between different categories? Given that these categories
are related to the type of contract an employee is offered, how would you
categorize a Kenyan national working in Rwanda or a Chilean national
working in Peru?
4 Explain the processes of professionalization and localization within the NGO
sector.
5 Consider the practical and ethical issues facing HR managers when designing
a reward system for an organization with offices in multiple countries.
Design a compensation system for a small office in Krong Bavet, in eastern
Cambodia near the Vietnam border. They have hired: (1) a single 60-year-
old director from London; (2) a 34-year-old technical advisor who is from
Vietnam with her husband and two children; (3) a 23-year-old Cambodian
civil engineer from Phnom Penh; (4) a 42-year-old Cambodian project
manager who is living apart from his wife and children, who are based in
Phnom Penh; and (5) a 31-year-old woman from Krong Bavet, who acts as
office administrator.
6 You are an HR manager at a medium-sized INGO with offices in 14
countries. Your organization employs mostly national staff, but some senior
management roles in each country office are currently filled by international
staff. Design a system for staff well-being, considering the varying needs of
different staff members.
Note
1 The most critical analysis of the professionalization of international aid work argues
that scientization of the sector is a rebranding attempt, so that those who have invested
their lives in this industry can finish careers that would otherwise hold little opportunity
to transfer to another industry. The reaction is in line with the research on threatened
employment due to immigration trends, and with Michels’ (1911 [2009]) analysis of
social change organizations.
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17
Managing Generational
Differences in Nonprofit
Organizations
Jasmine McGinnis Johnson, Jaclyn Schede
Piatak, and Eddy Ng
Introduction
Ensuring employees are satisfied with their jobs, committed, and engaged to the
organizations for which they work are some of the most salient issues facing
managers today. Despite a large amount of research describing the importance of
managing all employees with strategic human resource practices, there have been
increasing concerns about managing employees across all generations. For
example, a number of popular press articles (Alsop, 2008; Lancaster & Stillman,
2009) bemoan the difficulty managers will likely face managing Millennials
(individuals born between 1980 and 1995) who have different work values than
previous generations, technology preferences, and ideas about work-life balance
that are divergent from Baby Boomers (individuals born between 1946 and 1964)
and Generation X’ers (individuals born between 1965 and 1979). Yet, many
managers continue to grapple with how best to manage employees of all
generational groups and many lack knowledge about whether or not learning
about generations makes any difference in the workplace. Additionally, very little
research on managing across generations is being conducted specific to the
nonprofit sector (exceptions include Kunreuther, Kim, & Rodriguez, 2008;
McGinnis, 2011; McGinnis Johnson & Ng, 2016; Ng & McGinnis Johnson 2015),
and nonprofit managers may believe research on generations does not apply to
them because nonprofit employees are inherently different from employees in
other sectors.
In this chapter, we present a selection of theoretical and empirical research
on work values within and across generations, describing the similarities and
differences. We also summarize existing research specific to managing Millennial
nonprofit employees. We then describe a strategic human resources (HR)
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inherently different from employees in other sectors. Lyons et al. (2006) find that
nonprofit employees value career advancement less than their for-profit
counterparts, which is also supported in Hansen et al.’s (2003) and Devaro and
Brookshire’s (2007) research on nonprofit employees. Studies of nonprofit
employees paid overtime (Lanfranchi, Narcy, & Larguem, 2010) find that this
reduced job satisfaction because the extrinsic rewards did not match the work
values of nonprofit employees.
Moreover, studies of the pay differentials between comparable employees in
the nonprofit sector and other sectors provide some evidence that nonprofit
employees value extrinsic rewards less than employees of other sectors. Pay
differentials between nonprofit and for-profit employees tend to show small, but
statistically significant wage penalties for nonprofit employees, which again
demonstrate that nonprofit employees may have different work values than
employees in other sectors (Benz, 2005). For example, Onyx and Maclean’s
(1996) study of nonprofit professionals found that pay was not a significant
predictor of why employees changed jobs, and in this study, 34% of the job
changes nonprofit employees made resulted in a reduction in salaries. Moreover,
70% of the employees that changed jobs left because of a promotion or opportunity
to gain new skills (Onyx & Maclean, 1996).
Contrary to these studies, other research has found that the work values of
nonprofit employees may be more complicated than simple explanations of a
desire for intrinsic and altruistic benefits (Chen & Bozeman, 2013). For example,
some studies indicate that turnover in the nonprofit sector is consistently related
to extrinsic rewards, specifically compensation (McGinnis Johnson & Ng, 2016;
Mobley, 1982). In Issa and Herman’s (1986) study of 26 nonprofit executives,
although none selected low pay as the primary reason they were leaving, 88%
indicated that pay was the second reason they were leaving their nonprofit
positions. Brown and Yoshioka’s (2003) research suggests that nonprofit employees’
dissatisfaction with pay may override the intrinsic and altruistic benefits nonprofit
employees expect to receive from their nonprofit employers.
For a subset of the nonprofit workforce, Millennials’ compensation may be
even more of a prominent factor in understanding work behaviors. Studies of
Millennials in the nonprofit workforce (McGinnis, 2011; McGinnis Johnson &
Ng, 2016) find that Millennials are more likely to leave their job due to low
compensation. McGinnis (2011) found that across for-profit, public, and non-
profit sectors, nonprofit industries have the highest proportions of employees
with graduate degrees, but nonprofit employees receive the lowest returns to
graduate education. Likewise, McGinnis Johnson and Ng (2016) found the
sector-switching intentions of Millennial nonprofit managers were predicted by
an employee’s pay and education. Therefore, concerns have emerged that
previous human resource strategies based on the expectations that nonprofit
employees may donate their labor in exchange for intrinsic and altruistic benefits
from nonprofit work may not be consistent with the new generation of young,
nonprofit leaders. In fact, a 2008 Ready to Lead study surveyed a sub-sample of
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young, nonprofit leaders, and many young leaders were concerned, not just
about staying in their nonprofit job, but committing to the nonprofit sector due
to low compensation (Cornelius, Corvington, & Ruesga, 2008). A 2011 TIAA-
CREF Institute and Independent Sector study similarly found that young,
nonprofit leaders were concerned about their ability to retire if they stayed
employed in the nonprofit sector (TIAA CREF/Independent Sector, 2011). In
light of this emerging research, nonprofit human resource scholars and
practitioners must become more knowledgeable about the generational differences
in work values. The differences and similarities in work values across generations
are critical to understanding other topics such as an employee’s organizational
commitment, job satisfaction, and eventual organizational performance.
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Gen Xers, and Millennials and found that Millennials value extrinsic rewards
more than Gen Xers and Baby Boomers. Hansen and Leuty (2012) examined
work values across the Silent Generation, Baby Boomers, and Gen Xers, and
found that Gen Xers emphasized compensation and job security, while the Silent
Generation emphasized status and autonomy. Twenge, Campbell, Hoffman, and
Lance (2010) also found that Millennials reported lower altruistic values than
older generations. Ng and Parry (2016) conducted a comprehensive review of
generational differences in work values and concluded that younger generations—
particularly for the Millennials—do tend to exhibit a strong preference for
extrinsic values and rewards, while the older generation of workers tends to
prefer the intrinsic aspects of work. There was no evidence that Millennials
espoused stronger altruistic values than preceding generations.
Of note, Krahn and Galambos (2014) found that Millennials value extrinsic
rewards more than Gen Xers, and have stronger job entitlements (an expectation
of a well-paying job with rising levels of education). As a result, Millennials have
high expectations for pay and benefits and rapid advancement (Ng et al., 2010).
This high level of expectation may be attributed to the high self-esteem and strong
sense of entitlement fostered by a highly involved parenting style (Hill, 2002).
Millennials’ preference for high pay may be especially concerning for nonprofit
organizations, given that, as an industry, nonprofits pay less than the public and
for-profit sectors (Faulk, Edwards, Lewis, & McGinnis, 2012). An overemphasis
on good pay and benefits by younger generations may lead to prospective employees
self-selecting themselves out of nonprofit jobs and leaving when they are dissatisfied
with their pay relative to their for-profit and public sector counterparts. Brown
and Yoshioka’s (2003) study found that even when employees are attracted to an
organization because of its mission, being dissatisfied with pay may explain why
they leave an organization—again demonstrating that what attracts an employee to
an organization is not always the same factor that explains an organization’s ability
to retain them (Cornelius & Corvington, 2012).
In another study, Twenge and colleagues (2010) reported the desire for greater
leisure time (with corresponding decrease in work centrality) and better work/
life balance increases with younger generations, suggesting that the workers today
are less committed to work than the Baby Boomers. Indeed, research studies have
found that Baby Boomers more strongly espouse a “live to work” attitude, while
younger generations tend to emphasize a “work to live” attitude (Gursoy, Maier,
& Chi, 2008). The emphasis on leisure over work may be attributed to the
younger generation of workers witnessing how Baby Boomers were downsized
out of their jobs despite having significantly invested their lives into work
(Ng et al., 2010). Moreover, as the younger generation begin their own families
and negotiate parental care, they are more likely to demand greater work/life
balance (Bianchi & Milkie, 2010). In this regard, nonprofit employers may do
well in appealing to younger workers, as they can offer more flexible work
arrangements (Ben-Ner & Ren, 2013; Kalleberg, Marsden, Reynolds, & Knoke,
2006) to accommodate greater life demands.
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Onyx and Maclean found that sector switching was rare in their 1996 study of
nonprofit employees. Nonprofit employees tended to change jobs frequently
(an average of 3.6 positions over 10 years), but most remained employed in the
nonprofit sector. Yet, 20 years later, McGinnis Johnson and Ng’s (2016) study
of Millennial nonprofit employees found that compensation was the most
significant predictor of sector-switching intention for Millennial nonprofit
managers (even controlling for different benefit packages). This echoes concerns
raised in popular press articles that Millennial employees are difficult to manage
because they are interested in rapid advancement and compensation that is not
proportionate with their abilities or skills (Ng et al., 2010).
One of the ways the preferences Millennials have about their career advance-
ment may affect nonprofit managers is in their job mobility, or the movement
of an employee from one job to another. Lyons et al.'s (2012, 2015) theory on
job mobility across generations predicts a combination of factors explain the dif-
ferences in the turnover or sector-switching intentions of Millennial employees.
These factors include: (1) structural factors in the economy; (2) individual work
values; and (3) decisional factors, such as a preference for mobility and norms
about careers.
On one hand, structural factors in the broader economy have created a
growing sense of sector agnosticism, where all generations of employees no
longer feel they can only ‘do good’ in the nonprofit sector. Employees can pursue
publicly-oriented missions in the for-profit sector through corporate volunteerism
or various social enterprise initiatives (Cornelius et al., 2008; Lee & Whitford,
2008; Rose, 2013; TIAA CREF/Independent Sector, 2011; Tschirhart, Reed,
Freeman, & Anker, 2008). A higher proportion of Millennial nonprofit employees
are sector agnostic when compared to other generations. Several studies find
that sector switching is very common for young, nonprofit employees, who often
begin their careers in the nonprofit sector but later switch to other sectors
(Chetkovich, 2003; Tschirhart et al. 2008; Piatak, 2012). Furthermore, graduate
education constantly reinforces the transferability of skills across sectors, and as
more Millennials enter the nonprofit workforce with graduate degrees, they may
be more sector agnostic than previous generations (Mirabella & Young, 2012;
McGinnis, 2011).
Decisional factors such as norms about career paths may also explain the greater
propensity for Millennial nonprofit employees to leave their jobs or sector switch
when compared to other generations. Employees across all generational cohorts
believe there are costs (advancement and salary) to organizational commitment
and do not intend to remain loyal to one employer. However, Millennials feel
especially comfortable changing jobs frequently and consider lateral moves an
important part of their career trajectories (Lyons et al., 2012, 2015). Lyons et al.
(2012) found that Millennials changed jobs more frequently than Generation Xers,
arguing “specifically, Millennials averaged 2.59 job changes when they were
between the ages of 20 and 24, which was significantly greater than the 1.28 job
changes for Xers, 1.39 changes for Boomers, and 0.60 job changes for Matures at
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the same age” (p. 343). The propensity of Millennials to change jobs more
frequently is also confirmed in Lyons et al.'s research. Dries et al.’s (2008)
investigation of five generations’ career satisfaction and a meta-analysis of 16 cross
sectional studies also found that organizational commitment decreased with each
generational cohort (Cohen, 1993).
The mobility of Millennials was also found in research specifically focused on
nonprofit organizations. Onyx and Maclean (1996) found young nonprofit
workers tended to change jobs more frequently. Building on both a growing
sense of sector agnosticism and the changing nature of careers, we suggest that
Millennial nonprofit employees are more likely to leave their jobs when a
nonprofit organization’s human resource strategy does not consider the work
values Millennials hold—which include but are not limited to—a greater desire
for increased compensation, advancement opportunities, flexible schedules, or
leisure benefits they desire.
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helped with retention of younger, part-time employees, but “the intrinsic motiva-
tions run thin as full-time employees earn salaries that appear noncompetitive to
other organizations” (p. 14). Similarly, Kim and Lee (2007) found that nonprofit
employees sense of mission attachment did not hold when employees were
dissatisfied with pay and/or career advancement opportunities. Nonprofit organi-
zations should recruit people who believe in the organization’s values and mission,
which enhances employee satisfaction, attachment, and motivation, but this may
not be enough to overcome dissatisfactions to retain employees (Herzberg, 2003).
Despite the importance of mission attachment, nonprofit employees are less
committed to their organizations than for-profit employees (Goulet & Frank,
2002). Retention is a serious issue, especially among younger nonprofit employees
(Mann, 2006; Johnson & Ng, 2015; Ng & McGinnis Johnson, 2016).
Nonprofit employees have long been viewed as noble do-gooders willing to
accept a lower wage because the work is more important than their salary (Lee
& Wilkins, 2011; Leete, 2001, 2006; Mirvis & Hackett, 1983). In this sense,
nonprofit employees are willing to ‘donate’ a portion of their time in order to
have fulfilling work. Handy and Katz (1998) even argue, “the need for such self-
selection is particularly important in nonprofits because they are not subject to
the usual checks and balances imposed by shareholders on for-profits” (p. 259).
However, people may leave the nonprofit sector in pursuit of higher wages
(Lewis, 2010; McGinnis Johnson & Ng, 2016), and the nonprofit sector can no
longer rely on employees to accept a lower wage (Brown and Yoshika 2003;
Faulk et al., 2012). Nonprofits should move beyond the view that employees are
a cost to be minimized to view employees both as an asset in pursuing the mission
and as employees in need of organizational support.
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Discussion Questions
1 What do you think the biggest challenge is for nonprofits managing a multi-
generational workforce?
2 As a member of your generation, what attracts you to a specific job? What
would make you want to build a career with that organization?
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Further Reading
For additional resources on managing across generations, see the following
resources:
Carpenter, H. & Qualls, T. (2015). The talent development platform: Putting people first in
social change organizations. San Francisco, CA: Wiley.
Hamidullah, M. (2016). Managing the next generation of public workers. New York, NY:
Routledge.Talent Philanthropy Project: The Talent Philanthropy Project (#fundthepeople)
works to increase the incentives and knock down the barriers to “talent investing” by
producing ideas and research, education and training, and practical tools that funders
and fundraisers can use within their ongoing work. www.talentphilanthropy.
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18
Diversity and Diversity
Management in Nonprofit
Organizations
Judith Y. Weisinger
Karamu House stands tall in our nation’s history as an inclusive institution that
served as a common ground for Clevelanders of different races, religions, and
social and economic backgrounds, as well as a trusted community resource for
local families.
webpages of the Karamu House theater, Cleveland, Ohio:
www.karamuhouse.org/about-karamu-house
Our mission to serve every student is part of what makes our tutoring service
the best one for any student. Simply put, there is strength in diversity, and
competitive advantage in knowing how to help all students succeed, not just
a narrow subset.
webpages of the Aspire Education Project, at tutoring and educational services
nonprofit in the East Bay, California: http://aspireeducation.org/story/
Introduction
The above examples indicate the wide degree with which the term “diversity” is
interpreted and used within nonprofit organizations and in the nonprofit
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These data are supported by several studies (Peters & Wolfred, 2001 and
Teegarden, 2004) which found that between 75% and 84%, respectively, of
nonprofits are led by whites, roughly 10% by African Americans, between 3%
and 4% by Latinos, and 6.4% by Asians (Peters & Wolfred, 2001).
Similarly, with regard to human service organizations in particular, Mor Barak
states: “Human services organizations have traditionally served a wide array of
communities with a high representation of diverse, disadvantaged, and oppressed
groups. This diversity has not been typically mirrored in the workforces of those
organizations” (Mor Barak, 2015, p. 84). Thus, at the basic level of representation,
nonprofit organizations are not wholly representative of their clients and
communities, at least when it comes to race and ethnicity involving traditionally
underserved groups. Further, some areas in the nonprofit sector suffer from a
significant underrepresentation of women. The Nonprofit Quarterly has reported
on this deficit in environmental organizations, where 70% of presidents and board
chairs in conservation/preservation organizations are men; and as with museums,
the larger the organization, the larger the gender representation gap. In large
conservation/preservation nonprofits, 90% of presidents and board chairs are
men (Lamb, 2015). Hence, it is clear that, at least with respect to some aspects of
diversity—race, ethnicity, gender—U.S. nonprofit organizational membership
does not often reflect those being served, nor does it always reflect shifting societal
demographics.
While there are other aspects of representational diversity that are of interest
to nonprofits, such as socioeconomic status or religion, representation is but
one aspect of the diversity challenge in nonprofit organizations, and its over-
emphasis is problematic for “diversity management.” For instance, a primarily
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The Business Case and the Social Justice Case for Diversity
Scholars have highlighted two major approaches to diversity efforts in nonprofits—
the business case and the social justice case. Though these two approaches may
be seen as complementary in the voluntary sector (Tomlinson & Schwabenland,
2010), each refers to a different way of framing (whether explicitly or implicitly)
diversity and inclusion efforts within an organization. A brief overview of each
framework follows.
The business case suggests that it makes practical sense for organizations to
diversify for enhanced organizational performance and effectiveness. In nonprofit
organizations, this might mean more outreach to underserved or under-
represented clients or community members. It could also mean recruiting and
retaining more staff, volunteers and board members who mirror the demo-
graphics of the local community and clients. Doing so presumably gives the
nonprofit an advantage in terms of mission attainment and organizational
performance and effectiveness, which can also potentially translate into increased
funding. Furthermore, a diversity of ways of thinking about how to do the organi-
zation’s work is expected to contribute positively to creativity, innovation, and
performance in organizations (Cox, 1991; DiTomaso & Thompson, 1988).
However, recent research by Fredette, Bradshaw and Krause (2016) found that
the appearance of diversity is not necessarily related to enhanced group effectiveness
outcomes in nonprofits, specifically creativity, innovation and decision-making.
Thus, it is not entirely clear that these presumed diversity benefits always accrue
to the organization.
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The business case for diversity emerged in the for-profit sector, where diversity
is presented as a strategic advantage to organizations, leading to a presumed
positive impact on the “bottom line.” One business case argument goes some-
thing like this: “By tapping into previously underserved markets for our products
(or services), and hiring more employees from those communities in service
of our goal, we can increase our revenues, leading to a potential increase in our
profits.” Another such argument is: “By leveraging the different experiences,
capabilities and ways of thinking that diverse employees bring to the table, we
can improve our organization’s innovation and creativity, and our organizational
effectiveness, all of which can be developed into a competitive advantage.”
Thus, in the for-profit sector, the advantages of representational diversity have
been clearly articulated and many private sector organizations operate from this
premise.
However, empirical research on the link between diversity and organizational
performance, as reflected by the business case, has been mixed (cf., Jayne &
Dipboye, 2004), although some studies do establish a positive link between
diversity and outcomes. For example, McLeod, Lobel, and Cox (1996) found
that ethnically diversity groups produced higher quality creative outcomes than
homogeneous groups. Within the public sector, Pitts (2009) found a strong
relationship between diversity management and job satisfaction, as well as to
perceptions of work group performance. A diversity emphasis has also benefitted
women’s and African Americans’ individual managerial advancement (Kalev,
Dobbin, & Kelly, 2006).
Interestingly, Leiter, Solebello, and Tschirhart (2011, p. 33) found in their
study of association members that their respondents “rarely advocated a business
case for diversity” and in fact, some questioned the use of limited organizational
resources on diversity and inclusion initiatives. Thus, while the business case is
widely accepted, this does not mean that it is a widespread operating principle
in nonprofits. In the nonprofit sector, discussion and usage of the business case
has been more diffuse. Business case arguments from the for-profit sector should
in theory translate to nonprofit organizations, which do not have ‘profit’ but still
have a financial bottom line. However, while the idea that nonprofit organizations
should at least mirror their client base, and doing so will be advantageous to the
organization is perhaps a generally accepted notion, getting there has apparently
been more challenging.
In contrast to the business case, the social justice case for diversity asserts that
addressing diversity in nonprofits is a moral imperative. Its focus is on eliminating
the oppression of marginalized groups, redistributing power, and reducing
exclusion and marginalization. This framework is very prevalent in research on
diversity in education, but very rarely invoked in nonprofit management diversity
research. This could be due to the fact that many nonprofits are, by definition
of their missions, engaged in social justice work, and thus social justice is an
implied construct in these nonprofits. The social justice case addresses some of
the issues about diversity raised by critical diversity scholars.
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For instance, Noon (2007, p. 778) actively argues against the business case,
claiming that it has potentially fatal flaws that can undermine social justice. In
critiquing the business case for diversity, Noon states:
The business case relies on an overly rational cost–benefit analysis which tends
to assume that inevitably the balance will tip in favour of investing in equality
initiatives. The danger is that in some instances this will simply not be the case.
The costs. . . might be judged bys managers to out-weigh the benefits.
So, just as managers can rationalize the benefits of a diverse workplace, they could
also rationalize its deficits. In focusing on a cost-benefit analysis of diversity
efforts, as the business case implicitly does, any focus on remedying inequality
experienced by underrepresented groups can become obscured; diversity only
matters to the extent that it contributes to the bottom line.
In sum, these two approaches to diversity—the business case and the social
justice case—reflect different ways of framing the key focus of diversity efforts in
nonprofits. A business case perspective looks at individual differences, regards
these as positive, and presumes a positive impact of these differences, if appropri-
ately “managed,” on organizational performance and effectiveness. On the other
hand, a social justice perspective considers group (and intergroup) differences,
explicitly addresses power differentials, including differences in resource access
and distribution, with the goal of working towards reducing exclusion and
marginalization of disadvantaged groups. It is these group justice remedies that
are at the heart of the social justice case, as contrasted with the organizational
effectiveness remedies at the heart of the business case.
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the talents of all organizational members are effectively leveraged for mission
attainment and better organizational performance. Inclusive practices stand apart
from—but are also linked to—representational diversity efforts. While
representational diversity is preoccupied with increasing the numbers of staff,
volunteers, or board members from underrepresented (or underserved) groups,
inclusion concerns the ways in which diverse organizational members are
included in meaningful ways in the organization’s activities.
Roberson’s (2006) study’s first phase, examining the meanings attributed to
“diversity” and “inclusion,” found these to be distinct concepts. For example,
The study’s later confirmatory factor phase then found that several practices were
factors associated with both “diversity” and “inclusion,” such as equity/fairness,
organization and stakeholder representation, and diversity commitment. She
concludes that these findings suggest that organizational practice has perhaps
already moved more towards the inclusion aspect of diversity.
In nonprofit studies, inclusion has been the focus of an increasing number of
studies (cf., Bradshaw & Fredette, 2013; Brown, 2002; Fredette, Bradshaw, &
Krause, 2016). Such studies, however, have typically focused on nonprofit board
inclusion, rather than on organizational inclusiveness more broadly. These studies
suggest that while inclusive board practices are beneficial, their relationship to
representational diversity is not always clear cut.
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mandates that 51% of board members be residents who are eligible for the
nonprofit’s services. Another youth nonprofit had presentations by staff and
service recipients at every board meeting. The goal of such practices is to keep
the board in touch with the communities being served, and with their clients.
The implication of this finding from Brown (2002) is that boards can reflect
inclusive governance without being diverse in terms of race/ethnicity. In this
sense, though, one might argue that inclusive practices could lead to better
representational diversity as such practices could enhance the interest of individuals
from underrepresented groups in the nonprofit.
Further, increasingly fluid and complex individual and group identity dynamics
will impact diversity and inclusion success. For example, an increasingly multi-
cultural society means that more individuals are identifying as bi- or multiracial or
bi- or multicultural. What does this mean in terms of traditional ways of addressing
representational diversity? In organizations, accounting for the number of members
of traditionally underrepresented groups is more straightforward if individuals iden-
tify with a single group (e.g., African American/Black). But what if individuals
identify and African-American and European? What if someone identifies as a
“White Latino”? Who “counts”, and who gets to decide who counts? More point-
edly, what is it that the organization intends to demonstrate through its accounting
of representational diversity?
It is not only racial or ethnic identities that have become increasingly complex,
but likewise, many organizations struggle with how to address workplace issues
involving gender identity. Witness the dynamics surrounding North Carolina’s
HB2 law, the so-called “bathroom bill,” which requires transgender individuals in
schools and public buildings, including nonprofits, to use the restroom (and related
facilities like locker rooms) corresponding to the sex on their birth certificate. The
bill also bans LGBT antidiscrimination laws, such as the one that was passed by
the city of Charlotte. At the time of this writing, a U.S. district judge has temporarily
blocked three plaintiffs from having to follow NC’s HB2 law at the University of
North Carolina, meaning that for the time being, individuals can use the restroom
associated with their gender identity. The HR challenges here center in part on
what sort of HR policy, if any, should guide nonprofit policy around restroom
usage? Heightened rhetoric around fear for personal safety (i.e., transgender men
sharing a restroom with cisgender women) seems to advocate for HR ‘policing’ of
the restrooms. However, such a practice would not only be impractical, but also
undesirable from an inclusiveness view. Many organizations have addressed this
issue through structural changes (e.g., restructured restrooms, including not only
gender neutral restrooms but also private (sometimes called “family”) restrooms),
rather than through establishing new HR policy.
In previous research, with colleagues, I propose a values-focused approach to
diversity, wherein people’s inherent diversity is recognized as being fundamentally
valuable for the organization throughout all its activities (Weisinger, Borges-
Méndez, & Milofsky, 2016). Such an approach does not render representational
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Multiple Identities/Intersectionality
Traditional notions of representational diversity stem from the precepts of
affirmative action and EEO. However, these concepts do not adequately deal
with intersectional identities (Crenshaw, 1989). For example, a Black woman is
“counted” as African-American and counted as a woman for representational
diversity purposes, but the unique discrimination and implicit bias challenges
facing those with the intersectional identity of “Black woman” are obscured.
Thus, binary views of identity (e.g., male or female, Latino or European, able-
bodied or disabled) force individuals to choose between what they may feel are
equally salient aspects of their identity. If discussions of racial prejudice and
discrimination are now routinely ignored in organizations, the specific type faced
by those with intersectional identities is likely doubly ignored. Further, such
intersectionality requires nonprofit managers to have a more nuanced under-
standing of identities and their roles in the workplace. Similarly, issues related to
gender identity and gender fluidity call into question stereotypical ways of dealing
with “gender” in the workplace, that is, as a binary construct (he/she). The
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Note
1 A recent review of the empirical literature on diversity in nonprofit organizations can
be found in J. Weisinger, R. Borges-Méndez, & C. Milofsky (2015). “Diversity in the
Nonprofit Sector,” Editors’ Introduction to the Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly,
Special Issue on Diversity, 45(1), 3S–27S.
Discussion Questions
Answer the following questions using your own nonprofit organizational context
(or one with which you are very familiar):
1 How are diversity and inclusion defined within the context of your
organization?
2 Do you think the way these concepts are defined impacts how well your
organization advances its mission? Why or Why not?
3 What concrete HRM practices might be developed to enhance an embed-
ded diversity consciousness in your organization? That is, what can you do,
beyond the routine diversity and inclusion practices, to develop the recogni-
tion of difference as a value threaded throughout the organization’s work?
Web Resources
1 The Independent Sector has recently a launched an online portal featuring
curated content on diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI), including resources
to support effective DEI practice: www.independentsector.org/focus_areas/
diversity?s=dei%20
2 The Center for Association Leadership, ASAE, offers diversity and inclusion
resources at: www.asaecenter.org/resources/topics/diversity-and-inclusion
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19
Technology and Human
Resource Management in
Nonprofit Organizations
Jennifer A. Jones
Introduction
The landscape of technology, though complex, is one of the most important
trends a human resource leader in the nonprofit sector can follow. In fact, a recent
report by Society for Human Resource Management (SHRM, 2015) indicated
technology is one of two primary drivers of change in Human Resources (HR)
and that “continuous innovations in technology will fundamentally change the
way HR work is accomplished” (p. ii). More specifically, scholars have found that
technological innovations have had a notable impact on the processes of recruiting,
selecting, motivating, and retaining employees (Pynes, 2013; Stone, Deadrick,
Lukaszewski, & Johnson, 2015). For example, technological innovations are
expected to lessen the administrative burdens of Human Resources Management
(HRM) and to provide a method for leveraging information about the workforce.
Assistive technologies also allow greater access to the workplace for individuals
with disabilities (U.S. Department of Labor, 1999) and provide for workplace
flexibility in the form of telecommuting and virtual volunteering. There is,
of course, a shadow side to technology. Even the most advanced technological
systems bring issues such as software viruses, privacy concerns, and ergonomic
challenges, all of which have important implications for the management and
leadership of nonprofit organizations.
This chapter outlines a variety of the ways technological innovations have
changed the business of human resources. It exposes the reader to a broad swath
of research and, in particular, to the sorts of benefits and challenges technology
is likely to pose within the context of managing people in nonprofit organizations.
Technological innovations (and their ensuing challenges) may be of particular
interest to nonprofit leaders, many of whom operate with slim budgets and all
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technology and human resources, this chapter draws from research related to
for-profit companies and, where appropriate, makes suggestions as to how it may
be applicable to the nonprofit sector.
Recruiting
Technology has changed the way nonprofit organizations recruit employees and
volunteers, beginning with how opportunities are advertised. The printed—
and, often, expensive—newspaper advertisement has been replaced with online
ads that are often less expensive or, at times, free. These online ads can be posted
on newspapers and magazines as well as hiring sites such as Monster.com. There
are also a host of job and volunteer posting boards that specifically target nonprofit
organizations (e.g., Idealist and Volunteer Match). Community partners such as
colleges and universities may also distribute information about job or volunteer
opportunities via online posting boards, social media (e.g., LinkedIn groups), and
emails to members of their listserve. Many nonprofit organizations also post job
positions on their own website and social media sites, thus potentially attracting
passive job seekers who care about the organization.
In theory, the primary advantages of digital advertising are lower costs and the
ability to reach a broader, more diverse pool of applicants. The proof, however,
is not in the pudding. Online recruiting has increased the number of applicants
per position and, subsequently, increased the administrative and transaction costs
of hiring (Stone, Lukaszewski, & Isenhour, 2005). However, online recruiting
strategies have not attracted a higher quality pool of applicants nor have they
increased the general diversity of the applicants (Galanaki, 2002; McManus &
Ferguson, 2003). Many would-be applicants do not have the technological access
or sophistication necessary to conduct an effective online job search, despite a
marked growth in the use of the internet among adults in the United States
(from 54% in 2000 to 84% in 2015) (Perrin & Duggan, 2015). It is critical that
HR leaders bridge these gaps and make strategic efforts to reach a broader swath
of potential applicants.
Online recruiting is evolving. Thus far, it has been a one-way communication
process that, in most cases, does not allow potential applicants to interact with
or ask questions of the organization. This static communication style has been
said to “create an artificial distance between applicants and organizations” (Stone
et al., 2015, p. 218). Recently, HR departments have begun using social media
platforms such as LinkedIn to engage and develop relationships with potential
applicants. These strategies are markedly different from traditional one-way
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Interviewing
Technology has also been adopted during the screening process, including the use
of technology-mediated interviews such as video conferencing and telephone
interviews. The interview is an important event during which the interviewer is
able to assess candidates on job qualifications and other softer areas such as person-
ability in regard to organizational fit (Chuang & Sackett, 2005). There is consider-
able debate in the literature as to whether technology-mediated interviews can
adequately replace the in-person interview. For example, telephone conversations
tend to be less interactive and spontaneous than face-to-face conversations;
however, they can provide a sense of anonymity and help participants feel less
self-conscious (Sellen, 1995), which presumably would be appealing to some job
candidates.
Video conferencing also has its benefits and challenges. It can provide
important nonverbal cues, increase interactivity, and help participants discriminate
among speakers (Sellen, 1995); however, such interviews also pose problems of
their own. For example, participants in a series of experiments reported feeling
“distanced by the video systems and less a part of the conversation” (p. 430). It
is also likely that participants on a video call may look at the faces on the screen
instead of at the eye of the camera (often just above the screen). These participants
may believe they are making eye contact even though it would not appear as
such to their listeners. In fact, it could be perceived as though the participant was
avoiding eye contact or being evasive.
In short, it is hard to replicate face-to-face conversations. A study of 802 post-
interview job applicants selected via a university campus recruitment center indi-
cated that face-to-face interviews may be preferable to video or telephone interviews.
Specifically, “face-to-face interviews procured higher (a) perceptions of fairness
than telephone and videoconferencing, (b) perceived interview outcomes than
videoconferences, and (c) intentions to accept a job offer than telephone inter-
views” (Chapman, Uggerslev, & Webster, 2003, p. 950). It is recommended that,
before selecting an interview medium, an organization consider the financial and
staff time costs, industry norms, and the size of the qualified applicant pool.
Nonprofit leaders, in general, will want to carefully weigh the costs of face-to-face
interviewing. The costs, for example, may be particularly steep for organizations in
rural areas (such as a rural health center trying to recruit physicians) or organizations
conducting national executive searches; however, the short-term costs of in-person
interviewing may yield an overall lower hiring cost if the candidate, as research
suggests, is more likely to accept the job offer after an in-person visit.
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Selecting
Organizations may use a variety of technology-based tools to help determine
which potential applicant is the best fit for the position. These tools can range
from a simple test of an applicant’s computer skills to more complex assessments.
While many of these methods can offer insight into the candidate, there is the
possibility these may prematurely limit the pool of candidates. The results of
computer-based tests, for example, are affected by gender and racial differences
(Wallace & Clariana, 2005) and may reflect demographic variations in computer
ability (Perrin & Duggan, 2015) rather than variations in general ability or
aptitude. Research thus far has not conclusively indicated whether techno-
logical tools for applicant selection are effective in enabling employers to hire a
high-quality, diverse workforce (Stone et al., 2015).
HR professionals should proceed with caution when relying on technology-
based tools, and take care to interpret the results in light of other data gathered
about the candidate throughout the interview process. In the end, assessment
tools might provide more insight about the retention and continued motivation
of employees than objective evidence about who should or should not be hired.
For example, a nonprofit leader might ascertain through an interview that a
potential employee is bright and hard-working, but computer-based tests reveal
this person is not as proficient in Microsoft Excel as the organization would like.
This person might be hired with the understanding that they will be trained in
Excel and their performance measured over time.
Performance management
Many companies are using electronic performance management systems (e-PM)
to measure employee performance and provide feedback (Hedge & Borman,
1995; Sierra-Cedar, 2015; Sulsky & Keown, 1998). Such systems can track
employee performance, monitor employee activity, record formal and informal
feedback, and prompt managers to meet with employees as needed (Stone et al.,
2015). These systems have the potential to make the evaluation process more
efficient and cost-effective (at least for larger organizations), and can be particularly
helpful for organizing feedback from multiple stakeholders (see, for example,
Bartram, 2004; Bracken, Summers, & Fleenor, 1998).
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Compensation
Many HR departments have adopted e-Compensation systems, which automate
payroll and compensation planning, and employee self-service systems (ESS),
which allow employees to process routine transactions (such as changing their
address or enrolling in benefits) via a web-based system. These systems have been
called the “biggest development” in regard to HR technology (Walker, 2001a).
They are designed to decrease costs (Gherson & Jackson, 2001) and decrease
error (American Payroll Association’s 2010 report, as cited in Inc.com 2014).
Such systems also “relieve the organization’s HR personnel of routine tasks, and
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In short, the old job becomes a new job when new technology and technology-
related training is added. This would likely have implications for job satisfaction.
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phenomenon. New opportunities and new risks are emerging almost daily, and
these new risks can potentially render yesterday’s policy obsolete.
There is some debate about which department should be responsible for
crafting social media policies. A recent study by SHRM (as cited in Leonard,
2012) indicated that an organization’s social media policies are often written by
one department (e.g., human resources, information technology, senior leadership,
or marketing). This process can be problematic, as each department is likely to
have its own internal logic and may not fully understand the needs and/or goals
of another. For example, a legal department and a communications department
may have very different approaches to social media. Additionally, the social
media landscape is evolving rapidly and no policy can adequately address risks
that have yet to emerge. Therefore, a team-based approach to developing social
media policies may be a better way: (1) to ensure the policies are appropriate for
the entire organization; (2) to obtain employee buy-in; and (3) to offer a learning
environment that develops staff capacities—individually and as a team—to
respond to emergent risk (Jones, 2015).
While social media policies may be one of the more complex policies that a
nonprofit develops, there is some good news. For many years, nonprofit
organizations have operated without the guidance or best practices related to
social media policies (see, for example, Hymen, Luks, & Sechrest, 2011). In
recent years, however, such guidance is beginning to emerge. Consultants and
industry support organizations have developed workbooks and templates to
guide practitioners (for example, Idealware, 2012; Jones, 2012b, February 9).
Also, scholars and legal experts are (slowly!) producing material that is also
helpful, albeit somewhat less digestible (for example, Cohen, 2013; Jones,
2015b). The challenge for nonprofit organizations is to make sense of both
academic and practitioner recommendations in light of their own unique
circumstances (e.g., risk tolerance, employee expertise, and specific mission) and,
also, to recognize that a social media policy must be reviewed and revised on a
regular basis.
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concludes with three questions an HR leader might ask themselves and their team.
These questions are based on the research presented earlier in the chapter and are
designed to help the HR leader to identify and mitigate at least some of the
challenges posed by technology.
• Strategic Alignment [It] must help users in a way that supports the goals of the
business.
• Business Intelligence [It] must provide users with relevant information and
data, answer questions, and inspire new insights and learning.
• Efficiency and Effectiveness [It] must change the work performed by the Human
Resources personnel by dramatically improving their level of service,
allowing more time for work of higher value, and reducing their costs
(pp. 3–4).
Leadership in Implementation
It has been suggested an effective way to implement HR-related technology is
through the lens of change management (Sierra-Cedar, 2015). The change
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management model was introduced by Julien Phillips (1983) and includes three
critical components: a new strategic vision, new organizational skills, and
political support. In regard to HRM and technology, the first component, a new
vision, is best addressed when HR leaders frame their work in relationship
to organizational goals. For example, technological improvements in the
employee hiring and/or training processes would logically lead to improved
employee retention which, in turn, allows the organization to focus more dollars
on programmatic goals. Or, alternatively, employee training in technology
may lead to improved job performance: Training employees in electronic
health records, for example, may be costly but it may improve the quality of
service provided (and, not inconsequently, the organization’s billing efficiency).
The importance of this connection between HR and the organization’s goals
cannot be understated.
The second component, new organizational skills, includes on-the-job train-
ing, changes in job functions, and the hiring of new positions. These concepts
were the focus of much of the research presented in the first half of the chapter,
and it became evident that information technology has changed the nature of a
number of positions. As Saidel and Cour (2003) found, “it appears everyone in
the labor force, regardless of hierarchical level, must now be more of a techni-
cian” (p. 12). Changes in job functions extend even into the realm of HRM. It
is increasingly important that HR staff members have a good understanding of
technology (SHRM, 2015). As a representative from one of the nation’s leading
HR consulting firms indicated, “HR professionals must develop a proficiency in
broad HR applications and their potential delivery systems. They must be able
to apply this knowledge to the business-planning process” (p. 5). HR leaders,
therefore, must think broadly about the range and types of organizational skills
needed to execute their vision, including the skills needed within the HR
department.
The final component, political support, is crucial. Research in change manage-
ment and, also, in the implementation of HR technology suggests it is critical
that HR leaders garner internal support at all levels. This includes involving
employees and, where applicable, volunteers in the process. For example, scholars
Konradt, Christophersen, and Shaeffer-Kuelz (2006) suggest that the involvement
of the employees in the planning process should be an essential component of
the project, for example by conducting interviews, performing work-flow and
working environment analysis, and collecting ideas based on paper prototypes.
During the roll out phase, employees should be informed about the project by
running an internal marketing campaign (p. 1150).
Additionally, HR leaders can involve employees in the implementation of
technology by developing inter-departmental teams, such as those developed to
create social media policies (Jones, 2015). Different organizations will require
different strategies for pursuing political support but, in general, process of
developing internal buy-in is critical for all HR leaders seeking to implement
new technologies.
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Question #1: How Does This Technology Affect Our Staff and
Volunteers?
Nonprofit HR departments are unique in that they often work with both paid
and unpaid staff. The implementation of any technological innovation must be
considered from the perspective of both groups. Employees may have little
choice and many will adapt to whatever technological system the organization
adopts; however, volunteers can more easily vote with their feet. Each organization
will have to assess their particular team and their current (and future) human
resources needs to determine the most appropriate role for technology.
Question #2: What Are the Implications for the Quality and Diversity
of Our Workforce?
Research indicates that technology may have important and, sometimes,
unfortunate implications for quality and diversity (McManus & Ferguson, 2003;
Stone et al., 2015). For example, some seasoned medical providers may retire
early rather than learn new technologies or highly skilled individuals may not see
a job application that is only distributed electronically. Additionally, internet-
based recruiting may yield a candidate pool more likely to contain “job-hoppers”
than traditional recruiting methods (McManus & Ferguson, 2003). Nonprofit
HR leaders should take care to know their particular community and develop
appropriate strategies by, for example, broadening where an organization posts
paid and volunteer positions. This does not have to be a time-consuming task.
Nonprofits with smaller HR departments can ask a volunteer to develop a wide
distribution list of media outlets (e.g., community colleges, and ethnic, cultural,
and religious publications) and gathering places (e.g., community centers,
advocacy groups), and can share that list with HR departments in other small
nonprofits.
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Conclusion
Like rocks skipping on water, this chapter has touched upon a number of different
ways HRM has been and will continue to be impacted by technology. The
first half of this chapter presented a broad swath of research on how technology
affects core HRM functions such as recruiting, hiring, retaining, and motivating
employees. It also looked at the influence of technology on position descriptions,
namely that technology has eliminated now obsolete positions, changed—at least
in part—the nature of almost all positions, and created new job classifications.
Additionally, the first half of the chapter discussed the HR-related challenges
posed by social media. In looking at the research, two things became increasingly
clear: Technology is having a profound impact on the functions of human
resources, and technological innovation is rapidly posing new challenges.
The second half of the chapter reflected upon the first half and asked, “What
now?” It argued that the implementation of technology is, at its core, an issue
of strategic leadership that must be carefully orchestrated. Successful leaders will
steward all three aspects of Phillip’s (1983) change management model: vision,
skills, and political support. Appropriate and effective technological innovations
can improve job satisfaction, employee productivity, and, also, offer unique
professional development opportunities to all involved.
Discussion Questions
1 There are many different ways technology can be used in human resource
management. Do some stand out to you as more important than others?
Why?
2 Some researchers suggest that external social media platforms (e.g., Twitter,
LinkedIn) can be used to develop relationships with job candidates and, simi-
larly, that internal social media platforms can be used to develop relationships
between supervisors and supervisees. How could this be accomplished, and
what challenges may arise when pursuing such a strategy?
3 It is often difficult to secure funding for nonprofit administrative expenses.
How could an HR leader best position their ideas so that the implementation
of technology becomes attractive to the CEO and/or to funders?
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Toward a Research Agenda for
Nonprofit Human Resource
Management
Work is about a search for daily meaning as well as daily bread, for recognition as
well as cash, for astonishment rather than torpor; in short, for a sort of life rather
than a Monday through Friday sort of dying.
(Studs Terkel)
Introduction
One of the most challenging and rewarding parts of many people’s lives is the
work they do. While we work to put food on the table, we also work to achieve
personal satisfaction and, in the case of those who work in nonprofit organiz-
ations, make a difference in the world, to know we have had an impact. This
book approaches work and the management of it in the nonprofit sector from the
belief that work is important and critical to individuals, organizations, and the
communities they serve. The importance of work in the nonprofit sector is related
to the nature of the sector itself. The nonprofit sector more than any other sector
is concerned with the “commons” or the things we share and do together as
a society apart from pure market rationality (Lohmann, 1992). Work for many in
the nonprofit sector is about more than simply performing a job to receive a wage.
The aim of this book and much of the scholarship discussed in this volume seeks
to improve the ability of organizations to retain, motivate, and engage employees,
but also to assure work in the nonprofit sector serves a broader purpose and is
meaningful for the employees, nonprofits and the communities they serve.
This volume has attempted to capture the state of the field in terms of the
research on human resource management (HRM) concerning the nonprofit sector.
As many of the authors have stated, much of the information and research available
is limited and in the beginning stages of development. We still have work to do as
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Conclusion
sector choice, which suggests early career experiences and preferences shape
where an employee will work throughout their career (Tschirhart, Reed,
Freeman, & Anker, 2008). This highlights the need to act quickly to improve
human resource management and compensation for nonprofit workers or face
long-term deficits in the ability of nonprofit organizations to compete especially
as older workers the sector retire (Landis-Cobb, Kramer, & Milway, 2015). If
the nonprofit sector is to deliver on the promise of the growth of the last
40 years, the sector needs to take steps to professionalize how its workers are
managed, including the smallest, grass-roots nonprofits, to ensure that those who
choose to work in the nonprofit sector will not leave to pursue their careers
elsewhere.
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Many of the existing data resources stem from data collected by a few government
sources including: the federal Internal Revenue Service, state-level data available
from State Attorney Generals and Secretaries of state, the federal Department of
Labors Bureau of Labor Statistics data, and other archival data sources. The use
of these data sets poses challenges for all nonprofit researchers since these data
sets were designed for administrative purposes and not for research purposes.
This means data must be collected by individual researchers with limited ability
to create random samples to gain a representative sample of nonprofits or their
employees. Progress is being made in this area (see the work of the Center on
Nonprofits and Philanthropy of the Urban Institute and GuideStar), but gathering
systematic data on management in the nonprofit sector is a Herculean task.
Additionally, further complications with these data sources ensue because of
the failure of many data sources to have specific categories or coding for nonprofit
organizations. For example, the Bureau of Labor Statistics collects data on employ-
ers through the Quarterly Census of Employment and Wages, which includes
most employers in the United States. However, the data is designed to look
at employment by industrial classification and does not include coding of organi-
zation by type, so both nonprofit and for-profit hospitals fall under the same
category within the data. The only way to then identify nonprofit organizations
in this data set is to match the data to IRS data sets, which are often somewhat
dated by the time they are released. This means the research and analysis into the
management of human resources by nonprofit organizations are likely missing
many newer and smaller organizations.
Additional issues are faced in creating information relevant for researchers
and practitioners across the entire nonprofit sector. The diversity of the nonprofit
sector has long been a challenge for nonprofit researchers. We are not just
comparing apples and oranges in the nonprofit sector—we are examining the
whole fruit basket. As discussed above and in Chapter 3 by John C. Ronquillo,
Annie Miller, and Ida Drury, most of the organizations in the nonprofit sector
are relatively small, creating an issue in terms of the availability of data and the
collection of new data from organizations that represent the sector as a whole.
In particular, one of the challenges is collecting data from these smaller nonprofit
organizations, which tend to respond at a lower rate to surveys or are simply
excluded from data collection (Hager, Wilson, Polack, & Rooney, 2003).
In part, small organizations are often excluded because of the limited availability
of data on these organizations from the IRS. Organizations with gross receipts
less than $200,000 and assets below $500,000 are only required to file a 990 EZ
and organizations with less than $50,000 in gross receipts are only required to
file the 990-N or E-postcard, both of which contain fewer data fields afforded
for research. The limited data on small organizations makes it more difficult to
research management issues that challenge newer and smaller organizations.
These include areas examined in this book such as training and development as
explored by Toby Eagan in Chapter 13 and recruitment and selection challenges
for small organizations as raised by Rikki Abzug in Chapter 6.
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Another limitation of the use of the 990 for the study of human resources in
the nonprofit sector is the very small amount of information it contains that
pertains to management and employment. Currently, the form only collects data
on “key employees” or those making in excess of $150,000 in compensation
annually. Since this excludes most nonprofit employees, the IRS 990 form is
usually just the starting point to identify organizations for researchers interested
in nonprofit HRM issues. Even as a starting point it limits the ability of nonprofit
researchers to select organizations based upon number of employees for sampling.
Limitations in this data make it more difficult to answer questions raised in
Chapter 9 by Sally Selden as to how well nonprofits examine their compensation
practices, whether they consider questions of equity in setting their salaries and
whether they adopt compensation practices designed to promote high performance
in their nonprofits.
The lack of consistent data sources also makes it difficult to study organizations
over longer time frames. As the nonprofit sector grows in importance and pro-
fessionalization, we need to understand the dynamics behind this growth for
HRM and ensure it follows a productive path. While a great deal of social science
research employs cross-sectional data analysis, this approach limits the ability of
researchers to more fully examine the causal mechanisms between human
resource issues and other outcomes of interest such as organizational performance
or outcomes in the community. For example, a recent work by Erin Melton and
Kenneth Meier (2016) used multi-year data to examine the link between public
sector human resource functions and organizational performance. Their analysis
focuses on outcomes for public schools and found that the size and scope of the
HRM function needed to change as the goals of the particular school district
changed. The type of nuance demonstrated in this analysis would not have
been possible had it not been for multi-year data. We need to be able to apply
similar analysis techniques as the nonprofit sector grows and changes. This
analysis not only demonstrates the need for multi-year data but also the need to
examine models that avoid one size fits all approaches to the study of HRM,
models that can be tailored to particular nonprofit contexts, such as those
discussed by Hans-Gerd Ridder and Alina McCandless Baluch in Chapter 5 and
Jeffrey Brudney and Hayley Sink in Chapter 12. Small organizations and those
heavily reliant on volunteers will likely need models that adapt to their needs,
goals, and available resources. However, knowing that to be true and showing
it are two different things—we need more longitudinal data to make the case for
investing in nonprofit HRM capacity to foster its growth and professionalization.
One of the unique challenges of examining the impact of HRM on nonprofit
success is the difficulty in defining and measuring successful outcomes because
of the abstract nature of nonprofit missions (Sawhill & Williamson, 2001). This
lack of a universal measure for successful outcomes makes examining the impact
of HRM across organizations more challenging. As noted by Marlene Walk and
Troy Kennedy in Chapter 14, human resource management and performance
appraisal are meant to contribute to the overall success of organizations. However,
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Jessica K. A. Word and Jessica E. Sowa
the limited ability to examine the impact of performance appraisals and other
HRM strategies across organizational settings and missions limits the ability of
scholars to examine their role in the success of organizations. Walk and Kennedy
further point to the need to be cautious in the adaptation of performance appraisal
research to both practice and scholarship on nonprofits since ultimately these
organizations have different aims.
Chapter 2 by Beth Gazely, Chapter 8 by Heather Carpenter, and Chapter 11
by Kunle Akingbola all point to the need for additional research about how best
for managers to balance the competing needs of organizations while at the same
time engaging, motivating, and retaining their employees. These challenges are
heightened by resource constraints on nonprofit overhead and the pressure to “do
more with less” often present in the sector (Lecy & Searing, 2015). However,
this focus on doing more with less often limits the ability to effectively manage
nonprofits and forces organizations to cut corners in terms of the management
and development of employees. While in the short term these trade-offs may lead
to cost savings, these savings are likely unsustainable and can impact both the
quality of the work done and the ability to maintain and engage employees.
The challenge for researchers is to demonstrate the link between these trade-offs
in terms of employee engagement and retention and the quality of outcomes for
the sector and communities.
A key issue in HRM across sectors is how best to manage diverse staff in an
organization. In Chapter 18, Judith Y. Weisinger explored the issue of diversity
not just from the traditional frame of representation of diverse groups but also
drawing upon perspectives in social justice, power and identity dynamics, and
interest conflicts. Examining diversity from this perspective challenges researchers
and practitioners to think of diversity and inclusion in new ways that engages the
culture of our organizations. The challenge to rethink diversity in the sector also
presents new research challenges where scholars must think beyond traditional
examinations of looking at head counts in terms of diverse groups and instead
investigate the changes diversity brings to organizations for the betterment of staff
and the organization.
The examination of the unique qualities of staffing for international NGOs
by Carrie Oelberger, Anne-Meike Fechter, and Ishbel McWha-Hermann in
Chapter 17 also point to trade-off and difficulties in managing diverse paid staff
in an international setting. This examination points to how different employee
expectations and cultural differences can shape the nature of the relationships
between NGOs and employees. Their work points to a need to better understand
the challenges involved in cross-national staffs and the ethical issues such as equity
and staff safety inherent in such endeavors.
In Chapter 7, Yeonsoo Kim’s examination of succession planning for nonprofit
organizations points to the need to better investigate models of succession planning
and management suited to the nonprofit setting. As often pointed out, the smaller
size of nonprofits limits the resources that these organizations have to devote to
such efforts and the attention and resources staff can devote to these efforts.
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Jessica K. A. Word and Jessica E. Sowa
missions of nonprofit organizations. Failure to fully employ the resources and poten-
tial of staff means further losing ground in terms of addressing society’s most pressing
issues and allowing for continued suffering and struggle for the most vulnerable in
our communities. It means the important work of nonprofits may be less effective
than it could be, more costly in terms of time and money, and ultimately could lead
many to lose faith in the sector to provide answers and services. It could mean the
loss of valuable talent needed to find new paths forward in the nonprofit sector as
those employees go elsewhere in search of meaningful work and supportive
workplaces.
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Index
Please note that page references to non-textual content such as Figures will be followed by
the letter “f ” in italics, whereas those for Tables will be followed by the letter “t”. References
to Notes will contain the letter “n” followed by the Note number, while references to Web
Resources will contain the letter “w”. “HRM” stands for “Human Resource Management”,
while “HR” represents “human resources”.
Abzug, Rikki 88, 91, 93, 364 American Express Nonprofit Leadership
Acceleration Pool Model 106, 108, 109f Academy 135–6
Accenture (consulting firm) 198 American Postal Workers Union (APWU)
accountability, nonprofit: implications of 180
nonprofit sectoral theories for 22–3; American Red Cross 20, 224; see also Red
paradox of accountability 22 Cross
action learning 234 American Society for Healthcare Human
activist accommodating learning style 237 Resources Administration (ASHHRA)
Adams, Stacy 146 180
ADDIE (Assessment, Design, Develop, American Society for Training and
Implement and Evaluate) approach Development (Association for Talent
239–40, 241f Development) 225
administrative costs 6 Americans with Disability Act (ADA) 64
adult learning 234–5 Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) 158t
AFL-CIO 177 andragogy 234–5
Aguinis, H. 264 Anheier, H. K. 25
Agut, S. 192 anti-discrimination laws 46, 54–5, 330
Air Force manual, US 240 Appleby, Roslyn 297
Akingbola, Kunle 9, 74, 199, 250, 252, appraisals, performance 9; individual
280, 366 perceptions towards 259, 262; as key
Allen, W. C. 240 component of performance management
Amarante, Eric Franklin 8 252; purpose 256–7; recommendation
amateurism, philanthropic 19 for regular reviews 60; strategic function
American Express Foundation 133 within performance management 251;
American Express NGEN fellowship 133 see also performance management
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